^ 



THE OLD YELLOW BOOK 

It 
SOURCE OF BROWNING'S 

THE RING AND THE BOOK 

IN COMPLETE PHOTO-REPRODUCTION 

WITH 

TRANSLATION, ESSAY, AND NOTES 



BY 

Charles W. Hodell 

t 

SECOND EDITION 




PUBLISHEU BY THE 

Carnegie Institution of Washington 
July, 1908 



■^ 






CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON 
Publication No. 89 



C-iii 
Inatitutl. ; 



<t9(! £or6 (^afttmorc (preeo 

BALTIMORE, MD., U. 8. A. 



GENERAL PREFACE. 

The present volume has grown from an interest in The 
Ring and the Book, originating years ago in the instruction of 
Professor Hiram Corson. Under his direction I undertook a 
more intensive study of the spiritual significance of the poem, 
and embodied the result in my thesis for the doctorate, printed 
in 1894. The throbbing reality of the Franceschini tragedy 
in the poem raised persistent questioning. How far was it 
historical fact, how far the imagination of the poet? What 
were the contents of the book, so vividly described by the 
poet? Fleeting glimpses of the volume in two subsequent 
visits to England only served to strengthen my purpose to 
know Browning's Book in detail. Later on, by the courtesy 
of Balliol College, I was accorded the privilege of free access 
to the poet's treasure-trove. The significance of the mastery 
of Robert Browning and the vital humanity of his great work 
have grown upon me with each year of this study. I trust 
that this volume may have something of the same effect upon 
others, and I feel that it is an important document in any 
future elaboration of the theory of creative genius in literature. 

When it became apparent that the work, if published 
with due completeness, must be issued by a subsidized press, 
I turned to the Carnegie Institution of Washington. The 
generous interest of its officers has enabled me to plan and 
execute the work without abridgment, and I am indebted to 
them for unceasing courtesies and assistance in bringing the 
book to its present issue. 

As the book might be approached from various points of 
view, my purpose in publishing should be definitely stated. 
It is not to present a study of medieval criminal jurisprudence, 
though I have reason to believe that the book contains much 
to repay a student in this field; I have accordingly left without 
explanation all matters of this nature. Nor is the purpose to 
elucidate the fact of the Franceschini murder as a matter of 

(3) 



history; for the crime, as history, is of Httle value, and evidence 
in the case is but fragmentary. Stricter search of the archives 
in Arezzo and Rome than Browning could make might reveal 
further facts, but could not forward the purpose of the present 
volume. Nor is the purpose linguistic — to study the crabbed 
Latinity and the colloquial Italian of the volume. I have 
therefore felt that no glossary was needed, and have omitted 
etymological and philological annotation. Nor is the purpose 
to make a literary study of The Ring and the Book. Much that 
is most interesting and most vital in the poem has necessarily 
been excluded. Still further, although this volume is a 
source-study it does not present a theory of sources or a study 
of the more general aspects of the play of creative mind upon 
raw material. Certain obiter dicta of this kind have found 
natural place in the essay, but I have felt that there was no 
place for a full discussion of the general theory of sources. 

But the present work has been designed primarily to place 
side by side the crude raw material of the Old Yellow Book 
and the completed art-product. The Ring and the Book, in illus- 
tration of the play of the creative mind of Robert Browning 
in this stupendous work of imagination — one of the most 
potent and masterful creative undertakings in English poetry 
since Shakespeare. Whatever makes clearer Browning's use 
of his material has had a place in the editing of the volume. 
All else is purely subsidiary, if not extraneous. The final out- 
come, it is hoped, will be to set in a truer light the mastership 
of Browning. 

The plan of the volume has grown deliberately from the 
material before the editor, in his endeavor to present fully this 
extensive poem side by side with its equally extensive source- 
book, and yet to keep the volume as lucid and as easily usable 
as possible. 

Of first importance is the reproduction of the Book itself, 
to secure the scholarly world against the possible destruction 
of the unique copy in the library of Balliol College. Photo- 
reproduction was determined upon as most accurate and most 
interesting, even though it displayed the numerous typo- 
graphical faults of the original. Certain defects due to creases 

(4) 



in the pages of the Book had to be cut in by hand; these are 
in no case conjectural emendations, but are corrections of a 
mechanical fault in the old pages. The old ink leaf-number- 
ings in the upper right-hand corner have been clipped in 
photographing and are supplanted by the more convenient 
page-numberings in Roman at the bottom of the page. 

A full translation is then included as a matter of con- 
venience, and its principles are more fully set forth in a 
separate translator's preface. 

After these two, follows an essay for the general reader 
and student, who wishes the whole study gathered together 
in readable form. It is the chief portion of the Book for 
many a reader of the poem and is therefore made the fuller in 
its scope. On the other hand, the writer has tried to restrict 
himself to his own limited aspect of the work in hand, barring 
himself from many an inviting line of thought concerning 
other phases of the masterpiece. 

The question of annotation was one of the most important 
in the volume, because of the intricacy and extensiveness of 
the cross-referencing from such a poem to such a book; for 
any given fact may be repeated a score of times in book and 
poem. It therefore seemed best to gather all the annotations 
in a corpus of topical notes and to refer thereto by superior 
figures. To the casual reader the annotation may at points 
seem trivial, but the important truth of the study often finds 
best illustration in a multitude of such petty details. The 
subdivision of a larger subject among many notes has often 
been necessitated by the plan of cross-referencing; and the 
disadvantages therein are overcome by arranging the notes in 
groups, so that all annotations on the same or kindred subjects 
will fall together as far as possible. The use of these notes 
has been facilitated by the line and subject indexes subjoined. 

In the course of so protracted a study, I must acknowledge 
many a helping hand. To my master. Professor Hiram Corson 
of the Cornell University, I owe not merely my original 
interest in the poem, but many years of subsequent counsel 
and support. The officers of Balliol College have never stinted 
their endeavor to assist me in making my work as complete as 

(5) 



possible. Professors Joseph S. Shefloe, Hans Froelicher, and 
William H. Hopkins of my own institution, Professor Eustace 
Shaw of Johns Hopkins University, and Professor Edwin Post 
of DePauw University have afiforded me invaluable counsel in 
my labor of translation. The officers of the Peabody Library 
of Baltimore have aided me at every point with the treasures 
of that institution. I must also acknowledge the personal 
interest and encouragement of President D. C. Oilman and 
Professor J. W. Bright. 

Charles W. Hodell. 

The Woman's College of Baltimore, 
March 20, 1908. 



EDITOR'S NOTE CONCERNING THE SECOND 

EDITION. 

The first edition of the Old Yellow Book has been exhausted. 
In preparing a second edition the original plates have been used 
with only a few modifications. After full consideration it has 
seemed inexpedient to extend the annotations. Some typo- 
graphical errors which appeared in the first edition have been 
corrected ; and on page 346 there has been added a list of 
such personal names occurring in the book and pamphlet as 
Browning used in his poem, together with a record of the order 
of events of the case. 

Charles W. Hodell. 
Baltimore, December 11, 191S. 



(6) 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 

Pages 

The Old Yellow Book i-cclxii 

Translation of the Old Yellow Book 1-206 

Translation of the Secondary Source 207-213 

Translation of the Casanatense Version of the Franceschini Murder. . 215-225 
The Making of a Great Poem — an Essay on the Relationship of Book 

and Poem 227-291 

Corpus of Topical Notes 293-338 

Line-index to Notes 339-342 

Subject-index 343-34S 



DESCRIPTION OF PLATES 

Portrait of Robert Browning, now hanging in Balliol Commons, Oxford. 
Painted by R. Barrett Browning in 1883. The Poet holds the Old 
Yellow Book in his hand, and is clad in his robes as honorary fellow.^" 

Franceschini coat of arms." A rude water-color sent to the Poet by Barone 
Kirkup and pasted on the front inside cover of the Old Yellow Book. 

Portrait of Guido Franceschini. A pen-sketch made on a loose sheet shortly 
before the execution of the Murderer. Bought among a bundle of 
miscellaneous papers in London, and sent by the finder to the Poet.'° 

The Death Record of Pompilia in the register of San Lorenzo in Lucina." 



/ 



(7) 



The Old Yellow Book. 



Do you see this square old yellow Book, I toss 
r the air, and catch again, and twirl about 
By the crumpled vellum co\ers, — pure crude fact 
Secreted from man's life when hearts beat hard, 

And brains, high-blooded, ticked two centuries since? 

* * * 

Small-quarto size, part print part manuscript: 

A book in shape but, really, pure crude fact 

* * * 

Give it me back ! The thing's restorative 

r the touch and sight. 

* * * 

Here is it all i' the book at last, as first 

There it was all i' the heads and hearts of Rome 

* * * 

truth thus grasped and gained, — 
The book was shut and done with and laid by 



The unique collection of pan^phlet., r';l<^';,^™",li^"i 
called the "old yellow book," now rests >n B^' -^C°ll ge 
Library, Oxford. This first reproducnon of it has been 
made bV the Columbia Planograph Company of W ash- 
Tngton from photographic plates taken by the Clarendon 
Press, Oxford. 



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Antlno^ & iuoi Slca^ru JlatL 
altl rnorlri in Roma ^'/ai/i(X, 

CMfrifTiO con la. cucoltaWjne £7aitrJ 
Oun/Ofd' at *j^orca^ 

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^ji4%rM)f T^M-f/a^t^J /a^^-^-^^ M^a-rieA^ eJ-^/ryf/t'T^ J a^^^L^i^itife. 




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[vin] 



Romana Homicidiorum. 
IJl- , &c Reur Dne . N "^^ ^^ 

nus Guido Francifchiai nobih" genet e ortus Fraocilcs Pom- 
piliar>qua(n PetroS]& Viohntes Coaiuges eoruascflcfiliam 
ctianiincaiinenti DignJcatcconftitutoalTerueranrj Sc btcat 
tempore addu^a Aretium Viri Patfiara vfia cum cius Pfeudo 
Genirofibus cohibf'ta fait liberioreoi viraoi ducere, quamuls 
pTXtcxtii ltctiUtav<i inuifamfuitre couimenta fltsvt non oblcu- 
rcdcpromitur ex cius dcpofi{ion!;.M procirfu tagx > a?grcfe- 
rcntihus ipfa , 5c Coniugibus afTuefani viuendi Libertarem_a 
£bi denegan , inflillaruot Pueilae, vc conqucrerccur corim^ 
Reuerendiiltmo Epifcopo >c]uoJ ibi faerat propmatum Ve- 
nenum a LeuirO) & ina^a dircedusConiugum , qui ad Vr- 
bem reuerfuri crane, dctcrriaia fuafionc infufTurarunt , ircd 
in vina obedientis prarcepcrunr, vt proprium Virunn occidc- 
ret jCognatum, & focrum Vencaoperderec, & Oomum ia- 
ccndioconflagraret , ac cx inde ( poft taraen coruna diCccf- 
fura , ne viderentur oialum dedifTe Consilium) ope AmaH/ 
cligcndi mjedicatam fugam vcrfus Vrbem ad cfFeduna pcrdu- 
ce(eC) vt exvnaex cios EpiHolis ia eodeai Proceffu cJare 
elicJtur. 

DomurnreuerG falfi GenitorcSjdccIaraado FranciTcam nonj 
foilTeabcis geniraojifed cooctptamex incerto parte per vi- 
lidlmam Lotitcem , inflicuerunt (udiciumcoiaai A.C Tho- 
macofupernullicate confticutionis Ootis . 

Decrefccntein dicscharicate Francifcaj ineius Viriiiin,&aa- 
gcnte fc Amore tn qucrndam Eccleda/licum > Res eo perdu- 
da eft, vt ftatafa no<ilc, qui fotnno Vir opprimebitur , vti- 
ndcn noa data opera, &inedicaiiincexrerno nou procuratol 
fogam c Doaio Viri noo 6nc paicuniarum furro , & in focle- 
tatceiufdem Amafij Romara pctcndo aggre^afit; majftifll- 
roo Viroinfequentc oon procul ab Vrbefuitcarccrata , con- 
Oru<3oque ioterim ProccflTu , AtDafius pro Adulterio fuit iio 
Ciuitafe Vctuia rclcgatus, & ipu in Conferuatono depofica, 
fed vrgcntc VteroprjcgQantead Dotnum Petri » & Violantis 
regrcfTapartum > vtinam non conceptual Adulccrioo coitu , 
enix«)efi,quod vcrecundiam , & dolotem auxic ia viro> & ira 

A dik 



[IX] 



diu excitafaadcdpcrcfeuitsVtvndiqtieammifTo honorc apud 
probos viros ia ludibrium dlgka odctjderecur > prscipue soj 
patrlai vbi ingenuis hominibus fummoperc cordi eft bon.-o 
«xiftimatioi Quo circa U-.iin uirorem i dolor in defperatio- 
nem ita infehccm virum adegcrunt , vt facfus ducenj mori , 
quam inter honcfios 'gnominiose vluere » obcarcata mentcj 
iter ariipuit ad Vrbem quatuor ioc'ijs feptus > & node fecuti- 
da labencis mcofis lanuarij fpcciedandi littcracn Araaij) Re- 
legati properslis prKtersdifuradJlloruoi Doajuaij cuius la- 
naa palefadlaad nomen Rckgati ? jugulafTe Vioianrem i & 
Pctrums & confodiOc Francifcam tot vuineribusj vt pofi pMii- 
cos dies obieric . 

Eadetn defp^rationc durante i!npfouiduS)& habcs animus mo- 
dura fe Jntutum ponend: noa fuggefifioi'ed ijfdera Hotnini* 
bus fiipatus per viaoi confsilaremEetflo tramits ad pstriairu 
reuerfursis in ftragolo quicfcens in quadaoi Caupona ab Ja» 
fequcnribus Bsrriiarijs cuia iocijs earcctatus rcmaoTit. 

Magnuui quidera facinus > fed majiirnopcre commireraadufflLj > 
& excurationcdignifEmum^coi r^ucriiHnije leges indulgent* 
& mitJITiaje fe gerant ergi Mariros notam Iniatnis dclenres 
fanguinc adulterarurnVsorUfn l.Si Adtdte^ium cum incAftu j8 
%dm^sratdrfs ff. ad Ug. \uL di Adutier.l. Marito i^.Jf.sod. Ug, 
Gracchus Ccfid.hg. I. §. fin.^.tdhg.Cortifl.Je SjcarJ.Si qe/s ia 
graui ^. §.S* i&men Mantus^.ad Syilaa. (lar.§. Ho>Tnctdtafii~* 
tiutfi.^g.Giurh. coi>f$6^ Kut/j.g.BfrIu^,pra^. ionciuf. §.4.ftf«- 
chf.2'j.fium,i^ti Caball. refsL crim. ca/.^oo, nam.^.Farsgacc. 

Quod idem fancuum fueraj in Icgibos AthsnieQi^umi , & folo- 
nis s hoc ed fapieorifsimorum Lcgisiatorusn $ & quod fnagis 
eft in iUo rudi feculo RomuH ieg^ i j. ibi — Adttltsrij conuu 
clam vir ^^ Cognativti '^jolexi ntcarfte — ycrcfcfiibs S^s/- 
^jjfw. PiccerdJa %.item lex lulia dt Adithiriis fium. 5. IttjUf. de 
fuhlicAudtC' & i\mi\\itx ia i(gii>us xt. T^huU-t vt rcfeft AhL 
Qtll. nocL A^' lib. 10. c&p^ 2^.7'iraquelL ad Ug- Connul;.. 15, 

priac.& nttm.i.y Amefcaadfpsiefi.wfe fpfum cap^i^. xup^.n, 
to ftn> > Maithau^ de recrm. Sfntrou* i i.m/m.S. 
Et prapcDifTc non poff'e dubjfari de Adulteno Vxoris, nedunu 
ex fuga firnaksnea cuin Amafjo per longum Eramiicnr conii- 
nuata , Bimin, lua. toeif. 274. nuw. jf i. ^Unocth^sonf. 3 J . aa- 

mero 



l-vi 



fneri%%, Tarhacc. qudfl>ii$. ifu^.tB4. CrufJe lftciic> par it 3» 

Ex Jitreris Amajorijs mutud mifsisj qus linenaufea in Procef- 
fu fjgar Icgi non pofiuDi hlsJIies.inci^p.Pr'ditria fiow.^.vnfjg 
Admimculis , <>' /^i !<?-' Asidr,num'^,Afcharan.>tum.'^^de Ttfli* 
hut 3 Parlf ceftf 'y^tnutn.6^Jd--^. HiminAun. di&$cotif.i']^.»U' 
tmro gJarinaic.diHa qu^ft ^ij6.riumrii6,.Qtuf,dehidi(, diffs 
fart.i-cap.'j.mitn.j. 

Exingreffu eiufdeia Amafij Clandeftloo in Dcmum eiufcfeatj 
Jemporc {\it^tStoi» Vrsctj.fuga 107 & ftq^Grat.conf.'^o* antt 
Tiumtturn ffimttfn , ^ num.Sf.lih.i.(jTti=>:or,f,A\i>ntim.i'it verf. 
Idem iiep$tii(Ae:Bapt'Fcrrefi.conf 1 68 ?»«w p,(h-ff(jq ^ »um, ^. 
Berfatt.C$f>/^6Q.fjum,<}.Iictt.diucrfde(tf.g^}.«ur>i,'/.p(iri,z, 
Esokulis in eadcm fngaimpicJisytf/.ioo.iuxta iliud . 
Fi/«5, ^J* aV.$iju'ium j /<»£!7fe%f , psf^ofculafaBum . 
& probani /4^^.f» cap.Tenioloct nntn,/^.verf,velipfiim $fcul(i0' 
tern extra de pr£fump!.Heftien.in diCfe s^p.Pr stereo. rtnm,'i.vfff. 
Di hdrfiiokuih ettam ixna de TesHi.& ibi U: Atdr. nun. 4. 
A/ichiiran.nUfn»l,Ant,di Butf ,tiam.^,$Afin*'-oerf. A^ffinicuta^ 
autem , 

Ex condormitione in eadem Caupona' <'e'i2 49- Pari/.con/.zSo 
f}um.6oJib./^,ver/l ^vhe>-'}f*iopti>ti<:lofef>h. Foatanetla confiL 
crimJftterf^g-] t3um>^g.lib,z.in pH'uii 5 SoccifiAur,.£euf, j 2. *«- 
tnero i6lih.cA'}tBaptii?a Terren.d<.tfoconfi6%.nuTn„iAnfn, (^ 
num. ii.MettfCch^de Pr^Jump.Fraffimpi.t^t.tium.il. 

Scdctiamex Scntentialudicisjquicoadamnaujf Aa>afioai pra 
cogoitione Carnaii Ipfius? qusgororinin inducitCa/'. ve- 
pra de cshahiti Qlerie. & M alter ap^Ji/i' (it. tod, ^ in (crmitiis 
via. dtcif. 297. num, \z. & i^.lii. i. 

Vitra quod hie noa agirur dc pi obatione Adulteris ad irrogan- 
dam Pffnam J fed ad edectum excafandi Occifotem , Sc ad 
iiliuj dcfcafioneni , quo cafu leuiorei! probationes exhubera- 
rent vt moaeiMathteu^de rs Crimhi.d. Qantrau. 1 1- num. 2j. 

Quibus ptiehabitis non obdat aliqaotuns opinio afTercntium^ 
noncfTecscufabilemMasitum -a Pafai:. ordinaria occidcotcm 
Vxorcm Adulreram ex inSerusUojCKquo prardi^a luu lo- 
quunturde Vxorcrcpcrra ir; n^gisio, & ficiacontinenti pro- 
indenondebcnr esicndiad Vxoricidiunt ca interualio pa- 
tratum »cx quo non debeant relaiari habsMiar homimbos ad» 
dclinqucudum j & ad ,^bf ius dicendum Parinacc quep^ 1 2 i. 

A 2 ««'» ' 



i.XIj 



num. I T 8. t>omhus Rai»al. in fats otffer. Crim. cap, t. %, 4. nu. 
1 J 6. C^ cap' 7« in Rubr.ttum. 1 1 7 

Naoi pEiEterquair.quod fartnaccius non ffrniac Conclufionem 
led nim'is dubiuuo fe piaebct »bi — fl^i apndme eft vtlde dubia^ 
Kampromhigtiione P^rne Caufa hoaorii 1 & tuft us dolor t^^ui 
JerfiperCop prAtitU , muiiumjlringit — qu^e verba ia noftro pro- 
poilto bene ponderat Matlhsn. de re Crimin. Controa. 1 2. fat 
num, aa- & Jnfupcr conclnduot i\m Faryiaccius-, quam Domi- 
nusRiimaldps P*nam poffe moderarf conlulto Principe 

Adueni butnilfter fupphco. quod prxdit^a I'nj, qua? vidcntur 
icquiic Rcpcricionem in fragaoti, vcaliqui opiiiati funr, id 
non ftatuuut ad excufandura Marirum motum ad occidcndom 
ex repetino Irs iajpetu,& inconfulto illiu* caiorcfed oe qua- 
libec iufpicione AduUeris pleriimque van^ ad occidenduit,* 
jrruanr Vxorcs f* pcinnoccotcs.proindedeprslienfio in Cri- 
xnincalegibus requifira noarcfcrtur, ncc inrdligiturderepe- 
xitionc iaactu Turpittidsais . fed refertur ad probationcni_» 
AdultCrit^Qeicuibus fui'picionibns Vxor,tradatur vltimo iup- 
plicio 3 vbi tameo non e.'t dabitabile Aduitcrium , ad cuitan- 
danr« maxiaaaai p^nam nullum dsTcrimen reperitur uvcr occi- 
tjenfcrn iacoatinents4^ ex intz^w^Wo yVt in punOa Doude ea 
gra.vicitti. Conftiit. 97. »f/ws. 17. 

equities eoim V xprfitde AduUcrh conui^j , vel ft AduittfiX ma- 
pife/ia -ifemper dicitur in Crimiae depr^hcnfA Glos. in rap, oc 
litter arum 4>def9 ijuidnxJf; Matrim.cjttapoH.per AduU.iu Virh' 
dfpfishcnfatn ibt -Idesi ciftuicfam ftla enim d^pr^benfio nonfuffi^ 
eerftad hoc , vifparAtftur , licet fnffiii&t ad iiifamiam - Glof. 
in I, ic/nb 'Vtrbo dcpTitheaJus C vhi Se/fat. I'dClanf B&rt'r,. 
in i, \. num. I.e. de Petit. BfiK.Jut>lat.liLio. /gje Plat. in Ru- 
bric. Q.eod.nam. \. Caball. Rgfol.Crimd. Caf. 300. num, 26. 
BertAz,zeL C^fifiLCriw, 42. *«»». xo. Matt^au. de Re Crim, d. 
Ceatrote. i:i.num.'^.0piime Sanfeliie. dectfu'j. «».9 r.c^yf(f-/.£ 
de Vxoreconui^s Icquitar^. lex'Ro:fiuli. 

Et inrei vcfitateranoRcs adduftcpcrfctflanrcscontrariaen opi- 
nionem funt nimis debiies) Homicidiura tinm ex caufa Ho- 
noris comaninom quoticlcunquc comniiffatur> (cmpcr dicttuf 
incontinenticommifTum, quia honoris U'llo Temper anre ecu, 
Jos fcdct,& afliduisvac incefTantibus ftifr.uiis pramendo, ad 
fuireparationeni ioilicicdt) & impeijic Giiiri. conf %6. num. 

J 8. 



[XH] 



1 8. (^ 1 9. B&lthaf. d( Angd. it) Addit. ad Gizzarel. decif. tS. 
nurn, j. Prat.Rfjh^vf. Grim, 2^.nnm* $JnJ^a, Safi/elix. d.de' 
Cif. H'j.num, 50. 

Kc!jxatio Habajnarum Mantis ad fibi ius dicenduui cfTet folu- 
Biodo confidcrabilis ? fl adhuc vigcrct lex Repudii} hoc enim 
cafi) non cjfet pcrmittendaro Mantis ius fibi diccrc pro repa* 
ratione fui honoris, nam aiiaVia fatisflbi confultura cfTct 
facuicate fcilicet dimirtendijSif rrpudiandi Vxorcm pollutam 
ft/iccaufacn Ttirpitudiois, imoipum ignominlam procoPa 
fc abijcrc pofTenrjAt poftquam Diuina fjucnte gratia gentj- 
\\% CaJcitas diminara eft » & agnitnm Aiic Matrimonium eflTe 
perpffiiuiTi,& indifToiuibiJc, lunt miferatione digniHIimijqui 
preclafa (ibi omni alia via, honori foo litandoCiiJore A<^ul- 
terarum VxorurtinTacuIasdcterguntPe/r frortf. Rtr, ludicat, 
lib. 8. tit. I. de Adulter, cap. i.»bi poftquam dc hulofmodi fC 
didcruit iitxra normatn iuris Rowanorum in fine addit ibi Sps 
enim fuhlatiftiundi matrimonii^ ^uamdut Aduiiera fuperjles 
erit ■i durius <exiflitnamus iuflijjimum dolorem ntfi tamo lemport 
extinguiiUaque ijui Dusorjio oon termmatur termiaatur Homui 
disfi({inquit Augujliuus ) quid non licet ^ "JtliceAti hoc efivti 
alteraducatttr » altera oatdntur' 

Fateor efTc laudabile refrenarc Mariforu Audaciam, ne in pro- 
pria Caufa ius fibi d>c,-inCiquia po^ont dccipi , fed laudabi* 
litis prcfesf^o cfTct cohibcre 'aJacitatcm Vxnribus;fi enim mo- 
dcftefeg?rerenr»&honeftc viuercnt,non vtique Viros im- 
pclIcrcntadhuiufmcdiftredixcrinQ ncccflaria facinora , nc- 
quencgare poiTumusex ignoniinia Adujtcrioinata non cx^f- 
f enri j Vefanos rcddi » & iurtifnmum do.'orcm in cordc exci- 
lari 1 qsii cronena aliumfine comparationc pra?ce!lit? maio* 
reaiproindccoramifcrationcmiiercruriuxtailludSjtyrici, 

Bxigit ifie Dehrphs quam lexvlla Dolori 

co/Jce£Jt* 

Quod bene agnouit Papiiiaf/us inl, fi Adulter'iumcuminci.f!u §. 

Irrperaterts ff. ad I. lot. deadfdttr, ibi - Qumpt dif/ietllimum 

iujium dolor tm ttmperare LGractbus Cod* tod. Ex quibus Do- 

iftorcs inferunc iuftum dolorcm Idcnire pa?nam ctiam in prjc- 

meditatis facin^ribus, quiaiuflus dolor nonfac'icrefedic, 

Rec traiflu tetnporis vires ammittir, k^ ficut Infamia affiduo 

corpungic , & quo durat Infamia ipfedurat , imoaugetuc 

[xiiij 



Afp^- f^pif Ohfl'tt. VJgs. Neaf^.. lib. j. dtpdm Vxsrum iv-j 
ad^lierio Rub. 46.num.. i.ii fin.O" nam. 2. Facchin.cenf, J 6. 
num. U. lit: 2. Cai>alL refsl- crim. d. Caf^oo. nvm, 66' 

E6 jotcnfsus impeilit , quo migis impune , vt ita dicam , Vxo« 
tcs marriofscnia fedaru-, & totias Oofims honorcmcoinqui- 
nanc; Antiquo tempore? vigznttlege lada Vxoresmaritalo 
Thalamam f^danfes yitlraum fiipphciinn fubibanr U ejuam' 
sis la. i. C. ad h^ hi. de adulefr^L trar.figtreC, deUanftiii* 
§. ittnt Ux lylia de adaUerp in fiu.de pubitc. iudtc. ProuC s5- 
cituta fuerae inSacris Lifieris, Vxoresenim adultery lapi- 
dibus obrucbaatar G?fiif. fsp.^B. Leuii. cap.io. ver/.io.Deu- 
tberosom; tap. 2 j. verf.z 2. E&ecthifl. capii6. 

Solatium ex pubiica vjndidiAsmptum fcdabatdolorefn , infa- 
niia'T) delcbst, & prirrsa?u«libcrtati Coniux reftirutus ,nou3 
fed lionefta induiiia Vxore 1 indecore fijios rufcipiebat; Ac 
tnodo, srsala ncOrs jripptftife; ohdeplorabiiem fcelerisfrc- 
quendaravbique iocorutn obfojetoSacfarutn Legutn rsgo^e> 
cum agaciir rnici/Timc contra Vxorts turpirer vjucntes ,infx' 
licifTinaacffet Maritorum rosKiiticdaut viuefldum cflcrpcr- 
pciub cUvii iiyfamisfi auc illiusabolicio, morre V»ori« media- 
te 5 expianda eflet vicimo fsppiiciO) vc bene confidcrai ^<»f- 
thiu.di re Cmn. d. centrest. it. num., 27. 

Qoorirci ybi queriturj vt Marirus coralitCrimpunJS euada^rOc 
icquiritur , quod Vxoroccsdafur in a<Su rurpitud/nrsrcpcrta 
ai: vbi qaxOio fir, aa Maricijs Vhoricidacaafa hooon's impul- 
fas njitius punutur, aihii iorcrej}, 3«iinco'?tr'ncnci« vcl ex m* 
icruailo coniugcjjfi occidat, Ainsthjiu, dc Ra Cri/n.d, cstiiro», 

Ncc tails Scnjentla carcf fsndartscfuo hi ipfo Jure Ciuili Ro- 
manoram , JH afii&itsa emm mi. Dtum Adrianusjf.adL Pom' 
pe. de Parrichi, aflerlt Parrera , qui Filiiim in venaiione neca- 
cauerac ex quo noutfcam poilucrae adulrerio , fuirTc dcpor- 
tatutn , mc camcn ilium repcriaj Jn ipfo flagino » /ed inj 
venatione , hoc eft infefuenfeneibus .iiiJjbus arnicittae » dilli- 
OJulata injuria proindd fuir punitus, ted extra ord»ne{n»qui4 
noa lure Patris , fed potius njore LatronJs fiiiam intertecic > 
vade defumcrc poffumus non fuinfe punibilem occi/ioneaij* 
fed occifjonis modum>qu«ni2dfnodiHT! deduciojusfAr Bartd, 
ikt , ^ C«;W. iftf^ at. 40, ««w. >. in Addii. Htt.E. optimd Dc' 



[xivj 



^^e.fjum. iS. f(irt»JC:C0tif.66.num.^. Dantiieu.confrih. gj. 
nam, 5. 
prietcrca cd ccufidcr.ifione dignifllmom , quod pro tutcla fui 
corporis impune lic^c Aducrfarium occiderc, fed incontine- 
th & '^n ipfo a.ftii aggrcfJionis , non aurem ex inferuaiio, quia 
per occiHoncm Occiforif non rfparatur vita inius-.(|ui ab ipfo 
occifus ell , proindc quidqcid pofl primum homicidium fc- 
quitHr) tendit ad vindi(fiam Icgibuj cxor3in,& odiofamjqui'i 
qiioquo modo Krditur iurifdidio [udici , aufcrtndofacolta- 
icm popllcc vindicandi homicidium , {sd fi per fnorrcro ho- 
tRxcidx pofTct in vitam rcuocariocciros ab co, non puro efTc 
dubitabilc jquin !iccrc!:cuiiii>cidi<5um inteifeJiorcm inttr- 
ficcre, quia non eiTccvltio, {z<^ mera dctcn/iorendcns ad re- 
cuperationcm Vhz adempt^ ; p\t ybi rua-<us inoffcnnonc, & 
iniwria non taogeff Perfonam Iniurian' » Ckuu permi^om eft 
furfum paffo ccciderc furetit pre recoperandis bonis ablaris> 
ctiam ex intcruallo , queries puKlufa /it ornnis alia via jlJtj 
reciiperandJ-F<i^/»4(. '/Ki'/?. it") num. % 16. ha pariforoairer 
cmni rcmporcpersitti debet cff^nfoin fuaexi/timjtioncoC' 
cidcre Iniuriantem, nam non dicitur vlcifci iniuriann, fed re- 
iarcire honorera luujnlabefaii^ar m, qui nallo alio modo re- 
parari porcft , vt ratioclnarur Dondcs. d. tonfnlt.g-j. num. \ %. 
C^ l^. dy idfm fentit Sanf*lic,d. ^px*f, 337. ftam. ^7. ad ^^. 
(^ feq. r/ nufM.?<'j, 

VJtra quod , vt dw, quando agltur dc defen/jone vitas , agirur 
deadu in({ar;i:ariCO » idcoque ira ex ea concepts debet all*. 
quando reHdcrc, iusta mosntum D.PauU adF-phef.i\. ibi- Sol 
tfoti ccudat fupef sracuKdsam tifjlram - Scd quando (urnuj itls 
olTenfionc honorcm isdctitc , h^c non eft momentanca > fed 
iiabct rraffluos focccfTIuucn.imo lapfu rcmpof is co maior eua- 
dir, quo plus vjh'pcnditur iniuriatuSjideo quotielcumquc fe- 
cuatur homicidium , fecnpcr <iicitur iranscdiatc commilTum> 
Sanfelic. d, decs/. S37- nurn. 5 o. vitra tUcs ciiatos. 

Ptoi;'ide hiS) & aliis r Jtiooibus fr *ci commtmiori affcntientiurn 
Calculo Doiiiorcs Sritiaruof, Mafijum occidcntem Vxorem 
Adultcratn ex intecuallo,& nonrcpertam iu atiibus vcnercis 
puniii quidem » fed mitiui . & extra ordinem s ban. in I, D;- 
uus ff. ad L Pomp, de Farmid. Bitd. isnf. ^iz. nun* 5 . lib. 4. 
Alex. ionf. 1^0, Tiunt. 9. hh, 2. Affliil, in Qoftit. EegurSi Alari- 
tus nun). I. Rub.^6. lib. 5. Tufcb.pra^conchflut.A.corichif. 

A 4 I4i" 



[XV J 



j^^.Kurn, ^i^Riiii.cofi/. i.Hum>y. lib. i^Vfon^ed, c»»/. 104. 
num. 30. vol. I. Bc-taz. zol. conf. Crim. /{ 2. per tot. lo. Fratir. 
de Fortt. 98. num. 8. & feq. Hh. i. Marta vol. Pi/. 206. per (0- 
tumGhrb.(en/.S6.»um. ig.&ii. Vim. dea/i^l.num. 26. c 

Sanfiltc.d(Ci6^.».').S'd.dec.l^'J.per totu Matlhsu de reCr/rn* 
d. co/ftrou. iz.au, 21.^ per lot. Tfjor. Compiad.deaf. Verb.occi* 
dens V xorem ante r?ied.verf.aluis fi ex interuallopart ■^. feci. 2. 

Et iderei praflicatura fmfle in dioerfis Orbfs Tribunalibus te- 
ii^ntMX CabalLdiflo (a/:}OO.nam./^'i.Sc ajios cafus recenlet (i- 
milirer dccifos Caluin.de dquitaie llh.\.cap.^%.»um.iZ.io,<i/ 
^i.C^r/i^cqui loquitur in griuioribus tcrminis lontrou loj. 
i/i dn.Matth^u plures etiam calus decifos referc di&a centrou» 
i2,tn/ia.Sc alios quamplurinos adducunc )Do£tores mox ci- 
tan . 

Qua? benignjor fententia facilius amplecf^enda eft, vr authumo , 
quia faaum, i\c quo agiturjctiain, inxta fenfum fifci non fert 

kcovn circuinnancid& prsrcfcientes ram rigorofam parnam > 

Noil cjuidcm afliifripcio lociorum adhibitorum in homicidiJ5> 
quid iicite potuit vti opetacomitijm>vt tu<ius poruifler mor- 
te vxoris fuo honuiiconiakTcCaJlrea.coff/.zyy'li^.i.Sccct'J' 
JUfcon/.j^./zam.ri.lii.i.Piri/.cr/nf.i^^.ftum.'/.cJrSvet/l^ui' 
vimc-,^ num. i 6.UI.4 Cd:f>al\.€onfcrim.^-ful:'.nur».\$,Sx.^cx 'O- 
numeios Cabalt.d.caf^joo.nutn.'jg, 

Kequc dcl!<Sumin altiorein fpecieetichiturcx quo focios con- 
duxit pada mf rcede, quia licice potcftmaritus > quod magis 
efli & fine cojrparacionc admirabiliiis alijs dcmandarc hoipj- 
cidium vxotis adulters mediante pscunia » vt inconc»ne h'r- 
tnaruiu Bald.tn LGracchus t>um.')> Q.ad l.IuLdt Adulter AffUfl, 
in ctn^tt.Regntltb.l.Rubr.Z. de cuhu PatfC'"*'^' i- Mazzot. 
Can/.^j.num.iS. Carer, p/an.crim. §.(irraitaqu^ /lum.'j.fubt^ 
verf.adi»(lar hojiis verf.tamen Baldus fohmihi 192. ^ %.ex' 
cufatur num.i^.verf.intantafol.mihi JC)6. Alex, RAude».var. 
re/hli/!.i<ip.7.>ium.S verf.^ mediante affafJinio^Pa fchal.de Pair. 
Pote/i.h.b.\.cap.').num.2^.ve, f, qni die it banc vindUfam ^ Viu, 
dicif'ig-f.num.i'^.Ub.x.Mart.vot, Pifan.206, num,g. Gramm. 
fuper conftti.Regn.firriArifusiT. Xt.Ui.^.Cjtp^tLconf.crim.Jl.n.X I . 
ijerf.fed hoc refpottdcndum i Caluin.de <t<fuitate lib.i. tapit. 58. 
Wtm.^o. 

Si- 



[XVI] 



militcr nil turbat j quod DomloBS Goido Jo jpfo 3l1u fug& 
porucric vxorem, & Adultcrum occiderc repercos jo caupo- 
na Caftri noui, fed potiiis vohierit eos carcerari quercns pu- 
niri iure mcdioySc nondcfaifio. Quoniam ncgamuj pocuiHIe 
tuco vtrumq;intctficere, quia erat foJus,nec poteiat (inc vic« 
difcrimine eos aggrcdi, quia Atiafiiu eft viribus polIens,nun- 
qujm timidus , 8c n»mis ad refiftendirin prompcus , dum ex 
dido vnins ccftis in ProcefTu ^ugse vocatur - Scapezzacdh — 
nee cftcredfbilc, nifi fuiffetanimofi»j>&ioterritusaggrcfluia 
cffe taitn grandefacinus » aurumfutlfiparticipem cfTe t"uga» , 
& fociare elaribus viri proi:\igam vxorcm ; E: apcrtiiis dciu- 
micur ab vna ex eius cpiftolis . ia qaa hortando Francifcaaij 
vein Lagcnis romniferum medicamen admilceret ad oppri- 
incndiim fomno viium, dt domcfticos, fubiungic j quod qua- 
tenus pritfenfifTent japeriret quidem lanuam i nam vel mor- 
tem cum ipfa fubiturus cffei , vel ab ecru m manibus eaan_» 
eripuiffet, qux ittdjcant andaciam, &fortitudinem ; Etlic^c 
vxor eflec fjemina > hoc eft imbellis ) & timtda, nihiiominus 
FrancifcanimisProcaX) & audaic fiuc ob odium erga mari- 
tum , (ludob iramconcepcara occarccrationc Amafij Gla- 
diutu flrinxit contra virum coramBirruarjs cam carceracuris, 
& ne vIteriusprogrcderetur,nC(c(reruir> vtab cius raanibus 
ab adftanteeucllerccur , vndenDnpotuitance carcerauoncm 
iiiorumquodmeditatusfiicraf,&fibJ licebat, ad elfetaurru 
perducere, quia erar rolus>& viribas impar; Dcinde ad carce- 
res addu<Sa) & poftmodum in conrcruatortodepo/irajimpof- 
fibile ei fnic fuum honorem vindicarc , fed e Monaftcrio ex- 
grcfl'a3& ad dooium Petri, & Violanris reda<5ta» primum,quo 
potuic vicus eft J promdc habetur ac fi m fraganti , & incon- 
tinenti earn interfcciffct, San/al>c-di6/a dcctf.j^j.nam.sS. in 
fi'>'')9-& 6o.vbi quamuis^narituspotuif^er cam incontinent! 
occidercj & non interfccit, fed diffitnolando quam citiiis po- 
luit ab ignoroinia ncce vxoris fe eiemit , ^ num^^ouircafi' 
ttemiGturbJ.conf.^6.num.ig. ^21* vbiquianoa agiturde 
iniurja perfonali) kd reali. vt fupradidliim eft . 
Curauit eius captuiani) & infteciti vtpuniretur, neadulceri&_») 
& Flagicia concinuaret, &: impotctis ad aliud peragcndum^ « 
quod coniufio mentis > rabies inualida % & verecundia fuafie 
inconrulto peregir> non vt (ibi ius adimerer proprijs manibus 
iccupecare honotcm amniifTumi C^uere!auitquidein>fed qui4 

oc- 



[x-vii] 



occidere non potoiti nc " es il!iu$ eircer atlone , & punltione 
fuiffct dctcn'a ignominii j & aboiita infamia , iojo cum port 
illius carcc.Mtioneni magis arcerctur a cxtti riobllium-fempcr 
accrbiorreddcbacur iniuriaj &tsruentius fiimuJabat ad re- 
parand.-itn fuam cxifl'mationcra , prscipucaiigebarur animi 
mxror pr^fcntiendo (miTc rcgrel. 4in in DomuraPctri,& Vio- 
iatKis,qui Ueclarauctant non effe eorum fiiiam>fed iGhojicflac 
tnulieris, yndeaug^b;afar iniurfs perraanendo in dotno fuf- 
pcd3)YCpauIo infra dicca5r,§cproindecadem caufi militaj la 
pod cgrefluiBjC Monafterioj squam ,'ioie carcerajionens , & 
ioftancias fadasper DomiiiumGuaioneHi. 

Parum ciiam refer?, quod Framnks permaneret in domo Vio- 
ian'ij dc confcnfu hatris di<Xi DominiGuidonis a/fignara pro 
ru:o carcerc; Nam quiccjuiti ilr. an de confenfu ipfius Domi- 
ni Guidonis cduiS.! elfet aMciisflerJOj dcquonuilum vtr- 
binn habeiiiijs in Proccflli> potuii id diflimnlare t vt aditunx^ 
habere pottiifTej ad eamoccidendam , vt honor, eiusreinre* 
grarctuf) ncc hiiiufmodi difHinuiatio dciidlum aiixiffct) pr^- 
cipucad p^namcrdinariam, cum certuna ut abfque illius in- 
cmii^ p '^e vsocm idulteriopoilutan! nccari j qiiaoouis tno- 
do rnaior roodo minor p3?na ingcratur,qao maior, vel minor 
proditio infcrct <Terit, yr in Scnatu Matrifcnfi pratieari reftatur 
MiiithsuM re crnnj.contreu \%Mum sp-tb* jo, 

Ncc tnaErcturconfidfiari citcumftantia loci daci pro Carcere , 
qiiafi quod l^fj ii^'cx'.i Principis CuHodia* quia, praeterquam 
quod non dicitur cfTe in Cuftodia,qui deiinetur in aliquo lo- 
co cum fidciuffJonedc J^oneg^cdiendo/^«_^?/.//7/.•^w^/«C<Jf- 
f ;?•^;^^^.^<f to qued met.cauf. Capjc.decifi'y^.nttm. 4. Fartnacc. 
^uitft.^o.num. f S.dy ef} text, non obfcurus in i./uccurritur tn 
fin.f,ex t]uib.Cauf.maior.\h\- CuBodidm autem folum puhltcam 
accipi Labeoputiit- & ibi glojT\n verb. Tutat . 

Obieftutn fundjiiiscorruit, quia circumftantia huiufmodi loci 
cri men non exafpcrat, quoii^s commiitator a Prouocato > & 
ad propulfationemlniuria?, vt infortiorjbus terminis de de- 
licto commino intra Carccres filar, /Hut.4eet/.^6. Rice, decif. 
'xj^'^.part.},Mnli».PignatteU.C9strou,F9ret>f.c<tp>66.nHm<, i8. 
^ zg.Ceatur. prima . 

Demum ob Komicidis Perri,& Violantis es fupra dedu(5lis au- 
geri Poeaam noo pode credin3u$> quia eadea caufa Konorisj 

qux 



[xvm' 



quae impulie Dominum Guldoncm) coegk etilai perderc di- 
^osconiuges, Parcanc interim Dcfun^florum Cineres, fi a , 
qoK Tupra refalir&qiuj? didorus fum, videantur turbare co- 
rum PjccCTs quia non Odi; fomes ,ncc frjB ioipoITus, quo- 
rum caufas prociii habeO) fuggeffcrunr, fed Dcfen^onis ne- 
cedieas non vno tituloafTamptjecompellic omne » quod ad 
fincm esopcatUBi conducir, in medium proferrc , 

Dixij&, vtputojnoo imtnerico Oofninum Inquirttuna pro/ilyf- 
fe ad viriufque incernicionens inotum limplicirer iniurtaj 
de dircdo laedence fuaco a? uiftimarioncrn ; Poft cnitn paucos 
uncnfcsadie Macfimonijcontradiieum Francifca ? quam efli 
cor urn Ftliam profcffi fuerant, non erubuerunt dcclararc noa 
ciTe talcm; Hinc eftin^uitabiie Dilemma ; Aut vcre ? & reali- 
tcr fucratabipfisgcaita, & cogenur fateri , negando poft- 
modum Fili^tioncnij imprefiifTcinaainsam Iniuriam Honori> 
& extrtimacioni Domini Inquifiti5& elicirur magnum odtura, 
& Liuor in eis conera eumdciHi quera ^ vt Ignotninia afficc- 
rent, vclutidcfponfafret riliam viliffios^E' 5 & inhoneflie Mu- 
iieriS) non curarum de hoaeftare propriarn Filiaos; Hoc vnum 
eft, quicumque agnofcif Domioum Guiconem , appr£hen- 
det Matrimonio (ecopulaffe cutnPuclla oe dum difparis » 
fed etiioi iafiinaf>& inhonefta; conditionisj quod fummopcre 
Ijfdic xxiftinQ.uioDcm totius donits . 

Aut in vcrjtacc Ffancifca procreata tah ab incerto Patre» & io 
iuccm zdita per inhoneftam Lotilcem , & non potcrit negari 
nonfuilTe maioti iniuriaaftcvftum inurentenotam infarajx s 
tiirn refpcdiu Natalium, turn quiafoicntFiiiae non diffimilcs 

1^.*^ qUiCFLl^S nutn,9g.Bofr.i}7 VraB.titJe Plur. vw'ent. nu. 
e^.tnfifj. Et eft textjn cap.Jigens Anglorum 'y6.rtifi. ibi de tali 
csmmixiiffff tmreiruum^ afttmAndum tfi-, degeneres Populos ^ (^ 
Igrjohtles,^ furgmes libidine - Et vtiaara cKpciicntia nos noQ 
docuiilct ! 
Crcdidit infslis; vir nubercFilir Petri ,& Violantis eslegits- 
roo Macrimonio najx* & nihiiominiis opera, & f-tllacia dido* 
rum coniugutn n»pfii PucHje dcplorata; condifionis,conce- 
pta; cxinhonena Matrcfornicariocoirii; Hinc delumi tas eft* 
cuius quaiitatis cflfcnt conioges pr^diCii , qui , vt fraudarent 
legitirae vosatos ad Fideicommiflum partam viiifsimumj 

fuppo* 



[xixl 



fuppofucrunt , immeraores Reos faclos e(Ye vltimifuppiicii 
L.pyimai C. ad leg.CorneUdt falf /Haf^lan.l.JI muUerem nom.^, 
if. ad leg. Corrjei.4t Sycur.lo.de Anan.tn cap.AdfalfAriwn num. 
IX.iofiii'de Oim.falf.BeJf.in VraEi. tit. de Vartu fnppofito num. 
i.Bfer. deci/^8i.r.um.S.f» ^H.Ajfli^. deiift /^Qt^.nitm.17 in fin, 
verf, lt<m til eo fegutr. dtcifZo, num %. 

Ncneritigicur difficile creditu qu^ Francifca in Epiflrola fop- 
pofuitfuoLeaJrOj quod pr^dj^i cotiiuges, & fi ipTa bcnc-> 
irattarctur inftabant quotidi?,vt r jram,Cognatom,& fuocrum 
vencno perderct , & inccndio Domum confumerct? qux lic^t 
pefsima finr, adhuc pciusconfiliunis erJam m vim obedientig 
dedcrunt, vtfcilicet port cojuon difce^runB ab Aretio capta- 
rct Amafinaa» ipfoque Comitc a Domo viri diuei tendo > fe 
conferret ad V^rbcm, proiitvciutiobcdicnciisjma Filia nimis 
quippe prompta pariiir mandatis . Quis igiiur. negabic , oorj 
efTe triboendum huiufmodii Aufum temcrariumjcxquo no- 
torium faffinm fuitobbrobrium diifufum tori Domui Domi- 
ni Inqt'iiiti: perfua/ionibusirapi/s di(f)orom Coniiigem^Ncc 
fuic difficile perruadcrcPudlj? ca, ad qi)a:piopcnfa eratin- 
ilindu originario ? & excmplo Macris . 

Ad quid aiJtem tam ansie dfliderarent Coniiiges regrefll'uiTU 
Francifcarad eoruni Domuin^non eft meum diuinare>oon ta- 
coenpofTum milii pcrfuadcre, quod tnoucrentur cx mcra^ 
CharitatCj vtfcilicet feeripctct a malis tradlatrcntis , dunu 
fatetui' Francifca indidta Epiftoladuccrc vitam tranquillaui> 
virom» & Domcfiicos ctimcaoprinnragcfc >& ca,qiJ2Rc- 
uercndifsimo Epifcopo fuppofuit fuJsTefalso commentataj 
diiStis coniiTgibus. Scioinfuper, quod fi vir notum hrfbcus 
Adultcriiira Vxoris,eamque Domi rcrinear» nocam, & Pce- 
nam Lxnocinij cuitare non poteft L. 2. $. Lenocinij., I. Mariti 
l,ltto?tniumff.i\dlc^i.iul.dr Adulter.1.2. Cod. eod. M*noch. dcj 
Ar hitrar^caf.'y ^.4.>/um.i^.^arifJacc.ijua/?.j^^,Kum.9^.& 98. Si 
ergo , vt dicii coniuges cxagerabant > Francifca non erat co- 
rum Filia j cur earn po/ldcrcdom roanifefte Adiilteriucn in 
domuin tcncrifsinae reccperont, &, vt ita diCJm, in Gnu con- 
fouerunt nedum vfqucad sditioocm PartuSjfed ctiaoj vlquc 
ad mortem? Et vnnamibinonperdnraflent Aroorcs cunu 
Relegatol diim ad /implex nomcn illius? pcrccptoa pulfan- 
iclanuam jquodrcdditurus erat Epiflolara di(fti Relegaci, 

Itaiioi 



[xxj 



ftatiw paicfaQa fait lanua, hdas folt adieus Man'to a J re-> 
cupcrandum Honofciri) nam fidifti Coniuges male fenfifieiie 
A<luUeriuni Francifcichorruifrentquidein fine dubio nomcn 
Aduiteri> & omnem artruxifTenc viatn mutu« coirefponden- 
tix; Ex quibus euidcntifsime patet > continuance caufano 
Honoris Ixd in Domino Inquifito , Jino nouas caufds cnicr- 
(iile ciurdetn fpeciei, quia omnes tcndebant ad defurpandani 
ems ffxiftimarioncm . 
Nccquicquam facir ,quodpIurcs Caurasod// recenfeat Dom?- 
r.us Inquifitus tarn contra Franci!cam,qu3cn contra Coniu- 
ges, quiafi bene pcrpendantur, omnes coincidunt , & redi- 
guntur ad criginalc ro Caufam, ncmpc Honoris I^fij, VtcuiTj- 
que fir, quando Caufa funt inter fe con'.patibJIcs , rulhuc vr- 
gcntiori » & pinguiori a^us fecjurus rribucodus eiTct Rohcor. 
san.tnem.Alex.Vin. (iec.i6S.n(/vi.^,8i io punifto , quod coa- 
currcntibuspIuribuscaufiSjHoinicldiuni refcrafUr,5c tribua- 
tiir caufas Honorisi & non alijs Manbiu.de re trim, d, controu. 

Quann obrem putOjqucmlibetCordatum Hominerrs deberc r'"a- 
teri iuftiflioiam caufaara habuiftcoccldeodi prad!i5los Coniu- 
ges , & ioftirtimum dolorenjfuifce«citatum > acque in dies 
aufium homaoa confidcrationc ,quQd non nupfiiTet illi y niS 
deccptus fuiiTct i Vaferrimis Coniugibusi Et prxdiiflis addi- 
tnr, quod aue Partus afditus fuerac conccptus ex Adultero, 
vt D.Inquifitus credere poteraf* ncfcjens in foga Vxoreni_» 
cfTc pratgnantefBj & non poffumm negarc, ex pactti prsdido 
non futfTc nouam caufam cxcitatanijfiue Priorcm rcaouatsm; 
Aut genitus fueratakgitimo Patre»& quis negabif.ab iUius 
occultatione irafci denud nondebuifl'c ammifTione Filii ? Esc 
vtraquccaufa maximus dolor conccptus, cui eft vis maxima, 
excufationem mx'retor, adeout qiiaroplurima Deli<aa atiocia 
iufti doloris impalfo perpetrata a quauis poena impuaira re- 
manlerinr, vc notant Alex-a^ Atex,itJ Summ.i^par.q.^S.membr. 
3. art. I., TtraijuelL de Voin.tem^irAii.CAuJ\i.aum.i6.ir, fiti. 
Quod ctiaminnuic text.in d.LGraichusCad Llal. de Adulter, 
ibi - Tameit quia noXtt^dolnnuJiKS faHurx eius telmant-potfji 
in exilittm dari • 'tiarpre&.i» %.liem Ux Cornd.de Sycar.n. 212. 
Infiit.dePublAudic.Ahhas iacap.oiim num.S.de Refcnpt.Angil, 
h l.fi Adulioium ^Amperatorfs nu,2,f.adlez.IuLdi Adulter. \ 
^imin.lua,ccnf.i^6-/iib f}u»6.i»(er i.o»J,Zrm diuerf(Gm'primo-> 

Bcr- 



[xxil 



^o,iGiitrh.CG7if.S6 H" S.Ver/. Ei vbt tuih delorePrat. Refponf, 

Ecnon fesnel in comitigencia faclicua.'ernnt Impuncs <]i!i iurto 
dolore fflociappouicrunt auntisetiaoi la Innocentes; Mulicr 
enim qu^daoiSmirDea Viruni, & Filium ex eoconccptum 
interfcccrat ex quo Vir perdiderat filiiim fuam primi matri- 
monij> acciiTata dcindc apud Dolabellam Proconfulcni , ne- 
que duabus cffdibus cootaoiinatam libcrare, neque iufto do- 
lore impuifanBcondernnarevoIuibfedremiiic ad Areopaguni 
SapicntiflGmorum ludicum Castum, vbij cognico de Caufa. » 
refponfutn fuit, vt ipia , & Accufator poil centum Annos re- 
dirent,5ci'»cdupl«ciparrJcidio Rcaiquamuis etiam Innocca- 
tern occidifTct i vndcquaquceuadt Impunis, vc refer t K^/f/-. 
Mape.Ds^or.fi&sfsmcmorabJib.^.cap^i^ de Public, ludic. vcrf. 
EAdem haJiiationeyTin^uellJe Pren.timperanJ.Cauf. i.nu 1 7. 
arcA med' Miy'C(sb-di A''i'Sirar^ca/.^$6.Kum.6o. Cyriaccontr, 

Similiter Vxor)qux maDdauerai Honsicidium Viriob iufium_j 
dolorem exdencgatione debit! matrinnonialis fait Paecunia- 
riarauldia panita> & ad tcmporalem permanentiam in Mona- 
fterJOj vt teHacur CyriacJ Cdnirou.io'y.in fin. 

Hsc fane procederent « quotres Donnnus /nqui/ieus cfTet do 
prsdi^isconfefTaSj vc! fegijime conui<5ius, quorum neutrum 
affiroiaripotefttmultoigitur rnagis admittcnda font , dunu 
fatetur dcdiffe dunscaxac ordinem ad incidendam facteni^ 
Vxorissvel adsfriSandutn, & fi Mandatarij mandarum excef- 
iiffcfitj non vtsque de exceflTu tcnerecur Decian.tra&.crim. Uh. 
g.cap.^S nu.6.'verf.Et Ego vaufn dtjcr/dt-, CUr.%.Jif3. qu&j1.%t), 
num.')'^tmih,de Arhiirar, ca-f.^^i. num.T^. Fari/sacc.^f^.i^^. 
7}af»,l J 6. 

Socij , & Comites ilium nominant . & profitentur c^edibus in- 
lerueoilfe J fed ptiEterquamquod Fifcus prstcnditin quam 
piutirtiis vciitatem occukafTsinoDpatituriEquitaS} vc eorum 
Dcpoiitionc fciDdancur , & pro parte taiuum accipiantur, 
cum mendax it! vno, talis ccnR'atur in omnibus; Exhube- 
raret ad adimendana €'is omneta Fidems, quod in Tortnra 
€oram ipfo maculam t\on pmgAnttint s^accJe ludichb.prima 
c(ip.Z6'num.^6.1Eayl?facc.q.^^,»uy/i,[ ^^'^ fiqq.Qartar.PracL 



[xxiij 



l6Jib.iCaball.'UefoLcrini.Caf.Z^.K$tm*i l. 

LicuitaddefcnraroiuftiusNobiiis Viri current!. vtaJuntj Cala- 
mp hjec deducere pr* teroporisanguilia , quje non j^afia tit 
aiia fundamenta cumulare , quae paiuo laboje , Ik forfan non 
imuiiJier coaceruaripotsranr, ouamsiiscredam exbuberan- 
tef iatisfadura cile cbie-i}ioiiibua3f]i;a£pro pans Fiici txcita- 
ri poflcnc' 

Quarc Uc. 

H. de Arcangelis Pauperuoi Piocur. 



[xv.iii] 



GVBERNATORE 

In Crimindihus 
Romana Homicidiorum . 
P ^ o 

Domino Guidone Francifchino 
Carcerato. 

C O N T ^ qA 

Fifcum . 

Memoriale FacIi , ^ Juris . 



Romje jTypis Reu. Gani.Aport.i6po. 



fxxiv] 



Romana Homicidiorum. 
Illuftrifs."' ,& Rcu.^'Dne. ^^iX 

brkaro in hoc codem Tribunali, &ab ipfonrcr D.meo Ven- 
im'mo Indies ptxfcntis Caaferaris , /'operque conftae dc 
AduJccriocomtnifTo per Fraocifcafn Pompiliam V'xorem D. 
Gu'donis FranciTchini NobiHs Arctini ciira CaaonicoCa- 
ponfacchicciim quoconfpirantil?us eiuidetn Franc ifcae Pom- 
pniajC?enitoribus, quanauis?vicin vtbe degencibus > tradiro 
prius fomiiifcroeidera DorninoGaJdoni , totique cius Fa- 
mil ioenoiflis tempore eadeni aufugie c Ciuicafc Areti; Vr- 
besTi vcrfus ,8tJ , vc memoratos Ononicus fuerit hsc dcj 
Caufa Rclegttus inCitritaje Vetub euro exprcfsione j'a^^j in 
Dccictodi^jsCondemnuioais Gognkionis Carnalis eiuf- 
dem ajuiieris ; Coriftat ctiam de di(!to Adulterio ex aliis h>^ 
faclodaducendisper Dominuirs meurft Piocurarorem pay- 
perum,id< vcnuUusrcmancai hafitandi Jocus fupcr hoc , 
qaiii potiiisprsedi'fliim Adulteriufn dicipofsic notorium hie 
inVrbe* in Patriadi(Si D.GuidoniSj & ia vrsiuerfa Hetru- 
ria . 
Hoc ftsntc luti aflcrere pofTumus.qyod quamuis idem D. Gui- 
do dfct confefTusde nccc inf^icla di&s iux Vxori, cum coaj- 
plicitates & A^xiiio Bkfij Augufliadl i de Ciuitate Pjebis , 
^ sinide FloreiitiaTFrancifcs Pafqujni 



DominlcijGaSsiifiLnideTloi^ » Francifci Pa fgufn i dc 
Caflmraonnsjlcud, & Aksandj] Balac^MZiigihen^ ; 
i3on propferea vemrct punicndus Pcena ordiaaria , fed a^i^ 
tiorijcs Rcicrfpto Diai Pij relaco ab Vjpiano LCinLu Aiiul^ 
terium 3 8. §. Im^raures ff^d leg. Qernd. de Adulter. & a Mar- 
tian© pfiriser LC. in Lprtpsm %,finf.ad l.luLde S/V^r. V'trobiq; 
enimdiciturjquod humili loco nansia esiliuni perpeeunra 
«Ja?urjnobi!i$ veroad tcmpas rclcgatur j Ignofcitisr Ciqaidcai 
Msrho tunc luffum Doiorcra exequeoci , vc fsippecic ideoa^ 
Vulpian. ia l.Ji qms in grauiS^ Ji q^^is moriefis in fine ff^^d Sc^. 
Csnfiilt. Sy(l<in,t}i^c\\\\m\xm ciun /ieiHum setnperare, yt ha- 
btituri^ «V«74 1. fi aduheritirn Gu>n Imffla 58, ^dtapfr&tarcsy ffl 
adUgclul.de AduUgr. 
Et iraconciiiando Antonomiarn ifg-necinea tz.ff. eedcm Til, 
bene deciaras ibidem glojjjn verh amaem , ^ />3 flf(/?a L.pri.>?t<i, 

A §.j^«. 



[x-xvj 



if} diBA 1,/lfjirtSfngpauu %.ft quis tnsr'tem.'osrbo Ignofcitur.f. 
ad S.C. Sillaasan. Si tenuerunr Dolores communifsimc, n- 
gnantcr Albcric>Ray»er,^ inters ftrikentis iff l. Gracchus , Ced, 
ad Ug.lul. dc Adidtsr, Angel .in diaai.ft Adultertum cum Ina- 
fiu. §. ImpestaionSi f}um,primOi(jr 2.f.effdemt VariJ.i;onf. 154. 
T)uTr).frim9^ & a. iily.^^,Gturh.c9»fiL^6.»t4'».g-SiCCi/i.lan. conf. 
54.»aw.5. (jr/eqefdih.2- Beriax-z-fiLofi^LCrmtfteAZ^ nu- firimo-, 
TirsqAeg. Conn&b. tz, ftsb mvs.^.A/tgeLde Aiakf. in verba 
Cfie hai ad»iter&ts la mia Donna-, xierf. adueriat ta-Tteay pagi /m 
mibi iiZ, a tergSi Neui&an Sila. Nuptial. Ifk p.vffba non ejt 
g>y^endum^ftum„9^.^ feqfj.Gomez^ad ie^. Tatn So. f)iimtr. 51, 
^verjlvfiumtamcne^i Ckaan4ra&->Crimif$dih.g.c<ip i^.nu, 38. 
MenochJe Afbifr.caf^ 5 6. numer. Zg.FolUr.pra^.Crim. verb. 
defstarCapitulAi (f'jsd fifff'scauk vxorem, ?jum.6i..feL 280. Fa- 
ri^acc,i^mfi> i s i^sw.5 9. & 60. iseifsirae Cabail.Refol.Cnmi ». 
caf loo.vum.'i^^ pturibiis fe^q. Matthttit den Cnmin, cohtrstt. 
1 i /tum.S.Dondf Csnfu/l.gjMum. i. ^ 2. Sanfitlic^ dtcif. 3 37. 
»BfW. 9, itxAft. piures alios alkgans dtcifions Sa^dia. 5 7. per 
toi. 

Quamquim adhocs vc niftigattoni di&.s Poei« locus effec , ne- 
ccJTcqijidctn nofi haberesjitu? quod Adultcnum yxoris fuif- 
fet, prouc efl, conciudenccr probatfjni; (ufficerct enscn, quoi 
vcrfarcmy/' m Cimpiicl iufpkione gi-.Zis i. Dn'us Adrianus tn 
fgur Atiufi^: Cafus txbi' qu" •ilium occiJ;':, queai cum Nouerca 
iacerecredebat, & erac im^ t'srum* dcporrarur in Infuiam- 
fi.ad teg.Fompisam de Patricid> Intsce i» cap ft vera Cub aum, i. 
Vtyfnec iaiCMi dtihiSaret;^ 'jerf.vsl tpfc Uic'-^s dt h&( prfbabih- 
terdtihitaret deffnt^^xcjffi^^Arsiin.ccrtfil.Z)* rmm. 55. Gr^fn- 
tnatie.C9nf.iZ.Kum.%.0' r'f^fltg.num.x.Farinacc.csftf.^ 5 . num^ 
2i,idem GfUfitmeiii dtcif.^ ,?f&m,io.: Vbi dc eo^qui fe iai2:.iuc- 
rat vdlecarnaliter cogaofcerc fororetn occidentis,qiiod Ju- 
liam furpicioiiCQb'% Tirtorem amifsJonis honoris dicitur iii- 
cursiffead euisafldam Foenao ordinariam hoaiicidii ? opci- 
mi Dsnit,dtis& stfsful i.cj^um*^, 

Ncc veruos eft> idjquod aliqui Dot^ores a^'rmanf,quod ncccf- 
fariamficquod Marirus vsoremdirpr^hendat in Aduiterio, 
iilacaque ioGontiaenti occidarj in quJbus Terminis inquiunc 
loqu! fupradi^as kges, ischs aurdm fi ex interaailo, vt pei* 
Dolores all egaf Of fer farmacu qui iilos feqi)i vidccur i/<v7<i 



X.W'i I 



Confraria enim opinio e^ ven'or, coorniunior , &in praxi tc- 
iKnda, vt hcni cohfuiujt Af arpl.tcfsfio^, .num.^ {.(^fcqq.vhi 
pro defenfionc cuu?rdam Nobilisj qui ex Interuallo occidc* 
rat aJiom>qui fe defponrauerac per verba defuturo cuns cius 
/brorcj iliamque tenuerat per rrcs mefiTes , & deinde refura- 
ueratj propter quod rn3gna fucrat irrogata Imuxh , & Tgno- 
minia eius famiiiff, & toti Cognations » sdducit fupradjdas 
leges loquerucsde Maritooccidenec VKorcm foam Aduite- 
ramj Bfrtaz.s:,ol.di(F^^cenjl4l^f3Uw,S.&/t?,f^> vfaiue w fin em, ^h'l 
ponicCarum ineo, quivxorsm Aduheram mrerfeccrat , & 
pofte^ ad fui defcn/jonem probauerar Aduirerium tx gem i, 
nata eiw^dtm Vsoris ConkffiQnc ikClaudhsfiiwJ iff Addit. 
teftaturdiftus OccirorcmfijiiTea Prstorc Mirandalae Banni- 
turn ad tempus, & poftea lapfisaliquibusmenfibusa Domi- 
no Duce Miranduls reuocarum,/#.F?'<»»f,fi'? Pc»»rr conf.g%.f?it, 
37-C^y^?f ^*^- i^repeiiufuhtuf desSanfel. 3 j 7./*^ PHSj.&fcqdf^ 
Jiffli^.faper Cinft. Eeg. d, Ith. ?, R»^r. 4 ^Ta^ «. l-vbi relatai 
CcoliiEucionc RegRJ -SiMirituf' conccdcnte impumraJem 
Marito occidenri VKorem , 5c adultersm dummodoambos 
in ipfe aciu adulttrii »& fine vlla mora occidat .inquit.quod 
fi noo cocurrant huifniodirequifita 5 MarituscKcuratura ta- 
lo»oofiai!tem a coto, & fie rnstivw punuur ? & num, t.x^' 
tlODCao r€ddir»quia vbicatriquc quis Jufio drtlcre motus com- 
fBifit dclidSiim J pafna deberaliquansolym rgmpcrarl ,iux!a_. 
fr4di{iftm Texiuminl. f quis wgraui §. /i quu mortens , verf^ 
maritmif. ad Sea. Cf»f.SyiL^mafi. & 41ios , qtms ibidem allc- 
gat J fequitur Carer, pr ail. Grim. §. 9. extufkiur tnaritus nu, 
iC.foLijo. CaiatU'i.ref. 500. »«w. 24« cJ" ducb.fe^q.vbi : atr 
»«iw. »^. teftatur isa vididc obreruari in f^&f contingenna.. » 
Qahrer. de^met* lib. z.cap. 45. »«». ij. ^'(f/■yC ^arf qutdem fe»~ 
ttntia Bdlta. de t-iteft. eor.quifinfit tnconunenticap. 20. anm* 
^.vbi quod ita flatutum fuit per Senatum Medioiani Manh. 
de rtCrim.ssatfOti. iz, a mm,'], l^que ad ij. ^mm. 21. 
vbi quod ifa obferwant cun(fjafer^ iribunalia Mundi;^»a- 
mtrisfe^q. vfque in finem-, ^ d? Rtgimnf. Reg~Valer,t. cap. 8. §. 
JB. «v/w.<S5.vbi qQod Ua fuic iudicatum p^r Regium Senatuo), 
^ num fecfq.vfcjUt Ad Tcvh^fah nHm.6^. adducJt pulcra ver- 
ba Theodorici a pud Cajfiodor. Ub. i. vari^r. epijiol. ^7, ibi - 
§lms tnimferat hpmifUm ad leges tnxhirt-, ^ui matrmoitif nifus 

A 2 ffl 



[XXSOJ 



^ lura vtatare ? Ferh hjitam eel ctpuldm/aam txir^ma ciift" 
(trtilisttt iefeiereydum omniiius til tnimatthus tKimicitv/iquod 
natur&lilege danoaiur -y VidimuiTutirasfamtnusfuas contuali 
tomeriamntdifedere^Aritfesprofutt embus CJpltaltier mfkmre 
eqms adtunclai fi^if^minatColapbiSyac mor/ih'jf vindtcare^ tta 
pro copul atis fih an%t»as poaunt ■, tjui verecHndta nea mouentur. 
Home ante m queraad»»odfi!f*pat!atur adultertuminultnm relin- 
^utre , <fuod ad xttrn^nf fuum dedecus cogaofcitnr cotMmijS([e^ (D* 
■tdto fi akiat A pctitioms minimi veritate fraudaris i (i;-genialti- 
Thori macuiAm deprAhittfi adulter^ f Anguine diluifit » «ecjub 
prmextu CruentA mentu , fid cattfa pudoris tntendis db ext^iot 
tfuod txbi conflatlnfiiSium ytepracipimus aUe»wnt<jUoniampto 
amore pudniiU porrigere fefrom mantis Hon eiil(gfs calcare , 
Jidcosdcre - Nouar. m SummMuUar. par. l. Comment. 72./»^ 
num. 8r. Vfrf. ex (jug adnlimo^ SalJaxar dc Angelis ta <tddit, 
ad Giz.z.are I . dsctf.i^. num. 5. Carol, Anion, de Luc. ia addtt. 
ad Dcf ranch, decif 6j8. num. 8. ndfin.'uerf. mariiust veL pater 
Donde. d. confuU. 97. <j nun{ lo. ijfciue infinem vbi in verf.cjf* 
hac mtd imctpretatiOi ; inquit, quod ifta iDtcrprctarto mani- 
fcfie probrttur authoritatci G/ii/.f. ia cap.ex littererum ^, 
lie fa-, cjui du^.inm&trim. quam poUuii per adultcrium , cuou* 
enim in Tcxtu dicantur ilia verba vxorcro tuam in adultcna 
df prachcnratt* Glof. it> V J^prtehtnfam-i explicat > idctt con- 
uidtam J Mart.vot. fci* decif. j 06. per totam vbi num.^. quod 
ifta opinio eft mulium iusta^squa , & communiter tenta^-^/i*- 
ta dec. Sicil'ta di. nam' ii. c^ 1 2. & in Calcc ponit rcfoljut. 
MagQff Curljcd. Rcgni >pef quaasawritusfuit damnatusad 
ctircmes per fcptcnntum ) idgue artenta circumflantia, quod 
vocarife/ccrai Vxorcm pcrfilium* extra maroia Ciuitatisubiq; 
illam jnterfcccrat* '& cius Cadaucr poftci repcrcum fuerau 
comedi k canibos Oexar. decif. Sardin, ^.per totanii vbiin/i- 
fic tcltam rfic fuiflc dccifum in Sacro Rcgio Prarcorio , coo- 
dcmnando maricum duntaxac incxiliutn ) Sat)f<elic. decif, 
337. »«f9>. i'X>& 13' vbi quod4in6 coacurrente Quaiiu^o 
Perfons tucruota RcgioConfilio Neapolisabfoluti quidam 
nobilcs luucnes, qui occidcrunt vxorcs ex interuallo > &es 
vchcroendfufpicioDe Adulrerij.ad quorum fsuorcro fcripfe- 
runtdo^ores prima: claHlis, quorucn ailcgationesidem Au- 
thor ponit Tubt^sdictam fuara decinoncni » &quamuisali- 
qui iprorum fucrinc damnati ad rcmigandum > inquid > quod 

hoc 



[xxviii] 



noc proccflitcx caufa ab/ciflRonis gen»fa/«ura defn^o fecu- 
taj^quia ocmpd id ficiemes reputantur.inirnki oamr* )Mti(Ii- 
mt Pantm9lLde(if,%6.ti.io.& plurihus fet:j^.Calderg decif /^i n, 
i6.&i7.vbiquamuisipfe in antcccdcntibii j.n.n. in nobis con^ 
trariarainclinarciu oplnioticm , vifo Matthxitfuprt per oos 4/- 
legatoc\im illiusopinionepercranfit. 

Etraciocft cuidcntifljoia 5 quia Imiufmodi iniuria recepta per 
viros ingenuos ■> prajfertim nobiles jCiTdcmfcooper eftprae- 
fcfis> fempcrquc corprcmit , & \rrget ad vlciicendum ob 
amifsum honorcra rccupcrandu, vt bene animaduerat Gmrh. 
d.cottf^S.nwn.l^.Scllen.depoteJl eerum > eju£ fintit iacorttin. dt- 
^0 cap.20,t!um.6.Ca'-oL/1n(.de Ltcaia&ddit.ai Franch. dtOa- 
dectf,6-jZ.r>nm.%.adfinem.i fjtrf.matituiy vd Pater t San felted, 
decif.ii'j.ftu mtliu! t« prima allegat, fubtus dtifara dectf. num. 
^o,Pa»imQll.d.dec.S6,nut7i.i i,^ feqif. 

Quemadmoducn fcniper > & vbicumque agitur de homicidio 
commilso ex ci\ih honoris non cfsc locum panaf ordinaris, 
fed cam arbicrio ludicis mitigandam jCtiam > quod illud fe- 
quutum f ucrit ex intcruaIlo,& pof} multum tcmpus ex fupra- 
di(fia»'3tioncfi,-n)anc,& decifum rcferunt (^rammattc.dfcif.^. 
^li^QtzzarellMcif.i'^.num.^.vhic^nod ita lenopcr fuicludi- 
catum per Sacrum Coniiliuin Nedpolitanum . & quod hasc 
opinio Temper Fnit a maioribu"; noflr/s rccepta c^»*«.j.f^/- 
^u< Baldax.de Angel.aum a.O" fee}(f.?rat,rejpenf.crim.z%. nnm. 
\%,in fiB. Adden. ad Pa/cal.de'vnth.Patr.potf/i.par.^. tap. 6' 
%.C9Mgruit pAg.^i^'^. \ eriKXgl.conf.'iT'nuyn.i i. Roc.GeHueo.vou 
ti.fuhtiHm.^.ver/. ^ tft ade'e prmilcgiatA > poil Ctttfal.ad leg* 
vti,Ccdtc./iquis ImperaLmaledix. Campat.re/o'.ut.i6. nu,,^. vbl 
quod ita fuitludicatum per Magmm Curiam Vicarijequam- 
uis agcrcturdeiiomicidio poft bicnaiuni) & proditorie com- 
mifio i duobus fratribus in perfonam Adulter^ eor urn Soro- 
risCoofobrinx, CTiriac.c«mr$uerf.ioi^.num.j^,vb\ dehomici- 
diocommifsopervxorem in perfonam mariri ex caufa,quod 
rctinebat Concubin3m> & cius Honori infidiabatur, & dicit, 
quodiuftus dolor cum habeat tradum fuccefsiuum racione 
vltimidolorisivhio femperdici debet fequuca incontinenti > 
Polic.de Reg.Audiettjffm.i.tit.io.cap.y.na.^o, 

Suppctic quoquc alia ratio aDodorjbus conlidcraca , quia fci- 
licet iniuria, per quam honor l^ditur , non eft Perfonalisifed 
reaiiS) quaepropccrei^ propuifaripoteft quadocttm<)ue etian^ 

A 3 poft 



[xxix] 



pofi lapfum longirsiffi! terrsporijj vtin nortrfs termiuisCy/ar^. 

29 & fe^AiLl.repesit.fubiai d.deaf Sanfeiic, 357. f'»b ttam.Hj. 
virf.nam cutn fi<i(-)& n.feq. CabrerJe met. dJs(/'i.cip,i^$,vtrf, 
pungttprs hscfsHtentiay Merfa d.votffeu deGif.io6»Hum,io,?&t> 

Cum igitur habsamus roc ClafsJcos dodlores vfutfsimis ratio- 
nibus firmanecshomicidiuiis commifsum etiaoi ex inrerual- 
iojn Psjfonam ysort'3> &alEerius cuiufcucnqus Perfona ex 
caufa honoris noa efse punicnduns poena ordinaria » fed mi- 
tiori, & vlterius cli(Si Do<fiO!'€S tcftentur fie fuifse iudicstum 
inTribunaiibus, in quibusjpfi yerfsri fuecunti nil profe^ad 
curandud eft dccontraria opjnione FannACcei. rjuafLizi'cr 
af.f*»/?.i4i.qui^cuidenterd!gnorcimus ipfum loqui contri 
costraunemi 8e In Tiibunalibos magis reccptam optnionem 
Valenz^iitUoRf. 1 19 .fium.z 5 .d> 2 6.Hot,recens,dtcif/^ 64.»»fli.8. 

VltcviiiS animaducrtcndoj quod idem Author in conf.66. num,'^, 
contrarJum lenct, prxfcrum fe fundans in difpoficione 7*?*- 
fss in leg^Diuus Adrianusff.ad leg, Vomp, de Parrhid vbi Par cf 
oecidens fiiium non rrperfum in aftu venereo cum noucrca 1 
fed in vcnatione, &sn Si!uis><?£ fic inceruallo non mortis, fed 
dc porration spc^na punitur,cuius Tcrtcusdifpofitionefn pa- 
ritetpro Corroboratione huius noftra? opinionis addiicunt 
picrique ex propfiratis Do^oribus, confideraado cc ;i d^ 
quoci idem Author in dtQa qusji. \ 2 i ,dubius bat fici vt in num. 
iiS.vbi fatetur, quod pro hac noftra opinione multuni ftrin- 
git fupr^ relata ratio? quod ciufa honoris , & iuftus dolor 
kmpercorprcmJs , ideoque ai?in contiogenria fa<Si fcruari 
debcrcdifpofitionccn Te}cttis m legation fatoff> de iHreVifci 
vbi ModcftiousIurJsConfalfus inqoirfenon putarc dclin- 
querc cuio,qui indiibi/squaidionibus contra Pifcum Faci- 
!d rcfpooderii 5 d?- F-ar/fl. ficdiccntemrcfert , de fequkut id 
his terminisD.R^^ /»<«/. /><ifw a.fiJ/'.2.§.4.»»<w.i j6. 

Caucndum autem eft ab co, quod afseric idem FurinaccJ. etnf. 
i4i-m/i>?f,quod fcilicet fua Opinio faifsctj vcipfcpcrcipcre 
potuit magis approbata a Sacra Conrulta.quia cunij vt jpfc- 
met faretur, dubitatiotunc non fueric propoHtaiipfe non po- 
tcrae djumarc quid cucncurum fuifsct fi propofica fuifscc > & 
reuera fapicacilsimi PP.difli fuprerai conlcfsus cuta iilius 

opi- 

[xxxj 



opinlone non ttsnftum , kd contrariam nobis f^uorabiletru 
fcruaiK , VE exrefoiunonibus , qu^eraanant indies j ira_; 
enim ieruatum fuicdie vJgefima quiuta Martij 1672. eo£n_- 
Carolo Falerno qui da«:natusfult in exrraofdinarid pro ho- 
micidjo parrato in perfonan? FranciTci Doniinici ; quein in- 
uenit cgrcdicnfcro ex Ecclcha) ad qu.'sm ne accederet priE- 
tnonuerar fufpicajuSjquod Vxoremad rccrarct»r,i^rnilj mo- 
do cum Carolo P^atarazzo fub die 15. Augnftt 1675. qui 
vxoiemincerfecif exearuftlcana fufpicjonei quod Pauus 
i'uppoizti ratione men/ium iucg abfentj^ cflet furpet^us de^ 
non legitimicase, ciimramen ea rufpicio in i'sifio non adc6 
veriest! refponderet, & in lure fit res prorsus fallax , & hu- 
mano intelJevlui imperuiaad text, in I. i. $. 14. yfl </^ ag»ofc> 
(J ale^Ti. lfk& ibi fsnbtfisef 5 & optimd ratiocinatur Hi?/. /« 
Auenioncn. dstationis ^, Marl^ X692. § y?<^ cum hodie (oram 
R.P,D. meo Caprara, 
Sicutf eiiam in homicidfo ex infjdijSjCiim Archibufiasacom- 
mifToiii perlonam ThornaeBouinia Francifco Mauucciode 
monteS. loannis periona viIifRma ex Caufa ifimpiicifer ten- 
tara' pudiciti^ eius foron'sj dequocondabat per duos TefJcs 
de aoditu abiplooccifo die 4. Septcosbris 1651. pxj^am tri- 
remium perperuarum , In quam Tub die 12. lulij aoreccdcncis 
diclus Martocciiises indicijs vrgcnjifiiinijcondemnatus rue- 
rat modcrata efc SacConfulca Pooente bo. mem. R.P. D. 
Rarta. 
lure icaqoe merlro idem FarwaecP'x pTo(c(\Q conhtatm,^ reij- 
citur a Matih.delie Crimtn, d.rsfoLii.Kum.xz. f^ a Dexart, 
d . del. 5 . pf sfertim num. 1 6, 
Et h^c ncu'tra opinio eo facilius recipicnda venit > ponderan- 
do, quod manrusindigoarur plus de adukcrio Vxous» quam 
fi fihiis occidarur picnc lo: Lopez, in Ruhr, de donat. inter vi' 
rwwsC^ I' Jf(?r, §.78. wdw.j. ckm feq. Bojf. de Coif, damv.fjr p»' 
fjibd. t!Ufr},^6. Cahal. refoL crtmin. caf, 1 5 , n^m.g^ ^ dtfi. caf* 
^00. num. iQ, Neuar. in Summ.Bultar, dt&apar.i commeittar. 
ji.fubitum.Bi. Jilui, d,dec.6i.mm,i, quinirpd, & magis> 
qusifi (1 fltopetur HUSiNei'izaf), Sih. uupiiat.if.%.ve>b. non efi 
fnubendam num. ^o.Pafikai. devir. p&tr^poie/l par. i.eap.'y* 
f!um.^^. verf.d^ de hoc Crimtuey Nsuar, d. comment ar.Ti. fub 
d. fium-Hi, aded> quod /] maritus dc aduiterio Vxoris naru» 
conqucraiur j prsfumicur Lcno 5 vc profequitur Pafcat. vbi 

A 4 pf'f- 



[xxxi] 



proxime; Adulfcrium fiqoidcm Vxoris oflPendic non foliinj_. 
maritum» fed totam cognationem denigrar , & macular , vt 
inqnic Uomatt. toaf./^^i, niim.io.BoJf.d. tit. decoit. damn- & 
funihil. z!.44. Mcuar. d.Commemar -jz.fubd. w.8l. quod con- 
cigifl'e in praBlcnucafu ftJanibuspalpatutn eft; Dominusenim 
Abbas Paulus fratcr O.Guidonjs coaftus fuic non folutru 
vrbcm defercrcin qua fucnma ciim laudc vixcrat per mulros 
annos t fed tranfgrcdi (raliani,quia nimirum per huiufmodi 
adulcerium fumnsum Dcdecus confcquutus fucrat > adco , vc 
CUE) ludicialiter profcquerctur illius Caufatn ipfi accidit » 
quod moucrit rifum, & cachinoos fcrd in Ofnnibus ctian.* 
fenfatis,& cordatis virisjnon umcn dicaaa in ipfismct ludici- 
bas> quemadmodum in his criaoa contingcre con(ueutc Ttftt 
Cajir. conf. 277. fub numen 3. verf, fed net Indices' lih.2. 
fequicur Neuix.an. S'lu. nuptitd. tib.i. aerb. noneB nubendnm^ 
ful?nam.g^, CaifuL di^i.ca/. ^00, Tium. if. Matth. dicia centr. 
It nurp.z^' Boer, dec. igZ. num.i. Qaiderh d, dec.^i .fsum.6, 
Pf xdi(^is oullaienus obnaret , fi , citra vcri pra?iudicium , ad- 
mittcrcrouE ( prourFiTcus praftendic) quod idem D.Gdido 
VJforem occidilTer cum Conopiicitate > & auxilio prxdidto- 
rumBlafij, Dumsoici , Pfj nci fc; -, & ^lexandri adhuc effe- 
duriTcoaddnatorocn ,qu)3 W ci facerc licuiflct> vt commo- 
dius ,& rutins dc iila vindi<Sani fumercc Bald, ia cap. vltint, 
num.6.circafinem , de luram,Calumnia->Qaflrenf.inleg.Refe6ii9. 
fits num. ^.Cod.Comm.Prddior. laf.inleg. i:§, V fufruci arias ^ 
Tiuiti.'y.verf.fecundoaetabiliterltmitAff.de cper. tsou. tiunciat, 
Ca/lrenf.cenf.i-j'j»num,'^dib.z, CepoU. conf. Crimin.^. num. \ ^, 
verf. fecuttdb Jsmilit'er ^ ^ »«i».i4. , <> 1 J. vbi refcrc id fuinc 
ludicatum per rotam Curiam Veron«>c^«»/w. \6.^ fecj. vbi 
quod ifta eft Veritas « (^conf.-ji.num.i i. , c^ de feruit. Vrban. 
^rxdior cap.2^.»um.i I. > vbi paricer, quod iti fuic iudicatum) 
& quod hoc eft menti tencodum , RoUh. tonf. ^4. nunt. 8. ^ 
fequentibus-iijfque ixd iS. lib, 2, Soccin. iut)xCotif.i^Mum,i2, 
^fetf.vel.i, Pap-if, conf. 1 54. nam.j, vol.^. 1$: Franc, de Petit, 
conf ^S.itum.^ I. , &fe^q, lih.i. quod eft rcpctitum ia Cake 
di^* deciftonis S&>tftUc.%^y. num.Zg. 1 ^feq. Marjil, Cs^guUr. 
IT). per tot, lo; de Arnon, fi»gular.^%.pariter^er toi.Cajf<xn. ad 
Confuet. Burg. Eub,^ .$.1. tn.de freotes n,^i.fag,mihi Si j. Nem 
uJzan.Sylu.nuptialdib. i .vtr.noa e(i nubendu n.gi.Gomez, ad leg, 
Tauri 80. nitm.62, Caball. rejol. criminal, d. ca/'Soo. num.^B, 
cumfeq. & »um.y$, Mart.vo(.feudc(if.zo6. ft urn. ^. Garz, de» 
ciffLpcrtot, Et 



El qufdem etiam quod praedi'aos homines conduxilTct medfan- 
tepecunia, Bald, inieg.dracchas fab num.^.Afftiff.faper ton- 
Jilt. Kegui lib.i. rubric. 8. num. ^o. gir lib. 3. rubric, 46. autn.^. 
CrA'&c vtrobique teftatur fc ica praAjcari v'xdiSctCarer.pra' 
ilic. CriminaUn ^.ira^. de homicid.y ^ afaJf\H. §.8. excujatur 
Vatert/um, i ^.foL i6g.,^%. 9 excufatur Maritus uum. r t . 
JoLx-joU tcrgoMars. dillo vat. feu deetf.iod. esd. num.g. cum 
alijs allegatis mitk §. Et in foriiorthus . 

Non autcm Gaufa honoris ccffac rcfpccau homicidiorum di^o- 
rum Soceri 5 & focrosjOantcenim confpiracione habita Jn_» 
Aduitcrio per filiam comnnTo> ipfi fuerunt u\ Caula iniuris> 
& ignominiar >qua!cxeo rediltarunt in pernicicrahonons,3c 
exiltimaiionis Domini Guidonis Generi , & rcfpecfiiud Mari- 
iii proptcrea /icuti ipfi de lure puniri dcbuifTcnt eadcm pasna 
qua Principalis iuxta Textus exprc<Tbs in leg.^ui domum.'obi 
Glof. ^ in leg. Etfi Amicit , citm leg. Secjuentt ff. ad leg. \ul. d^ 
Aiulter. ^ in Ug. i.^.Fia.Jf.de extraordinar. Crimi».Natt.conf. 
i^l per tol.voLi.., PafcaLde vir.Patr.poteJl. part. j. cap. lo.nu- 
viSro 20. fra , & fufficienieoi Caufjm dederunc cidem Domi- 
no Guidoni de illis vlcifccndi . 

Additoinfupcr, quod, vt in fadio probabitur , & afleiuit in fuis 
Confticuiis ipfcmec D. Guido.ipfi aliud pr^iudicium imulc- 
runtexiftimationieiufdctn mediante lite Cioili per ipfos in- 
tenraca ruppofitionis partus di(5l:a: Francifc« Pooipiliajjcuul- 
gando etiam, Srdiftribuendo non roliim hie in Vrbcj fed 
etiam in Patrja ipfius mordaciffimas fcripturas conk-ftas, 
quin etiam imprcfTaj fuper eadcm lite > ita , yt negari noru. 
poflic.quin Dominus Guide ex hoc etiam iuftum doiorcm, & 
Prouocationc conccpcrit, & iuftara Ciufam habuerit fumcn- 
di yindicftam ad Tcxtum in cap. i .de ijs , quifil. occid. vb» Ale- 
xander Tercius rcfcripfit Epifcopo Tornaccnfii quod mulie- 
reta , qu« filium incerfeccrat co , quod fibi a Marito exproba- 
rctur illuro efTe conceprum ex Adulterio , dctruderet in Mo- 
naftcrium . In delidlis cnim,in quibus etiam Iracundia non_, 
excufac » adhuc delinqucns in iracundia , quae ortum babuii 
exiuftodolore venicaliqualiterexcufandu* , vt ex pra?di(5lo 
Tcxtu notat ibidem Gonzal. »um. 2. & firmat Menech. de Ar^ 
bitr. caf. ^')6.fium.')g. 

Abrque CO , quod ex his Fifcus pra?teodere poflit incurfum poe- 
nae in Alexandrina conftitucionc appofitje > quia delii^um in 

praf- 

[xxxiiij 



pr^ienti noD potefl dici cofRmifTum in odium litis , in qu a.. 
D. Ciuido fenc<Jntiam fauorabilerT? ah A. C. Thomafo re- 
portaucrar* carTonizac<3m et«3m a fupremo Tribunali ffgna- 
tor^e iuflitiae? fed potius ex iufto doioreprouenienteex dida 
Ignominia eJdetn rcfultaiKc es dicJa Partus fuppo^tione, at- 
que ex prouocatfone abeifdemmec occifis facia iT»ediantc_» 
dicia euulgationc) & diftributione rcripturarum , &coni"pi- 
ratione prafdidla ad fugara ejus Vxoris ; cum fcilic^t <li<ita^ 
conftitutio non intrecjvbi dolus non interuenit, Ted ex Parcc 
offcnGaliqua pi^ceitit prouQcatio> VI lati/Tfme firmac Pari- 
fiacc. conf.6j.f9r tot. vbi \vi calcc ponit per eitCenSum dcci/io- 
ncm Sacrj Rofsp. 

Et in omoem cafum , chm in D. Guidone dux concurrerene 
CauCr ad delinc^i^endum ; Al'cra TciJIcet praediase litis 1 & 
Altera honoris )a^/i ob diflam litem inrentatatr!, & confpira- 
tam fiigami ex quo aduiceriuai psoccffit , atceadenda c(! ilia 
honoriS) qiis cfl granior , & confcqiienter etiam m.igis pro* 
portionata delicto Hondt^. conf. 105. num. 6q. Ith.i. vermigt. 
conf.jg. f}.l^.Rot.GefJtiC)7.vpt. ri. 9. 5.c^6. /"o// CcufaL ai 
I, v/tic. C. fi ^uh Imper. ffialedixer, optiaie in his teratims 
Matib. derecnmix. ccHfy.i i.Kum.yg. 

Similiter necaggrauafi debet p'oena refpcftu Joci, quia honoris 
derenfio eft adeo iufta , adeoque eft lufta Ira , animiquc oao- 
tus exea prouenienSj vt deeo oon fir habcnda rafio> vt ex 
Itafifte Fraticifc' del Carrilb dec'f'7 1-"'*-5^ & 5 5.1oqueinej 
dc InfuItU fai2o in Carccrc XtiictMerlin, Viavatel. controuer, 
for,(ap.66,numai. e^ 28. vbi tium, 29. Concliilionem cora- 
probat ex co, quod maior Rcuerentia Ecdefiisi 8f alijs locis, 
Deo cotjfectatis, & in quibus Rex Rcgum 5 & dominus do- 
minantium afTiflit percfTentiain, & nihilominijs •dclinqaens 
in cis ex iufta Ira> & doiorc excufatur , afleiens iti vno oro 
fateri Canonifias omncs in cap.fia.de Immunit.Ecclef. ii aiioj 
pereum ibi allegatos. 

Facilius igitur Conclufio proccdcre debet in Cafu noftro , vbi 
D. Francifca non cxiftebat in Carceribus formalibusjfcd ha- 
bebar domum pro Carcere fob fideiufliOne fcutoruic Triccn- 
torum de non difcedendOjqui cnim dedit fidciufifbres>& lura- 
uir de non reccdcndo oec in vjoculis, nccin Cuftodia eft L. 
prima jf.de Cuffod.Reof.AiigtUn Ltjui in Carcerem mm. %. ff. 

tjuod 



[xxxiv] 



^utdmet. Cduf iMcde Pfn, in i.fiqu'u Decurh , nuttt.6* Cod, de 
Deeunoa.lilt.io.Vh'i quod fint diuerfa inter fc in vinculis cu- 
Aodiri, & fiJeiuflbribus commicii Grammai,ceH/.^ i.nam.8.(^ 
g.FarinaccqUitff.^oriurner. ^S.vhi quod vcrbura CoRodix 
magis {ici^k inrciiigenduaieft, quacn vcrbura vinculorusij 
per Tetetum io LSaecurritur in finei ibi -- Cujiodiam avti^m fn- 
titm publicam acdpi Laho pmat — Et iWi" glojf ta verba putat. 
^mix quibui: Cauf. maioret ^r. Cyrill. in Sttmtn. Qrimin. Ruhr. 
12 . de Cu/M.Rear,§. i.num.l,vcr/. Viaculorktrt ergo apptliatia 
latius accipitur . 
Si igitur D. Guido> quatcniiset'am confeiTus fuiffet fcciinxj 
complicitatc, & AuJtiliopr«di<Siorum occid.fl'e propriarru 
Vxotcin, focerum, dr focrom ex pr^didiis hjud punicodus 
c/rct pcena ordinariai mulio faciliOsid aHequt debemus at- 
tcnto, qacd ip(e folumoiodo fafliis foitdedifle mandarooi_,» 
vt Do(Soruni vtarverbis.ad sfniiandom diclam fuam Vxo- 
tfm raotiimj non eoicn hoc cafu ipfc tcnetur de morte /ecut* 
di^a? fuaf Vxorij, & ab'orum Dec.cat3f.62i,num. j^. vbiquod 
mandans in ifio cafu, 'oliim puniri potcft per modum culpar* 
proqua nee pafoa corporaiis i(nponi potcfl) Qrammdtic conf. 
io.fiatM.i. (y 2. vtrmigl.cohf- lO.pcrtif.^^nanter'ium.iQ. 
Vetr. a plaz, tpitom.deliiftr^ lib.i.Cip.i ^.nwn, i. Xierf. idein_» 
ciiam dicendum fi fierce inandat»n:i ad sfnfanJum i Menecb. 
de Arbisr.caf.^^2. num.}. *^ 4. Fatifjae.quaff^lj^. num. 156. 
Quatenus vcro fifcns huiufmodi confcillont qualjficafff acquic- 
iccre uol>t , fed dum inquiJltum torqucrc prjffcndat proha- 
beoJa wlteriori praefcnfa vericatcj in fali cafu Torri/ra crit 
(implex, non enioi agi potcft de fortnento vjgiJis,quia obftat 
confticutio fa.m.Pauli V. edita fupcr reforaiatione Tribuna- 
lium vrbis; qua; habetur inter alias conftitutioncs ciufdcrrL* 
inord-ne /a 71. Tit. de ludic, Cnminttib. ^ui e/i§. 10. *.|o. 
toni' 3. Bultar. pag. 198. per quatn fancitum fuit huiufmodi 
tormcnrum infcrri non poffc, nifi copulatiue concurrant ilia 
"dtio>videhcet quod delidiuai fir atrociffimunij quodq; Rcu; 
fie grauatusindicijs rrgentiiSniis, & teftantuBS/»ai.f<'«/.ii4. 
0.4. ilk I. Fartnacc. qu.^8' oum.jt. Locattl. qq. ludtc. crtmirt. 
infj/ecf.i. ft«w.44. Guaz.x.in, def.^o, cap.ii. nn/n,!^. iierf. <j^ 
hic,^ufeb\a5 laodatiflim^ inemorig dccefsor meus \nftia *ll*g. 
%mprt(fa ^epud Pajftriu, in c*p.l.fi*l> ». 70. t/s primipio > de ho» 
mieid. tn 6. 

Deli- 



[xxxv] 



Deljdlum aatctn atrociinmutn dlchut duaitaxJt illud , pro quo 
pjcna grsuior, qua fioiplicis mortis inipofienda venit > velut? 
fcinfionisin frufti, cotnbafiiooijj^J ^milium, Purinnc. qn- 1 8. 
nnm. 68. (ja.rpz.an. praH. crimift.par.^. qu, 102. «a/^?. 6 2. Sf4- 
»4rd/. ^f "y/y^^ Career. lth.i,i.6. tap.^. num. i^.pag.igi .Cara- 
oa», refoi.x. nutfuxZ. Palic. df Reg. Audien, tom.i. tit. ?. cap.2. 
tium.6z.D, Rainali.o'aferu, pir^^. cap.S^. §■ 6. t>um. 4 Quod 
mortis Genus ,vti Ignominiofuoi , & Irrogans inUfQiani^ 
fignanter non bsbel locuni in Perfoais nobilibuj, Ifg. tnoris 
eH 9= %>fed entmff. de ?fu. QLnff. in I. dcfertorem j. §. torqutn- 
tur-, ibiquf Burt el. ff". de Re milit. idem Bjrtol. in l.tapitiiUum-t 
Sfersti c£ fiff.de Pds^Cajfan, i» Catal Glor, mundx par. 8. con' 
j/idtr, -^i.verfhtniettAtn tftJParin. quafi.ij S, num. 98. Coi4arr» 
•UAriar. lih, a. cap. 9. tturrt. 4, muko igifur minus, qc.od non_s 
agitur hie dc Pjena mortis^qux in pfccrenti aon injiac ex fu- 
periusfirmatis, & ia p'jnSo adc/fcdum, vt huiuHnodi deli- 
dumnon dicaturqualificatum aduertit GabricU conf X87. 
num. 12.& i^. lib.2. 

QtizdiCii funt fauorc D.Giu'donis Princfpalij m ilitant ctiam-» 
f'auorc , prafdiffioraiT) Blaflj, Dominici> Franci^ci.& Alexan- 
drijquia ncc ip/i pumri poifant poena ordinanaifed ei dusn- 
taxatjquadiiSus Principslis^^W.*/* l.Graceus., nufTi.^.Cod.ad 
icg.Ifil'de Adulter, vlii pOiUtCi(am de ft-ituio pr^cipicntejv 
quod Baooictis proceiiOiCfimine »on poiHc occidi ni(i ab 
InimiCO; qui f^cit euai bannirij fie dicit q'jod d Iniajicus fe, 
cericcumaflainnafi, /fflaflfsnus non punitur j & Rationeaue 
redditj quia quod fuic iicitum in Perfooa maodantis , rcpu- 
tatur lititum m Pctfona maDdatariij& diciJ cfTeCasu expref- 
fum in d.le^CyCaJhefrf, tn l.Hefsiiioais n ^.Ced, Cen*muf!,Prt' 
dior.t vbi quod fi ex forma ftaturo Iicitum cfl a.'icui fo mere 
vindi<5iamdc co,qui ipfiimoflendJt, iicituinefl etiarn con- 
gregarc Araicos, qui ipfuas iuucntad hoc > & quod illi noa 
puniuntut) (icuc nee ipfe Principalis • & dicic hoc idem^ 
Cenuiffi: IdcoLButrigar. & 'ft I. raptores num,6,'utrf. Sedtjuidji 
permttst C. de Epifi,^ Clersi. vbi m eifdem tcrminis:& conf. 
i.'jT.fuh nu.l.verf.ldeiparQendum fun eis 1 vbi in tcrmiois ma- 
riti) quicoadonauerac horaiDCsadbaftcnandoincum , qui 
cum velJet ofFendcre pudicitiam fu2 Vxoris ioiunxitci- 
<ic0) Vxofij « fingerct fcpraebcrc aurcs, & ciim vcniflet.fuit 

com. 



[xxxviT 



comminum homicidi'unt , & dscft > quoJ Bominibus talhcv 
coadunaiis parcendum fyir,<]uJ^ huiufmodicoadunitio fue- 
lat licita Marito Principali VoLz.UfoK.ftfleg.i.^.v/efruc/ua' 
Ttusnom.^ praferfim i/i/ecunda hmuat.ffj. non.opcr^ noticiat. 
vbi quod quauis vindida, quar a itatuto pcrm!tcicur,non pof- 
fit alteri dcmandari j tanren is , cui ilia perciiirrriur ,pottft 
fcciim adhibcrc Socios, & Compilccs ad iitum a'tum , qui 's 
fimulcumeooccidanr,non tcnebunturdeoccifcnccde Au- 
xilio praiflito, & dicir, quod ifta fisa opinio e(? mulcum Cor- 
di tenenda CapoU.coti/.Crimin.^.ttuvj.X'^. •Verf.z./imiitter , <^ 
««w./>^^. &execnplificat in pluribos cafibus fjgi.anrcr in lU 
lo de hominibus occidentibus conwcrlantemcum .?ororo 
cius t qui illos coadunaucrat » & did'-, qood non dcbucranc 
puniri,ficuti,nec ipfc prjne!palisj& quod ita obtinuit ludica- 
ji,& hoc idem rcpetrt cenf.j i,num. 1 1.(^ dc feru.iiyfban.pr£. 
dior.cap.zs>num>li. Reland. cor^l. 34. nawer. 8. d?* ffoq^ 
njfjueadl^- lib, iSocc',n,\tin.co»f.^^,nam.l^.(^ i^.volum.2, 
vbi nifi torjequisvclic dicere , quod punin debeant mmore 
poena>quam principalis prouc fep^ conting't in auxiliator;- 
bur» & loquitur in his noflristerminis hominum 3 Marito 
coadunatorum ad effcdlum Decidendi ad-jiterum Vxorrs fuce, 
inquibusetiam rerminis coufuiuit Pari/cofif.i^^.Kum.io.i^ 
fcq<},vol.^.CArer.iKpra6i.Cnmi!t.iH trail. ^Je homicid.cr a(fo{f. 
j^,S>exca/atnf pater fjwa.t 3. vbi de Pane, qui per aflTarsinium 
fecerat occidi filiam eurpiterconucrfanfem , & dicitquod 
necPatcr nee occidens renetur rd. 169, dr §.g. excufatur 
Maritus num.ii.vhi hoc idem tcnecin terminis Mariti>eiur- 
que Mandatarij/^/. 1 70.4 iergo lequirur Mart.votyfeit drci/ion, 
lo6.nKm.<i.Mar/}i fingul.i'j^.per tot. Vbi po/<ts tn ptincipio 
conclufioncquodconcefTovno omnia vivientur eiTe concei- 
fajpcr qusdeucnirur adillud,ex ilia infcrc a6, pr^fentemCa- 
fumj& plures adducit rariones Caffan.ad confuciud.Bargund. 
rubriciSp^imo tit. Des rentes, Kum.i^i.pag.mihi 815, vbi quod 
homines taJitcr coadunatijii fitnul occidant cum principalis 
non tcnenturdeoccffcnecdcauxiJiopfceftito , & in eifdcm 
terminis Qarz decif.jl.pfr ter. 
Tdquc non obflantc quod aliquis priediiflorumproprijs manihus 
viJlnera(rcii vc! ctiam occidifletaljqnem cs pr^didis jprouE 
Fsancifcus fafifiis faic fequatuor , am quinqj vufneribus afFc- 



[xxxvij] 



clffe d.Ffandfcam PompilJam la dorfo : Qui'a m hh etiitru 
terminis aiihtat regula dc non puoiendo ausi/iacores, feu 
ptaclUotesopem Qi,iiori poena j quam principalemj Sjcuti in 
indiuJduo Hroiat ex proximc illc^iti$Ca/lrea.fa d.legMapiores 
9Uf>t 6.C de Epifs, ^ Cleric. ^d'lHo conf.ifj. fuhd.nam.-^ 
isel % . lnfof}.i/i di&i l.i.§. vfufrnxinn rtus num, 5 . 1*2 .limit, ff* 
de ftou.opfr.nHUciat.Chajfan.ad ionfuetud.Burgund, rubr.'y. %.i, 
tit.des R^»/^5/jtf;K.43.^<«^.8iv&ita iudtcatuni fuiffc eeftarur, 
GArz..d.dec(f.'jl,\b\ — liniiCiAtfecufn adhihere Socies ad hunc 
a^initq^i fi fimulciimfo occiiunt aduUeres mlniw} tcneantury 
nec d: octifo nee de i^uxUioj &faii iudicatum-> quod J;c . 
Etintortioribus terminis occidentis per afTaflinium.&ric abfen- 
te ctiam principali fuic originalis o^plnio Bald-.in LGracchus 
intm''i,fig'>Antcr ibi -- wodo tjuaritur nufitjtud fijfaUiniuspu- 
ti}atur% & die ffuod aae, quid ilhd , qtiodfuit licit um tn perfona 
rrsandatuis fuit Ikiiutn tn ftrfcna ffiandatarij -- Ccd- ad 
le?> luL de adult. Caftren. /« d.lcg. ^efeclianis tmm. 4. 
ibi — §lt*iA , quod p^Jfum facere per me > poffitm faiC' 
re per tr)t»!(lrss tneos ad hoc nectlTiiFios.Ajfli^.fuptr eo}:Jiu.Regn . 
Ub. \,rtibr.%,num^1c. ibi -- tamper fe , qudm ^er alium etiam^ 
fum pccuKta-, & Jic^er aj] afjinium dicst Bald.ibtdem-, quod ideffif 
quia quod Itclikm e[t tn Per/9f)a mandAfnii eU licitum tn Perfona 
ptaftdaiartj.Qi te/latoma ^uiffle ml^\czn^m^& li6.$ rub. 45.»5. 
vbi pariter quod^ira it)dfcatun»fuit,d'' nume^o ^.Carer.prafi. 
Crtmin. in ^. tra&.dc homicid. (jr ajf, §, 8. excufatur Pater 
rjSim.ii.fol.i6$&%.N0ng excufitt4r tnaritus num. ll.foL 170. 
A (ergo MonticiU.eoclem trail. reg.6Je mandatat^nn, 14. /^/.j 9, 
NettiziUf.Silu, nupstal. lib. x. lio'.mn eft nuhendum numero g%, 
prsfcrtim ibi — ^T-A<jf d/^" tnandare — Mart, di^o vot. feu 
d€Cif.2O6./3Um.0. ibi — df muho fnagit quia Docfcres firm^runt 
maritum-^quipra timore AdulUram cccidere nequit peffi clteri 
demandartiVt illatnpropeeunia ittatn accidait&neuter pHtti(fidu$ 

Quid quid in cootrarium 6'\c5t Caball. dicle caf.^oo- numtro 
7 j. quia ipfe fe fundat in authoritate Caft».d.conf.iiy.ltb.i. <^ 
Bolat.d tc»f.}i{.nuf».ig,j i.t^pq.vel.z.V ahm Caftrcniis no- 
flraerencentiatauct, vcvidere eft '^ffw.j. Roland, vcro non eft 
attcndendus,qui3cinn anegi;t illiid fimile de ftaturo permic- 
teotc alicui fuixiere vindii.lam, & dicaesquod cum huiufaiodi 

per- 



[xxxviii] 



permsfsso fit perfonaHsy propecfea aoap^eed e^ircdi iilius 
Perfonam eius opinio cf! exprefsc contra dodlf mam BsU.Ca- 
ftre>i.1afott»^ aliorum ^ quos allegauimus fupfS %./fB£diSi» 
fuaty & cum hxc nodes opmfo Qt sqalottSc mitiofj efi tcnen- 
da, vt in pundo refoluit Ja/I?>r rf/Vi^tf Ui.%.vfas/rs{}uArius ». j. 

Ncquc verohuiafmodi poena exafpcrarJ poeeft ob prxtenfim^ 
dclatjonem armorum prohibi?orum, quia j"f?a contanditur 
cum del'i^Q BaiifiLadu^rfus in ^!ie, CJe fnrt,-,TarAn L^aei 
dtchur nurr., "i'ff-ic verb .ohbg.Marfil .ia Lfi'tn rixxnum. y-%-f' 
ad l.CsraJe Sitancr (onf,^ i.naffi.^ i.verf.cum ergo id a portcitio 
armsrumi Cgphal,C6nf.zo^.nam.;\.%. (t feq. vol.2, VaTtfj.qUdfl. 
ioB.itum.r66.G»azzifi, iffi*if>i6.<ap,t, nu^.xZ. vbictiamfi 
pro defatiooe ariaoram efTceapoodta nsaior poena; Adeo , 
quod vbiccnOaCs quod deHctu-n fuic comtniffum cum cau- 
Tj &• iufto dolore* vf io prafreniijirmorum delatio fit impuni- 
bfiis. vei faltein punicodanon maioripxaaea > qusprodelj- 
<f^o venitapponenda , quemadmodum loqucndo dcarnnija 
biinnimentisrepUEafis proditorijs bene fi rasa t ?dic€ deUeg. 
aud,tom.iJ0m.io.sap.%,nam.\ i.^a^.aj. 

Qijs eo fscilius procedere drbcne rcfpcifiu Dominici , & Fran- 
ciTci-qu! funs forcnfes 5 & prop?erea non compraehcnf* in-» 
quiNufcusBque Conftitutionibuj Apoflnlicis » feu bannifncn- 
tifi delstlonem armorum fub grauifsimis p«nls prohibeotibus 
Tari0ac€,qtiAft.io%> mm. 17, Folia vl^i froxsne sumcra^S' 

Prsrcrtimcutn 3 & Ifll finf ^tarensmore? .-yi /» Pros.foL^y. & 
|o4.refpc<aiue,quo paririr cafu Ron UganturConilitucionibus 
& baan.-menris Minorfs abiljranttbusind^iidis c^dctc£t\i 
Poiefiatis Principjsj feu Officialis ilia condcntis. Varir,acc> 
ffa^fr3.(rim,par.\.'i}>haPfj(rr.rKta n.^^.vcrf.ferttustji cafus Ci- 
aaic^ddfracb.rtg.payt.^.fub nnffierfi ^Sa^Jurd. dtci/ioae 197* 

Et hafc fiincqus in maxims tcmporfs snguftia pro roco sr.une- 
lecoHigere potui sd dcfenfam horum paupcrue Carceraro- 
runris nuHatenvs diffidcns, quod Domini mei ludices vbi no- 
uerint, o.nod minus nierirdiaiim, id fupp!ere,& proferrc ve- 
iint,cx fumma, quapollenr resflicudine , obrcmperantcs Ac. 
crecolmpcnsorum Diocletian!, & Masimiamcekso inltg. 



IJKt- 



[xxxixj 



vnicaC.vtqudJefufitadaoc. Scfeqatmes monltura HipixtUn 
/War//y Infigaiscriminaiiftxdicentis ,quod iudexex officio 
renetur qiiarere defeiifiones Reo in pra&^.aunc vtdenJum 

vetj.d' Don folum . 
Quarc &c. 

Defiderius Spretus Pauperum A-du. 



lUuflrifi. & ^uerendifu ^omi 

GVBERNATOEi 

In Criminalibtis ' 
ILomana Homicidioruir 

r % o 

Domino Guidonc Francifchlno 
& Socijs Carceratis. 

C O N T % ^yl I 

Curiam, & Fiicum. 



Konis ,Typis Reu, Cam.ApofLi6 



[XL] 



Romana Homicidiomm. 
Illme , & Rme Dm . H^ro^ct: 

donem eximit ob homicidia fcquuta a pcena rigorolijea- 
dem profeftb militat ad mitigationein poenae ordinaris 
Blafio t & Sociis, qui homicidijs interuenerunt, quamuis 
prstendaturpaitopretiointeruenifie: Prarjtiiflb enim, 
quodprocul verfamur^ crimine AfTalTinij propter prae- 
fentiam caufamhabentis, vt communiter lentiuntC^^r, 
ton/. 1 7o.num.%, ^fequcn. vol.prirKo , 'Tiertaz. conf.i^i. 
numer. 1 3. , Guazzin. defeHf.4.. capit.ii.num.i, Gratian. 
dlfcept.forenf.capit,6\'^. niim.^s- Del 'Sene de Immun'it. 
EccUf. iom.2. cap. 1 6". duhiL 2 1 .fe^.^. num. i . Ther. cdrtt' 
pend. dec:/. par. ^.feB. prima "uerbo <^_fajjinluni ^ vbi in 
fine teflatur fie fuifie iudicatum 3 Corliad. decif.f)^. num. 
27. ^euerendifi.Zaiilus Eplf:cpin P^crulan. obferuatMd 
Batut. Fauentiv. l/b.A.ruhr.i^. n. 1 7. 

Maxima controuerfiafuit inter Dodores, an Pater, vel Ma- 
ritus pollkdemandare altcri excepto filio homicidiurrL.. 
filitt, vel vxorls adulters, & in vtrarnque partem fcifTi 
valde digladiantur, vt videre aii Fartnaccqu^ri. lai, 
num.! Af. ad \8. Caball.refol. criminal, caf.^oo. a num.^$^ 
^feq. }quamaisproaffirmatiua5& leuiori fententia cx- 
cedat niimeru3j& incontingcntia fafti pluries iudicatum 
fuifle conftet , Nemzz. Sylu. Nuptial. lib,i. fub num.^%. 
^art.voi .^F iJ'an,2o6, n.g. 

Sed cum quarftio fit extra noftram hypothenm, friiflraneus 
effet labors & vndique inutiiisjoec ed ternpus terendum, 
iilius anguftia pra'mente . 

Nos verlari conftat in Auxiliacoribus ad homicidia perpe- 
tranda conuocatis iuxta lenfijm Fifci , proinde non io-- 
iiim non conueniunt termini finiplicis mandati ob inter- 
cfftntiam Principalis , quia cum iOe fimul manum impo- 
natcrnnini,ij qui idem operancur, non dicuntur Man- 
datarijj fed Auxiliatores, & opem htQniz% Ber^Gzzol. 
conf.i 45. ». 1 2. verf. ^u$ -veroy ^n.12, 

Scd infuper ficuti ifie eximitur ex dicla caufa honoris a p^- 
na vkimi fiippllcij , itaSocij, & Auxiliatores, vt vna- 

A ni- 

[XLI] 



miter PatiUe CaFir.in Irefeclionh 7ium,af.i^ s.f.Com- 
mun. ^Fnedior. , 5? idem repetijt Inconf. 277. Jub num.2, 
ver/ec. €go auiem , &fah num.^. In fne^ qui pro contra- 
ria Tolet allegari lib. 2. , laf.in I. prima §. VfttfruBitariui 
fubnum.s.ff'' de oper. nou. nunciat. CepolLconf.^.fub nu. 
1 5- » d^ <:onf. 7 5 . numcr. i i . » C^ d€ feruitutlbm l/rbanor, 
'^rcsdlor. cap It. 2 1 . num. i o. in fine y & i\. Pari/, conf 1 44. 
num.2 1 . (^ff^J. pari. Of. Socc'tn. Junior, conf. 3; ^. num. 1 a. 
Vib.2. FacQhsn.conJiLid num.22, ver/ic.^uonlam prater 
quamllb.2. CajTan. adconfuetud.'^urgundiisilt.reditib, 
vendlt.rubric.s.num.4'\.fol.mlbi 9^.?., §/PhrJiL fingular. 
1 1$. ^'in l.vnica num. 11. Cod. de rapt. Virgin. , Qram^ 
mat.fupsrcon/iit./imaritui num. 2.1^ feq. Garz. ex gra- 
tia -olden. decji.per tot. Farlnacc. quaeH. 12 1. num.20. > 
(^ num.%j. 
Qui verb citantur pro contraria opinione non loquuntur 
in noftristerminis, fed de marito alceri demandante ho- 
micidium Vxoris aduiterx, iion autem de Socijs occi- 
dentibus vnacum V^iro, vt in calu nodro, vt videre efl: 
Felin.in cap, St verdfub num.prlmo ergd finem de fentsnt. 
excommun.^ in cap.qit£ in capit. qucc inEccleJiarum fub 
num I i-^oHmed. de conBlt. , /Jartol. In Lnon folihn \.Si 
rnandato meo Kum.s.jf- de Inluryi , Marjil. in diSf.l.vnic/i 
num.i- Cod. de rapt. Virgin. , £^ in/inguL 448. AngeL de 
malcfc. "verb. Che hai adulterata la mia Donna num. 24. , 
Grammat. in d.conHitutione Ji maritui n.<). 
Et in contingentia fafti feraper (bcij,quiauxiliatl funt Ma- 
ritumoccidentem adulteram gauifi flint cadcm Indul- 
gentia,quam Principalis reportauit,- hoc eft Temper eua- 
lerunt p(|nam vltimiflipplicij / imbimpuniti ,& abfblu- 
ti remanferunt Cepoll. de Jeruitut. Vrhanorum frxdlo- 
rum di&o capit. 2 5. num. 1 1 . in fin. ^ conJiL 4- num. i j. 
in fin. ^Isleuizzan. in Sylua Nuptial, lib, i . fub num. 9 8. 
lafon. in di&a leg. prima §. Vfufru&uarim num. s.ff. de 
nou. oper. ^P^nciat. ^4fifli^.f/per Confiit. ^gn. lib. i . 
^T^ubric %.de Cultu Farifn.so. 
Necafficit diftinQio Caballi dlFlo cafiOQ. num. 7^. vbi 
Socij poffuntquidem iinpnnc afllflere Marito , vcl Patri 
Occident! filiam . vel Vxorem refpeilruu^ , vt facuriiis in« 
tcrficiantj nun tamen polTunt manibus fe ingerere,& oc- 

ci- 



[XLIl] 



cidercnam ali^s de occifb tenerentnr. 

Quia pro fundamento fusediftin^lionis figit pedes in Petttl. 
de CaBr. didio conf.tj^. lib. 2. qui tantuni abeft , quod 
fuam intcntionem probet, quin potius mirifice retor- 
queatur . Nam pnflquam fibi obiecit huiufmodi dilTicul- 
Xa\:cm fub' num.3, addit ibi — Ego autem omnimodarn 
contra , quod nee ille , qui inierfecii-t nee qui Congrcga- 
tionem fecit poteH dk'i , quod tencaniur de bomicidh quo 
ad imponendam pmnarn Capitalem . 

Etin conHi.^7(ollandi dValle ?4. num. 29. C^ 31. Sed par- 
cat mihi tarn eximius Doflor , quia i&fi cone-tur confu- 
tarePauium de Qkiiroirj di^o confil. 154. pro nobis mi- 
litantcm Tub prascextu quod loquatur contra commanern 
opinionem , hoc non fufficit ex Tupra citatis auctoricati- 
busj^c fi tcmpus pateretur clarifisoflendifTem . 

Prxtcrea ^T^lLindui allsgat 'Pari/iiwi in conf. 1/4. lib. 4. 
Sed potcrat ilium omittere , quia probat exprelse contra 
ipftim in fpecie»»ry?. 22. ibi -" St in ferjninii no/Iris erl 
optima dcci/io ''Pauli de Cajlro inpr£allcgato t^on/Ilio -obi 
hifortioribui termini: etiam includendo cafum pra^fen- 
tem concludlt , confcia , pnefente^ , (y afTociafttes (fMa- 
Titum in a&u diBi homicidij , ac pr^cfiaraei opem puniri 
von debere maiori p£na^ quam Principalis per Re'^ul. 
^cceforium de^T^egul. lur.infMui pan6luaiem aufto- 
ritatem Marfilij, ^coriciudit, quodadomtie pcius con- 
fiderata omni rigoroHtate puniri non debercnt vkra pig - 
nam temporalis relegationis. 

Vltra quod Rolandui indicia Conjflso exprcCse confutatur 
dFacchin. di&9con/iL i6'.num.22.verjtc. ^usniam pree- 
ierquamlib. 2, Nee fine vlua ratione, nam ficnti qualitas 
deliftumalterans in princlpaltdelinquente illud exafpe- 
rat etiam in Auxiliatoribus,qaotifcs ipfis fit cognica ^ Ita 
omnis aquitas expoflulat^uod qualitas minuens p^nam 
inPrincipaliagnita ab Auxiliatoribus, ijs quoquc fuf. 
fragetur Decian. traB. CrtmifU lib. 9. cap. 35. nmn.%. 
(^cap. ^(f. natn.zy. Parinacc. queB.\l').num.i^.^ if. 
proinde Caballm remanet fine fundamento ftabili , & 
contra mentem i&t D&Borum aJJegatorum nullam di- 
flinQionem faciencium Inccr aififtcntes fimpii'citer, & 
inter cooperantes ad homicidium , imb omnes ioquun- 

A 2 tur 



[XLUl] 



tnr de Auxiliatoribus , & infuperpluries ludlcatumre- 
peritur etiaro jnfortioribustcrminis mandati , vt fupra 
didumeft; & ade6 honoris caufa cftefficax, vt non_. 
fblum fe diffundatin Mandacarios firaplices, fedetiarru. 
in Mandataries qualificaros Af&flinij qualitate , colque 
abfblui fecerit , vtdec'ifum rcperimus apud Carer. pra&. 
Crimin.^.»oNo etteufaturm^ I i.fol.mibi i^/, ter. Mart. 
Veto Pifan-zo^. n.^, 
Vndc fi Mandatarij , «& Aflaffinij exirauntur apcena ordi- 
naria mortis, quoti^s occidant Adulteram de Mandate 
Viri,necc(ranbfequiturquoddi(tin£lio CabaJlinon fit 
vera 5 nee fit rccepta inpraftica, quiafifuntMandata* 
rij, non pofiumus negare, quod proprijsmanibusocci- 
derintj&nihilominus hancopinionem Reis fauorabilem 
contra Caballum feriiari in prafbica teftatiir Clar. ^.Ho- 
vn'icidium num. 5 1. circa Jin. vltra decifiones fijperius al— 
latas. 
Si igitur paena vltlml fuppHclj non funt pleflendl Blafius»5; 
ibcij ob opem prffifiitara in Homicidijs, fruftra qusritur, 
an pro habenda ab eorum ore fincera verltate porfini 
fupponi tormentoVigilis, quod duo requisita expofcit, 
alterum quod militenc indicia vrgentiflinia contra In- 
quisitumj alterum quod crimen sitatrociffimum exprg- 
icripto "Bulla '^formationi% fart.mem.PauU /^§. 10.17.3. 
Scanorol.de [/iftt.Carcerat.llb.2.^.6'.cap./if,num. i j., & an. 
te eum Cartar.de mod.IntfrQg.Reor.Mb.^xap.2.n./ .^^Z. 
^aiard.adClar.%.fin.qa£^.6^.poftnum> 105. Farinatc. 
qu£B.i8.num.p^\,Guazzin, defen/.^Q. cap.2\.nuwAi.m 
princip. verf. Et non debeh ^ verf.in ba( Curia, 
Et licetampliflimarsintfacuItatcsTribunalisj vbi difpen- 
faturvn)exditlisrequisitis> nunquimtamen vidi adhi- 
beri diQumtorraentuni) nisi vbi non dubitatur , quod 
crimen de quo prstenditur per Fifcum elici confeflio- 
nem ab Inquisitis raereatur ptjnam vltimi fiipplicij. 
Dc quaagi credere non pofiumusob prxtcnfam conuenti- 
culam, quia congreg*ti non tencntiirvlla pscna ob con- 
uenticulam, fed tantum qui ilios congregauitjVt egregii 
£ald.ln cap.qux caufa num. 1 3- verf. Tu die de hii-i qux vi 
ynctufque cauj, Farinacc.q. 1 1 ^.n. 1 40. 
Ncc inhoccaiiitra^UripQCcfl dcpsnaaftertc conuenti- 

cnls 



XLIV] 



cu\?2 r^i'peflu D.Guidonisjqiiia caura,ob quam congr^ 
gauit Homines ilii fuffragaturad euadendam pa:nam_*, 
cum licitum sit con vocare Amicus, & fbcios adreinte- 
grandam (bam exiAimationem,<$?//2r/{*/./>7 l.i.nunt.ii.C. 
de^ ^apt. Virgin. Pari/xonf.i s^.nuzn./.'i (^ num. 1 5. p.j\. 
forinaccj.qu.x 2\.nu3>j,Baiard.udClar. ^.Homic'idium 
num. \^ 5. 1 96. ^ 1^7. verf. (^ etivrnpoteH alios congrc- 
gare^ & alij fupra citati. 

Quod comprobatur namquoties quis iuflo doloremotus 
conuocat Homines pro vindicanda iuiuria non incidit ia 
crimcn,& pEnamconuenticuJiE, Corii.conf.2\6. num.3, 
iierf. ^uinlmb/I mult i lib. ix 

Et licet Farlnacciui qutcfl. 1 1 l-n i jj. declaret Id procede— 
re, 1) Jncontinenti fiati Seciisfi ex interuallo, fupplico 
aduerti,quod quicquid eflet (1 ageretur dc vindifta iniu— 
riaj perfonalis, in quibus tcrminis ipfe loquitur , quando 
tamen agitur de iniuria la:dente honorem,vindi6ta fump- 
ta in omni tempore dicitur fafta incontinent! , tCim qui?, 
fempervrget, & prasmic, turn quia potius dicitur Rein— 
tegratio, & reparatio honoris, quam alias in exiftimatio- 
ne Isfus confegui non potefl, quam vltio, 6f vindifla , vt 
fatius credimus fatisfa^^um efTe in alia pro Domino Gui-> 
done. 

Sed ceflat omnis prors£is difficultas , quia fors^n procedi 
poflet pro conuenticula, fi ad malum finem fuifTent con- 
gregati Homines, & nullum alium dellftum exinde fe- 
quutum eflet, atcumfuerintconuocati iuxta fenfum Fi- 
fe! ad committenda Homicidia, eaque patratafuerint 
nequit ampliusagide conuenticula prohibita, led de__> 
Homicidijs, quia coadunatio hominum tetendit ad eun. 
dem effect um, vt eft magljlrale votum , Seraphin. dec.6r. 
ifum.^.& 7.8L \b\&\'m6.vQtum'^lancbett. nii. 19. & 22. 
pojl con/ilFarinac lib.2. vbi quamplurimas authoritates 
congeruntur. 

Ea potifljmum ratione, quia vbi principium , & finis funt iJ- 
licita, attenditur finis, 5c non principium , vc docet Bar- 
tol. viden.in l.quodait lex %.quodait nura.s^.f. ad leg. Jul. 
de adult. ^ lex.conf.j s.n.6.lih,i.Mar/il.in prafl. §. quo- 
niamn.cii, B ofi.ln praB .tit .de fauor.defenf.n .7 
Additur, quod hominum congrcgiatio non c/l propter fe^* 



r.xLv] 



iliicita, imo potefleflequandoque licitSj&approbatajVt 
in cafibus Kt\zv,%u Farinac.q,\ i^.n.iSO. 155, iS'^-'y Ced 
propter maiam confequentiam, & propter prauum fine, 
propter queni fieri fblec,proinde curn prohibltio congre- 
gationis hominuni non propter fe , ^sd propter aliud fa- 
fta, fit niagis attend! debet finis, quam ea , qusefinem-, 
prsecedunt Serapbtn.d.D0t.6'i.n.'j. 

Neque rigoro fa paena mortis ingerenda eflet pro pr.Ttenfa 
delatione armoriim reprobatic menfiirae nedum contra 
Dominium Gamballlni, & Francifciim Pafquini, quia vti 
Forenfes, ncc diu veriantes in Statu Ecclcilaitico per 
^antum temporis fpatium, quo prafuini pofibtkiipfis 
{cientiaj fed nee contra CKteros; nam &ri per Gonflitu* 
tiones, & Bannimenta comminata fit pcena vitimi fuppli-* 
cijetiam pro eorum delatione, fiue retentione . tamer»_^ 
cum armorum gelbtio Omiliter propter le non prohibea- 
cuTjfed propter perniciorum fincnijqui earn fequittirjvei 
fequi potc/l,cumque dirjgeretar ad difta Homicidia_»i 
caque quamuis non fueiintin tctum Jicita , nontannen>.j 
funt pieiiitus inexciifabilia , huiufmodi delationis armo* 
rum crimen debet con Fundi cum fine , pro quo afportats 
fueruntjqula vnarn infsrc lo aliud ^ ne peiora vJdeantur 
media, quam finis, & licet fecundum ahquoruni opinio- 
nem psna gedatianis annarura non confundamr cum 
crimineadmiilo, quotiesfit^raulor-jhoc tamen vsdetur 
intelligendamefTe, quando crimen CLsm eis patiratumflt 
vndiqueiilicitUQi, & inexcufibiie, non tamen ybi minai*' 
tur, & extenuacur , atquc exciifatuf iaitcsj in parte \. 
caufa, ob quam coramiduin eft. 

In omnem carumcura lure communiattento srmorum de- 
latio fit leue Delidam , Bartolui in L leula num. 
^. ff. de Accuf. , ^ in L Dium la 2. raiin. 3. cir- 
ca TTiad.f. de CuHod. Rcor.^ MarfiL In FraSr, crim, %,PrQ 
compkmento num. 44. , Dan%. ^ugn, 'DoBorum tit, dc 
(eArmis cap^ 2. num. i., Rimt.ftiper 'pragmatic. Regn. 
Fragm. 4. de Arms nam, J4. , Cahall. Rcfol. crimm. 
caf. 107, num. 17. 

Licet per CSftitutiones particukres,vX Bannimeta autla fit 
poena t'ere ad fiimmjjm Apiccns, non tamen hiiiufinodi 
auOio illius natucs imnmtat) adeout ficuti dc lure com- 

rauni 



fXLVll 



muni ob eiuslceultatem non infertur Tortura ad haben- 
dam veritatem ab indiciatis de didla dllatione , Farinacc. 
f.42.».7. itanec vigore Conflitutioniim, & Statutorum, 
qua: pcenam auxerunt, vt optima ^<z/^./» i.Ji ewninvlti' 
ma ledfura n.2.ff.Ji gun caution.Caualcan. de Brach.V^g. 
part. i.fubn.2S%. ver/.tamenfupradixi^Guazzin, defcnf. 
lo.cap.ijub n.s.verf.^lus dic'it. 
Et in terminis tormetui VigJliae , quod nequeat inferri pr6 
Deiifto, quoddeftri natura nonrtt atrociflimum, fed vi- 
gore Conftitutionis habeatur pn talisquoad pcenam,nifi 
expre(s,6 illius natura mutetur etiam circa modum pro- 
cedendi ^ .Raynald.ln fuii obfemat^crimin.fap.S" h.i.od 

Et videmus in Bannimentis IlluflrifC D. mei , quod vbi vo- 
luit pofTe procedi ad tormentum Viglliasin catibus, in«j 
quibus de lure procedi non pofTctjid exprefse declara— 
uitj quod pr6 certo non fecifletj fipotuiffet talc tormen- 
tum ingeri in Deli^is de lure noa capitalibus, fed vigore 
Bannimentorum poena vltimi fuiplicij expiandis. 

Quar^ &c. 

H. de Archangelis Pauper.Proc 



[XLVIl] 



llluPrlf:. & ^uerendifi. T>omitio 

GVBERNATORE 

In Criminalihus • 

Romana Homicidiorum 

F '^ O 

Blafio Agoftinelli, &Socijs 
Carceratis. 

c o // r ^ a// 

Fifcum . 
Memoriale FaSfi , ^ Juris , 



Roraac jTypisReu. Cam.Apoft.i^^g. 



[XLVIIl] 



SVMMARIVM 

Die 24. lunlj 1694. pro D. Petro Comparino contra quo(- 
cumquc cxamtnata fuit Rooueper me &c. ad perpcruanu^ 
reimcmoriam Angelica (ilia q. Petri q. lo: BaptifttC de Caftcl- 
luccio Aretinae Dicecefis &c. xtatis fua anuorum jj.circirer 
cui delate fibi mramcnto vcritatis dicendse dcpo/uit > prouf 
infra videlicet . 
Dico a V. S. per verita come trouandomi in Arezzo ncl mcfe di 
Gennaro proffimo padato in Cafa della Sig. Maddalcna Baldi 
Albergotn , mi fu propofta I'occafione d'aadare a feruirc la-* 
Sigoora Beatrice Francefchini , e luoj h'glioli &c. mi rifolfi d* 
andarui , fi chc cdendo andara i Cala di dd. Signori Francef- 
chini , parlai con ia detra Signora Beatrice, la quale mi tir6 da 
parte in vn Qaniiolino , e mi diflc , che mi hauetia pigljata per 
Serua, ma che non hancrti mai trattato a pSrtc con li due vec- 
chi.ch'erano in Cafa , vno de' quali era il Sig. Pictro Campa- 
rini, e I'altto la Signora Violante fua mogl/e,e di piu m'impo- 
fe, che leper fort una mi hauciTechiamato qualchedunodi dd, 
vecchi nella loro Camera lo non ci fuiTi andata,, fe prima non 
dimandauo hcenza a lei , c con qucfte condizioni mi accetto 
al fcruizio, ondc effcndoui cntrata, offeruai , chc la Signora-* 
Violante per il piii fe ne (laua nella fua Camera piangendo , ^ 
fe bene erano treddi cosi rigorofi fe nc (laua fcnza fuoco , fi 
chc 10 compaflionandola di nafco(to di delta Beatrice pigliauo 
il fuoco del m/o Caldanino . e glide portauo, e non piu tofto 
glie lo porgeuo la detta Signora Violante mi mandaua vi«_. 
dalla fua Camera, pcrche detta Signora Beatrice non haueflo 
pigliato fdegno , chc jo hauefli fatto dcfta cariii, anzi vna vol-. 
ta tri raitre, che fe n'accorfe mi fece lalciare ii foco ncl Cam- 
mino con leuarmi la Palctra dalle mam , con brauarmi , c dir- 
mj ,che felei lo volcua, foffe vcnuta da fe i pigiiarfclo,perche 
non volcua, ch'io face(Jj alcun fcruizio a dd. Signori Compa- 
rini.li quali ne pure tradi loropoteuano parlare » perche tan- 
to il Sig. Gmdo Francefchini , quanro li Sig. Canonico D. Gi- 
rolamo fuo fratello, e Signora Beatrice loro Madrc fi mettcua- 
no chi a vna porta della loro fianza , c chi ad vn' altra port<u» 
della mcdcfima iJama a fentire cib , che li dd. Signori Compa- 
rinitradi loro diceuano , edifcorreuano, cciofeguiua ogni 
fera, & ogni mattina, Gnranto, chcnonvfciua dalla detta 
Camera , c Cafa il dettoSignot Pictro . il quale fe ritornaua di 
notte non voleuano , che fufli andata a farglj lume per le fcalc, 
anzi chc vna volta, che poteua clfere vna mczz' hora di notte 
m circa , che torno a Gala detto Sig. Pietro , & haucndolo io 
fenritoralchiarepigliaiil lumepcr andargli incontro , di chc 
cflcndoG accotto il Sig. Gmdomi leuo il lumc dalle oaanj,con 

A dirmii 



Num.1. 

Depoficio lurataTe- 
{\h fupcr paiipertate 
d- D Guidi Fran- 
C'-frhini, & miferijs 
patns a DD. Ccin- 
parinis tempore_> , 
quo pcrmanferunc 
in illius Domo ijx_j 
Ciuicate Aretina . 



[XLIX] 



dirmi .che badadi i federC) e chc non mi accortaili, fenon vc« 
leuofaltare lafmeftra, il chctaoto piunoi parcua m3le,quan' 
lo, che haucao ir.refo dire in loro Caia, chc prima.che entrafii 
alfcruiziodi dd, Francefchini tornando vna (era di nottc il 
dertoSignor Pierre per faiirc Jo fcalc fenza iutne, cadde per le 
medcrnc fcalc , e fi fece vna brutfiflima rtincatura i per la quale 
iti obliguo giiardare ii ktto per molci giocnj . Nell' i^eflTo 
rcmpo, che lUuo al cietto I'cruizio ("accefle vaa mattina mentre 
fipranzaua, cheii dd. Francefchini diedero ccrti difguftiaila 
detta Signora Violantc, alia quale per caufa de'inedemi venne 
vn'accidente.ch'appenaarriuoaella fua flanzi. cfi burco fopra 
vni fedia di paglia doue fi fucnnc , di chc eiTcndofi accorra la 
Signora Franccfca Pompilia ooogiie di detto SignorGuido.co* 
roinc;6 i lagnarfi, cgridate ad alta voce dicendo : La Signora 
Aladrc mi^ Ci more , i che accorfa io , volfi slacciaria , c poc- 
rarglj vn pocod'aceto,edifoco> mi pcrcnc di queftoaon_» 
vca'era, pigliaideila Icgna > ela tnifi ncl Camino pcraccen- 
deria , il ciie hauendo veduto la detta Signora Beatricc.iei oie- 
defirna Icuo ia Icgna da! ibco, con fdcgnograndc , c mi diOfe , 
chciopiglJa<TilaCenere,chcquc}la poteua nfcardargljlj pie- 
d! , (i chc io pigiiai la ccnerc , che era ncl detto Ca(aino> la 
quale per ii frcddo grande , chc regnam , quaado arriuai QclU 
Camera doue rtaaa detta Signora Violantc mezza morta , gli 
detta ccncre era fircdda , fiche tanto io, quanto ia detta Signo- 
ra Pompilia piangendo ambedne fpoglia^Hino detta Signora 
Violantc, e U mctfcIRmo aktto. cheers giaccio , e pctchcio 
piangeuo qiundo tornai in Cucina dooo haucr mcffa a Ictto 
elTa Signora Violantc la detta Signora Beatrice dilfe, vuoi.chc 
io pigli va poco di capccchio per ncttarfi gl'occhi , il che fentii 
ancora la Signora Franccfca Pompilia oe fcce qualche fchia- 
mazzo i detta Signora Beatrice, non volfe , chc pm torna (Ii in 
detta Camera , ne volfc.che Ii facc(fi vn poco di pancotto con- 
forme detta Signora Violantc ml haueua impofto . Siicccflfcj 
pochi giorni dopo. che fa del mefc di Febraro fuficgucnte.che 
mentre Ii Signori Francefchini , Franccfca I'onpilia , Sig. Pic- 
rro, c Signora Violantc ftauano a tauola difcorfcrodi volermi 
maiidar viadiCafa , ficomcanche antecedenrcmcntc lidetti 
Francefchini mj haueuano IicentiatO; il che intcfodalli detta 
Signora Franccfca Pompilia* chc com'ho dctto ftaua i Tauola 
con I'altri.diffcal rfectoSig. Pietro , e Violantc > fapcteperchc 
h vogliono mandar via * Pcrchc fi fono dati i credere, chc lei 
mi hjbbia ri dctto, chela Signora Beatrice gli dicelfe Ii giorni 
paHiti, chc voleua pigliarQ i! eapecchio per fciugarfi Ic lagrime 
dagl'occhi, quando piangcua per I'accidenre fucceffo alia detta 
Sigfiora Madrc; Allorail detto Sig. Pietro diflfe, prcgandodd. 
Signorj France/chini , che mihaueffcro in gratia fua tcnuta per 
otto , odieci altri giorni, perche in occafione , chclui voleua 
niofuarc in Rom^ aflicme con ia SignotaViolantcmihaureb- 

bc 



M 



bceondoftocon Joro, cche quefia gratia pafeualui fperarfa da 
loro,e(reodo la prima. cheli haueuacJomandaro, acheniu- 
no de'Francefchinirifpofe, ma Icuacofi da Tauola i\ detto Sjg. 
Guido vennc alia volta mia , e mi diede due bonidimi fchiaffi, 
c vi accorfcro ancora, mentre ii detto Signer Guido mi daua il 
detto Canonico fuo fratcllo,c mi dieds de caici, e la Madre dc 
pugni dicendomivd via, adeflo ,il chefentitOtC vcdutodaila 
dettaSignora Violantc, commifcrandotnidiflc add. Signori 
done voicicche vadi adeflo qucda pouereUa,e tucti li ddrpran- 
ccichini d'aceordo differo alia detta Signora Violaate, vattene 
via con ia Scrua ancora tu.diccndogli carogna ,&altte parole 
jngiuriofc, fiche detta Signora Violanteando nella fisa Came* 
ra per veftirli,& il Signot Canonico sfodcro vna fpada.e li cor- 
fe diecro in detta Camera,e fcrro la porta in modo.che temcn- 
doio.thenondaffequalcheferifa alia detta Signora Violantc, 
corli per entrare in detta Camera, c trouai , che il detto Signor 
Canonico s'era Jierraro demro delta Camera, fiche tanto io, 
quanto il detto Signor Pietro, e Franccica Pompiha cj mcttef- 
modpiangercjegridarc peraiuto,flimando Noi,ehcil detto 
Canonico id dentro ammazzaflc detta SignoraViolante, c dop- 
po qualche poco di tempo mi parti) daila detta Cafa , c lakiai , 
che dd. Signoii Coniugi , e Signora Francefca Pompiha grida- 
uano con dd. Signori Francefchini; In tuttoil tempo , che io 
irittrattenni al (eruifio dclUdetti Signori Francefchini inArez- 
zo, com'ho detto di fopta,ponb dire per verira d'liauer ieruito 
a Tauola fetnpre matina , e icraii detti Signori Francefchini, 
Signora Francefca Pompilia, Signor Pietro, e Signora Violaiv- 
te de Comparini , e per il vitfo.c mangiarc di tutti dd.Comcn- 
zali , il Sabbato dctti Signori Francelchini comprauano vn' 
Agncliino da latte> nel quale fpcndeuano dodici.b quattordjci 
gratie al piii , equefta la detta Signora Beatrice , che cuctnaua 
Io ripartlua per tutta la fettimana i anzi la Tefticciola d'vno di 
detri Agnellini ft npartiua per I'antipafto in tre volte , e I'altre 
volte il feruma per antipatJo delia Coratella, e Budclla riparti- 
camente per tutci li giorni della fettimana, chefimangiaua 
carne, ne vieraaltra forte di carnc a lauoia per lodisfarc alii 
bifogni di ciafchcdun dc'Comenzali • Quando non ft compta- 
ua ii Sabbato , come ho detto detto Agnellino il Signor Gui- 
do ,6 daua li deaari a Gioleppc Garzonedi Cala, perchc com- 
pralTcduc libre di carne vaccina , quale ogni matina la detta 
Signora Beatrice da fc medema metteua a cucinare , ne vole- 
ua ,ch'altiices'ingeriJTe ,c diquefta fi mangiaua a Tauola, c 
fi riparriua anchc per la fera , e perche detta carne era cosi du- 
ra , che i\ detto Signor Pietro non poteua mangiare , pcrchCj 
nonfi faceua cuocere, il detto Signor Pietro rcllaua per il piii 
fenza mangiar carnc j ma mangiaua folamente vn poco di pa- 
ne ftufiio , mal coudttionato , & vna fettarella di cakio.ccoo 

A 2 quc- 



[Ll] 



qiiclio k la pa/Taua detfo Signer Pietro ne' giorni, chc G com-" 
praua la vaccina . ne' giorni poi di magro Ci mangiana vna 
mineftra dih.'gumi ,con vnpocodi Lucciofalaro , cq^alchc 
volra vn poco di cafiagnc alefle , f cmpre pero 6 fi raangiafle 
di roagro , 6 di grafTo , il pane era negro come inchioftio , e 
non leuiio , ne ben condirionaro , il vino poi . che (eruiua pec 
la dctta Tauola era vn fiafco nel quale prima di metterci il vi- 
no la dctta Signora Beatrice roici faccua mettere dcU'acquAj 
finoallamcti ,c cosiammezzatod'acqua , mi faceua empire 
il fiafco di vino, cmolte volte era piuacqua. che vino, c 
qucfto fiafco fi mcttcua i Tauola , & ordinariamentc baftaua 
per rutti Ji Commcnfali, ancorche ij fiafco a rsgorcnon te- 
ncffc piu di tre fogliettc , c mczza airvfo di Roma . Inokre di- 
ce , che partita io dal detro feruizio, non molti giorni doppo, 
fu del to publicamcnte per Arczzo, che eflendo ruornato Ja fe- 
ra , il dctto Signer Pictroi Cafavcrfo vna mczz' horadi noitc 
jn circa haueua trouato , che la porta di Qrada era (errata ia 
modo, chelui non poteuaaprirla, H chefiiaftrettoa bufTare, 
ne vcdcndo la Signora Violanre , che alcuno di Cafa fi mouc- 
uapcrandarliad aprirc, lei niedema fcefe ic fcale peraprirlc, 
ma perche la porta era ferratacon lachiaue, benche hauefl'e 
chiamato il Signer Guido, & ahri, che crano in Cafa . nondi- 
menononfi moflealcuno^ per andarliad aprirc, eche pcrcio 
il dctto Signer Pictro fen'andafle a dormire aH'Oftcria , & cf- 
fendoritornatola mattinai cafa per riuedere tanto la Signo- 
ra Violante, quanto la Signora Francefca Pompilia , fi diceua 
parimente per Arezzo, che eflendofi lamenraroil dctto Signet 
Pietro per efTcr ftato ferrate fuori di cafa di derto Signer Ca- 
nonico, ingiuriando tanto il detto Signer Pictro, quanto la 
detta Signora Violante , nacque rra dj lore nuoua contcfa , c 
pcrcio ambedue erano ftati cacciati fuori di ca/a , e che ia Si- 
gnora Violante fii riceuuta dal Signer Dettor Borri , doue la 
fera ceno , c la notre dormi , e che il dcfto Signer Pictro cra_» 
andare allOfteria a ccnare , e dormire, il che fcntito da mcj 
me n'andai a cafa del detto Signer Borri per vederc la detta Si- 
gnora Violanre, ma non fui'introdotta, perche la mogliedel 
detto Signer Borri mi difie, che me ne fufli andara a fare li 
fatti miei, perche non voJcua , che li Francefchini. che ftaua- 
no in facoa alia fua cafa fi foOero accorti , che lo fuffi an- 
data i vcdere la derra Signora Violante , e che pcrcio ne fuffe 
nato qiialchcdifordine , la martina /cgucnte poiandai alla>* 
dttiaOftcriadouc mi era rtato detto ,che viera andacaanche 
la dctia Signora Violante per freuare li detto Signer Pictro , 
ma non vi trouai alcuno di loro , e mi fii dctto daU'Ofte , che 
crane vfciti ; fi che per non fapere doue trouarmeli , me nc-> 
tornai a cafa dclla detta Signora Maddalcna Albergotti, doue 
vni itatteneuo, e Tenrij doppo djrc, che tanto dctto Signer Pic- 

'ro 



[MI] 



tro.quAnto ia Signora Violante crano riromati alia dotta_j 
0(leria,douc haueuano praiizaro, cchc poi per rintt-rporitio- 
nc del Signer Comminano d'Aiezzocrano nmcni d'accotdo 
con detu Francefchmu die pcro erano rifornati a cafa loro, e 
fentiuo direancora.cliecontinuornodctn Franccfclimi a mal- 
iraitare,& ingiur;arc detn Signori Comugi ncflo HclTo modo, 
chccontjnuaracntc faccuano ncl icmpo , ch'io Hiuo ai loro 
/cruUJO , e che pero vltimamente fumo ncccfficaii parrirc_> 
d'Arezzo. e fotnarlencin Roma, ctucte !c fadcttc coiV le so 
per haucr vcduioio mcdciima . c (ertito li inali trattaiucnti, 
the decti Mgnori Francelchini faccuano a detti Signori Com- 
paimi> c I'lngiurJc, che dicciiano , tJnio a loro , quanro al!«_» 
dct(aSjgaora Franccfca I'ompilia ,e rcfpettiuamente per ha- 
ucrlc intefc dire publicamente per Afczzo , dou'c publico , c 
nototio, c n'c publica voce, c fama iii caufa fcicntis &c. 

Adi 17. Giugno 1697. 

Attcfliamonoi infrafcrittiachiunquf fadi bifogno , comcli_» rsIllfTl.Z. 
verica fi e.chc la S'gnora Franccfca Pompilia Comparini mo- Diuerf* attcfb^io- 
glic dci Signor Gujdo Francekhini , fi e piu , e piia voire fug- lus /iipei iecur<'u 
gita di cafa, eandata corrcndo, quandoda Monfignor V^cfco- Francifc* ad EpifVo 
uo.equandodal Signor ComminTatjo, e quandoda vicini per P;""' & CommKfa. 
11 continui (Irapazzi.c mail tratiamenri, cheii vcniuano fatcj. ' I""V-. P'?'''f'^ J*",'- 
tanto dal predeuo Signor Guido luo Mariro.chc dalia Signo- VfVw,"!''.*' -* 
ra Beatrice lua Socera , c dal Signer Canonico Girolao^o luo 
fratcllo, e cio lo fappiamo per efferci inconuati in c(Ta , quan- 
do come fopra fuggiua, & eflcrne di ci6 pubiica voce , c fema 
in tutta la Cittad'Arczzojln fcdedi che habbiamo fotrofcrit- 
ta la ptcfcnte di noftra propria niano qutftodi , & anno lu- 
dc(ri<5cc> 
lo Canonico AlefTandro Tortelli affermo cffere la vcrird 
quanto fopra> Si m fede ho (critto dj propria mano &c. 
lo Marco Romaniatfermo effcre ia verici quanto fopra, & 

in fede &c. mano propria . 
lo Antonio Franccfco Arcangcli affcrmo cffcr U vcrira 

di quanto (opra fi contiene mano propria, 
lo Cammiilo Lombard! afFcrmo quanto lopra fi contiene 

mano propria . 
lo Francefco lacopo Conri di Biflignano aifcrmo quanto 

fi contiene, 5c in fcdc (Sec. mano propria , 
lo Vrbano Antonio Romarn Sacerdote Aretino ,&3l pre- 
fentc Curato dcUa Chicfa Parochiale di S. Adriano affer- 
mo eiTerc la vcrita di quanto fopra fi contiene^ & in fede 
ho fcritto di propria mano . 
Scquicut rccognitio manus in foitna &c. 

A 3 Molt' 

[liu] 



Particula F.piflol* 
fcriptjc a D. Thoma 
lie Romanis Auiin- 
culoGuiiionis Fran- 
cefchinl q. I'etro 
Coinparino Romam 



Patriciila alrcrius 
Epiftoiifciipr^per 
D. tqiiuem Bartho- 
lomariini de Alber- 
gottis Pctio Campa • 
hni • 



Num. ^. 

Depofitiopianrifci 
i'uper afl". Fpillolis 
ab ea fciiprJs Abba- 
t( Fraiicefchino & 
piins dejineatis a Vi 
ro c<Tiflrata in Pro- 
cefTu fabricato fuper 
prateufafuga . 



Molt'inuflreSignorcSignorePadroncOfTeruandKs. 

Norr poflb fardi mctvo &c. partita, che c!ia fii di poco la Signo- 
ra Francefca &c: fuggi di cafa, e (c n'ando in S. Antooi cquali 
corfero li Signori Guidoj Canonico, c Beatrice Sec- accio cUa 
rornaffc i dictro, & in querta credenza la Signora Francefca-* 
torno a cafa &c. leri cfTendo ie Signore Francefca , e mia So- 
rciia m Duomo alia Prcdicafomira , che fii ncU'andarfcnCj , 
quandofu vicina alia Porra di Monfignorc fe nc fuggi io,. 
palazzOi douc che era piii vicino ad vn'ora di notre, che craao 
in Palazzo con grandiflSmo contraflo &c. 

llluftfjffimo Signorc.c Padrone Colendiflimo . 
Nd ritorno che feci &c. la Sigoora Spofa qua tti malenconica » 
c due fere doppo la parrcnza di lor Signori fecc ftrepito gran- 
de . pcrche non voleua andare idormirc col SignorGuido 
fuo Conforte &c. leri giorno deiic Palme ia Signora Spofa_» 
ando 3tc.3!la Prcdica &:C. e ncl panir/i /Icaccio i corrcr nel 
Palazzo del Vefcouo&c. fi mcfl'ca foinmo ic fcale , c vi ftic- 
dcfino i mczz'ora di nortc , enc la Signora Beatrice , nc Si- 
gner Guidoeranofufficicnti per far.'arjiornareicafa) gia che 
Jl Vefcoocr non gii diedc vdicnza> ma vi accoricil Segrctatio 
del Vefcouo , i\ quale efortd il Signor Guido > c la Signora.* 
Beatrice, d non ftrapazzareJa Signora Spofa Sic ba{ta doppo 
Ic tante biiliccie riconduffcro la SigHoraSpoia a cafa &c. 

Die 2!. Mani'i i (597. Conftituta Franrifca Comparina&c.& ia- 
tcrrogataannunquam tranfmifcritaliquam Hpiftolam adAb- 
batcm Franccfchinum hie in Vrbc tempore quo pccmanfit ia 
Aretio . 

ilcfpondit. lo mcntreftauoin Arezzo fcrifli ad iftanzadimio 
Marito all'Abbate Fianccfchini mio Cognato qui in Roma * 
ma perch'io non fa peuofcriu ere cflbmio Manto faccua lij 
lertera col roccalapis , cpoi mi faccua ripaflarla fopracoUa 
penna, & inchioflro da me , c mi diceua , che fuo frateUo ha« 
Ilea gudo d'hauer quaichc mia leticra fcntia da me , c queflo 
fiidue, oirc volte . 

InTCTrogata ait fi vjderct aliquamex Epiftolis vt fupra fcriptts, & 
uanfiniffis ad Vtbcm ad cundem Abb.Franccfchinu recogno- 
Jccrci &c. 

Rcfpondit- Se V.S. mifaceffc vedcrequalcheduna dcHcletterc 
da nic (critta come fopra > e mandate aii'Abbate Franccfchini 
k ricoriofccrei bcnidimo . 

Et oftenfa (ibi per mc dc mandato Epiftola » de qua in Proccflu 
incipien. --CariflTinio Signof Cognato lono con qucfta&c. 
&'finicn. &c. -- Arezzo 14. Giugno 1694. atfcftionaiiflimd^ 
Scrua, e Cognau Franccka Comparini nc Franccfchini . 

Rc- 



[uvj 



Refpondit ho viflos c veduto bcniffimoquefla letter* nioftr3?a» 
mi d'ordinc di V.S- che comincia — CariHIimo Signor Cogna- 
to (ono coaqucfta&c. c fioifce Francefca Comparini nej 
Franccfchini , & haucndola o^ieruaia oii pare , ma noo poffo 
atieHaiepcr vcriti,che fia vnaietterada mc Tcriua, ncUa con- 
formity ludctta al S«gaor Abbaie francekhim mio Cogna- 

Cari^mo Cognato . 

Sono coo quefla i riuerir V.S. , e ringratiaria deH'operationt ha j^nor Epia'olxc'n 
fattc percollocariui in quefta Cafa , doue iontana dalli mici p« vt'i fupra'*Abbati 
Genitori vino , ora vna vita cranquilli , & vna falute pcrfetta Francefchwo . 
non hauendo li mcdemi a rorno, chc mi contrifiaiianogior- 
no , e noffc con li peiucrfi lore comandaoicnti contro lalcg- 
gc humana, e diuina a non amate il Signor Guido mio marito, 
c fuggirc di notte dal ktEo del medemo con farmcU dire , chc 
feco non ei haucuo genio , che non era mio marito , perches 
feco non ho figii , e con farmi fare in piii volte Ic fughc dal 
Vefcono,fenza veruna cagionc con farmeli dire, cheio vole- 
uo hr diuortio con li Signor Guido, c permctrerc vagran di- 
fordme in Ca/a , diH'c msa Madre al Vefcouo, ai Signer Gui- 
do, e po! per la Citra , come il Signor Canonico mio Cogna- 
to mi hauefierichieftodeiriionote cofa non mai penfata dal 
nKdcQmo, mi ftimolaiiano di coniinuar i coofirgll iontani dal 
giufto. e dalia pace , che fi deue al maruo con lafciarmi nelU 
loro partenza per erprclTo comandaniento d'obcdicnza ad 
ammazzareii marito>c dare il Vclenoalli Cognati , e Socere. 
ad incendiarc la Caia , c romper va(i , Sc alcro , accio non pa- 
rellcdoppo partiti , chefoilcro flati ioroappiclTo ilMondo> 
che mi configiiauano a fare tante ieggierezzc , & iti fine delia 
loro partenza mi lalciorono , che io mi kicghciri vn Giouinc 
a mio genio, c che feco me ne fuggifli a Roma.e tant'altrcj 
cofe , che per rotTore tralai'cio , ora che non ho chi mi follieiii 
la menicgodo vnaquieredl Paradifo, c conoico ,cheli mici 
Genitori mi guidauano per loro pazzia ai prccipitio , onde ri" 
conofcendoli (propoUii fatti percomandamento de'miei Ge- 
nitori ne chiedo perdono a Dio, a V.S. , a tatto it mondo vo- 
lendoedcrbuona Chnfttana, e buona moglie del Signor Gui- 
do mio , quale tance volte mi Igndaua con maniera amorofa 
dicendomi.che vna volta i'haurei ringraziato dclic riprcnfio- 
111 mi ^Jceu3 , e di quefti cattiui confcgli mi faceuo conofccrc, 
che mi dauano li njiei Genitori, e miconfcrmo. Atczzo 
14- Giugno i6p4. 

Afifeitionatiilima Serua, eCognata 
Franceka Comparmi ac'Francclchini . 

Foris. 



[LV] 



Foris. Ail'Abba.'c Paolo Franfefchini. Roma. 



Num.f. 

Depofitio Francifcae 
Pompiit,E, quod ro- 
gaueiiit Canonicumj 
qtioti/ihipr.dcnraue- 
ncauxaliumin fuga. 



Die Laoaj i^.Maij 1697. 

Franclfcafilia Petri Compjnni &c. 
Inferrogata vt dicat quade Cama,& quo tempore precise di- 
TccfTit d Ciuitate Arctij , & ad quem efFedum rcipondjf. 
Raccontcro i V. S. &c- vn mcie (i in circa andai a confeffar- 
mi da vn Padre di S. Agoftino > die li diceuano il Rommo > 
c gli raccontai tutti li iniei guai pregandolo, ciie fcriueirc m 
mio nome, pcrche io rjoti $6 fcnucfc , i mio Padre coo rap- 
prefentargli > che 10 ero difpcrata , c chc cro nccellitaia dt par- 
tire da mio marito , c vcnirmcnc da iui ia Roma , ma non_» 
ebbi rifpofta , e cosi non fapendo i chi ricorrere per naettcrt^ 
in cfccuzionc qucfta mia volenti , e pcnfando che ncisuno 
del PaeJe , 6 per parentcia , 6 per amicizia di mio marito nou 
mi hauerebbe aOiftito; finalmcnre mi rifolfi parlarnc al dcrjo 
Caponfacchi, perche fentiuo dire ch'cra huomo rifoluto con- 
forme pafsando vn giorno auanti la Cafa mia in feaspo , che 
mio marito era fuori di Citii, lo chiamai ,c dalle Scale gli 
parlai con rapprcfentaigli i! pcricolo , nc! quale mi trouauo 
anco per caufa (ua , c chc pcrcio lo pregauo a volcrmi coa- 
durre qua in Roma da mio Padre , c msa Aladre , ma efso mi 
rcplicaua.. che non vo'cua in conto aicuno ingersrfi in qiiefta 
faccicnda, perche farebbe ftafo malfc-ntito da jutta la Chii > 
tanto piu , ch'efsocra amicodella Cafa di mio marito , mi io 
lo fcongiurai tanto , c gli difsi , che era opera di Chriitiano ii- 
berarcdaila morte vna poucra doana foraftiera in modo rak * 
chcl'indufsi a promcttermijche mi haurebbecondottocomc 
fcpra > & allora mi difsc , chc hauerebbe fernjafo il Calefse , 
e che quando fofse fiatc aggim'tato nel pafsare , che haucri^-» 
fattoauantj Cafa nodra, mc nehaurefabc date si fegn.o€on_. 
farfj cadcte ii Fazzolctto , mi cfscndoci pafsato i! gicroo fe- 
guente,ch*!o ftauoalia GcloHa non fcce detto fegno=&iI 
giorno furscguente efsendo ripafsato con)c fopra ci riparlai 
nuooamente , c mi dolfi con efso . ch'hauefse mancaco ail«-* 
paroia darami , c lui fi fcuso, chc non haueua trouato Caie.'se 
in Arczzo, & io g!i rcplicai , ch'in tutti ii mod; i'hauefsepro- 
curato anco di fuori conforme promife di fare » e U Domeoi- 
ca vltjma del meic pa/sato ripai'saudoauaoti Cafa fecc il fegno 
con il Fazzolctto come haueua derto, c cosi efsendo andata-^. 
a Icfto coo mio marito la fera , & accortami !a rjotte> che U 
medemo dormiua rai alzai da letto > mi vcdij , e prefi alcunc 
robbicciuole di mio vfc , vna fcaroia , con molte bagatseilc 
dentro , & alcuni denari , chc noa soquanti fofscroda vn-» 
Scrigno , chc vi crano anche de'miet proprii confbrme appa- 
rilce dalja nota laato dclic robbc , auanto dcili denari tatta^ 

dai 



[lvi 



dal Cancclliere in Caftel Nuouo , e poi kcG i bafso • che eraj 
r Alba douc trouai dctto Caponfaccbi , & anda/Ismo inficme 
a Porta S. Spirito fuori de!la quale ftaua vn Calcfsecon due 
Caualli, e Vcrturino > c inonrat! rutti due in Calefse , ccne 
vcnifsimo alia volia dt Roma con caminar notrc, e giorno 
ienza fermarci , k non tantoquaiuo fi rinfrcfcauano, emu- 
tauano li Caualli finchc giungcffimo d Cartel Nuouo douc 
arriuaflimo all'Alba jcpoi foftimofopragiunti , com'horac- 
contatc di fopra a V.S. da mio marito con farci arrcftarc daili 
Sbirri come lopra &c. 

lo infrafcritroReligiofo AgoftinianoScaizo fo fede com'eden- 
dorai trouato ail'affiftenza dei.'a Signora Franccica Compari- 
ni dal primoiftanredel cafo lagrimeuole , fine aU'vItitni pe- 
riod! dclla fna Vita , dico, e< attcfto con giuramento Sacerdo- 
tale alia prefeoza di quel Dio , che mi dcue giudicarc , come 
ho trouato-, & ammiraio a mia confufionein qucftafia fcm- 
ptc bcnedcfta figliola vna cofcieoza innocentc , c Santa , & in 
t]ue!li quattrogiorni , che foprauiuettceffendo da mceforu- 
la a pcrdonarc, qucrta con lagrjmc i gl'occhi , c con voce pla- 
cida , ccompaffioncuolerifpondcua Gicsii gli perdoni , che io 
digia con furroil cuore I'hofatfo. Maqueilo chec pia d' 
amnjirarc fi e , che fcntcndogran doiorenella fua ma!aeia_j , 
niai gl'ho vdito dire parola otFcDfiua, 6 impatiente, ne tampo- 
co fturbamento cflerno, nc centre iddio , ne il prolfimo , asa 
Icmpre conformata alle Diu»ne difpofizioni dicea Signore 
habbiate mifericordia dime, cofainuero, che fi rendc in- 
compoflibjlecon vn'Anima,chenon ftia vnita 4 Dio,3lla_» 
quale vnione non fi giunge io vn folo iflantc > mi bensi cosij 
habito inucterato . Di piu dico . che feniprc I'ho vifta mode- 
latirtima ,e maflime nelloccafionc del medicarfl , chfc fe Ja_» 
lei non ci fuffe ftato I'abito buono in quell' occsfione uon ha- 
ucria abbadato accrtc minuzzcrjeintorno alia modeftia da-. 
me tnokobencnotatCj & ammirate i n tal fegno, che vnij 
Zifcllanon (aria potutaftare alia prefenzadi tant'huomini con 
quella modeftia , ccompofitionecon cheflauaquella bcnc- 
detra rtgliola benchc moribonda . E fe G crede , che lo Spirito 
Santo quclio , che fauella per boccadcU'Euangclifta in quelle 
parole dette da S. Msttco ncl cap.7. che Arbor mala non po- 
tcftbonosfrudusfacerc ; notando che dice non poreft ^ e no, 
lion facit ,cioe mcttendoimpoilibile ridurre la potenza ad at- 
ti di perfettione , quando riltefla e irapcrfcrra . & infetta da yj- 
i.ii , fi dcue dire che quefla figliola era d'ogni bonta , e mode- 
ftia, mcntre con tutrafacilita.etuttaefatfczzafacca atri vjr- 
tuofi , c modeftianche ncirvltimo della vita • Di piue morfa 
con gran fcntjmentodi Dio, con gran di/^pofitione interna 
con tutti li Santi Sagramenti dclla Qiicf3,e con aaamiraiione 

di 



Num. 6, 

Arteilariones fafn_» 
ReJigioforum.qi.'am 
aliornrr, omni exce- 
ptione maiorum, qui 
.-iffitlentia prihusrut 
FiMncifca: vfcjnc ad 
otiirum fuper hone- 
ftate, & declarationc 
ab Jpl'a emilfa dt^ 
nunquam viol?a fi, 
dc CooiuE^ali . 



[l-vii] 



dituttllickcoftanti Canonizandoia per Santa. Nondico di 
piupcr ooncffcr lacciatodipartiak* so molrobene .chcTolus 
Dcusefl fcrutatotCordium . Ma so anche ciieexabundanti<j 
Cordis OS loquitur ; echediceil miogran S. Agoftino , che 
talis vita , finis iia . Ondchauendonotatoin qucftaua fempre 
bcncdctta figiiola parole Sante 5 opercvirtuorcattioni mo- 
dediiTimc , c morte da Anitne di gran timor di Dio per Tcari' 
codeli.j tnia cofcicnza fono nefertiiato > c non poiTo altro di- 
re, che neceflariamcnte bilogna, die fciuprcfia (tata vna 
Giouane fauona, modcdas & honorata &c.quctto di ic. 
Geanaro idps* 

io Ffi Celeftino Angdo di S. Anna Agofliniano Scalzo 
affctmo quanto di lepra ho dcito mano propria . 

Alia attcRatio , vc j^qj fottofctitti per ia vctita richjefli facciamo piena , 5c indubi* 
i»'P^* tata fede mediante il noftrogiuramento, come in occa(7ono > 

checifiamo trouatiprcfeoti ; cnamoadifliti all'vUimainfer- 
mitidclla qualee motra Frsnccfca Pompiiia Moglie di Gui- 
de Fraocelchini .cdeado la mcdefima ftata piu volte ricerca- 
ta da Padri Spiriiuati s Sl akrc perfone , fe haueua com.-riefTo 
mancamento alcuno al detto Gudo fuo Marito > per ii quale 
gii haucOc daro occafionc ds maitrattarla nel modo, che n "vc- 
(icua>e faria aialrrattarea morrc» la medefiaia fempre hiri- 
fpofto , che non gl'hi in alcun tempo conimefto mancamen- 
to aicuno , e fenapre e viffuta conognicaftifi , e pudicitia, e 
cio noi lofappiamo per eflcrci trouati prefenu in detra Infcr- 
oiita hauer'inte/o tutte ic dctte richicfte, e ri/poflc in occafio- 
nc anco d'haueda medicata , & ailiflua , & hauerla /cntita ri- 
fpondere a dette richieftc come fopra oel!i qnaitro giotni,ch'e 
ftata nclli paiimcnii delle ferite, & hauerlaben veduta, e fcnti- 
la , e per hauergii veduto fare vna morte da Santa . In fedc 
habbianio fottoicritfa.'a profente attcdatione di uoftra propria 
mano in Romaqucfiodi lo. Gcnnaro 169S. 
loNicolo Coftantio &c. cheailiftito alia Cura della fudetta-* 
Franccfca Pompiiia per io fpazio di quattco giocni attcAo 
quanto di fopra &c. 
lo FraCcleftino Angeio di S. Anna AgortinianoScaIzo dico» 
come mi (ono ttouatoprefcnte dal primo iftanre del cafo tino 
alia fine delta vita , & ho (eaiprc afliilitoaila iudetia , ia quale 
leraprc diccua , che Dio U petdoni in Cielo > conforme 10 It 
perdono in terra, mi per la cofa , cbe m'oppongono , e mi a(- 
faflinorono ionoinnocentiflimad fcgnotalcdicea , che DiO 
qucfto pcccato non giiclo perdona{se» perchc noi» I'hauea fat- 
to, mori come vna Martire ionoccnte in prcfcnza d' vn' altro 
Reu. Sacetdote,con edificazionedi tuttilt circoltanii ,ficome 
fopra affcrmo mano propria 

10 



[lviii] 



loSaccrdofc D»PlacidoSardi affcf mo quanfo hi dctto il (a- 
pradefto Padre FraCclcditio trouandomi prefcnse coojc fo- 
pra mano propria . 

lo Marchcfc D. Nicold Grcgorij affermo come fopra mano 
propria . 

lo infrafcritto a{Feraio<Jii3iUo nelia retrofcfltta fede fi contiene, 
come anco I'attcftatjonc del Rcu. P. Ccleftioq di Giesu , c_> 
M^na > 6c ho affiftita h rctrofcritra Signora Francefca Pomps- 
lia peril primo , hauendola raccolta da terra cue giaccua ab- 
bandonara dt forzc per caiid dclie feritc . 8( haucua la tefla sii 
Ic ganibedsJSig. Pjcrro Comparini gii crjorco . e la medcma 
fi confcfso nelle mie braccic al P. Ret tore del Collegio Gre- 
co, pcrche non fi porcua reggere , ne Hare coica , e dall'ora_» 
non i'ho mai lalciata, mi Tcmpre alTiftita fin' alia mortc fua_,, 
che e Itata la piu cfcmplare Chriftiana, & edificaute, ch'io mai 
habbiaviflo, hauendola (cmpre vifta rafscgiata nel Diuiao 
vokre, e fenjpre li confidaua QclU fua jnnocensa &c. 

Jo Giufcppe d'Andilli mano propria . 

!o infrafcritto arteflo , & affermo quanto in tuttc dette fcdi fi 
contiene per hauer aJTiftito a detia q. f rancefca Pompilia &c- 

Dionifio Godyn mano propria . 

lo LucaCorfi affermo quanto in tutrederteattertationi fi con- 
vene per haucraffilfjtogiorno , cnotre finochc ddurata I jn- 
fermita di detta qu. Signora Franccfca Pompilia , e fenjiio 
qiianto fopra m^no propria « 

lo Gio: BattiflaGuifcnsSpeziale, che h6 afllftito alii medica- 
mcnt i ) e cura dclla detta quondam Franccfca Pompilia aficr- 
nio quanto in cutte Ic fudctte fcdi , & atteftationi fi contcngo- 
no, per hauer conrinuaraente in tutto il tempo nottc i e gior- 
no deH'infermita della medefima afliflito utano propria . 

lo Gio;Battifta Muclia Giouine del fudctro Gio; BactiflaGui- 
tpnsSpezialcafFermoquantodi fopra ncllc dette ahcftationi 
fi contiene, per hauer affiftito a detta quondam Francefca_» 
Fotnpslia mano propria . 

Si fa piena , & indubitata fede per me qui fottofcritto Abbatt* 
D. Liberato Barberito Dottore della S. Tcologia . qualmentc 
coll'cfser rtato chiamaro ad afliflctc alia morte della q. Signo- 
ra Francefca Pompilia Compartni, ho ofscruatoia piu vo4:e,e 
fpecialmcnte ne! tempo d'vn intiera notrc ianomiiiatadjcfon- 
ra con Chriftiana rafsegnazionc foffcire i dolori del fuo male, 
ccon foprahiimanagencrofitacondon^reroffefc di chi con,* 
tantcferitcl'haucuacaufatoinnocentemcnte la mortc > anzi 

per 



[I.IX] 



per lofpaziodella fudctta nottc ofseruai la tcnctczzi di co- 
fcicnza dclla nominati , haucndolapai'sata in addurmi quoti- 
diaoi fentiment! d'vna eroica, e chnfliana pcrfcrtionc , laiiro 
Che pofsoatrcflare.che per !a prattica io ho, efsendo ftato per 
quattro anni Vicarionelia Cura ddla bo: me; di Monfignor 
Vc(couodi Monopoli nonhaucr olseruaro moribondi con 
fimili (cotjmenri, canto pm con la condizione d" vn male cost 
violcntcmcntcda altricaulatoli , ondc jii fede.&c. Ilonia_» 
qucfto di ID. Genaaro 1698. 

10 Abbatc D. L.bcrato Barberito affcrraoquantodi fo- 

pra&c. 



J/iuJlrifs, £5^• Reuerendifs. P. 

GVBERNATORE 

JnCriminaltbus: 

Romana Homicidij cum 
qualitate. 

T R o 

Fifco . 



Summarium 



ROM/E, TypisR.Cam. Apoft. 1698^ 



[LX] 



Romana Excidij 
lllr & Reu.-"' Dnc H ^l^' f"Jt"" 

t Jy cotius Famihg deCom- 
parinis fcquuturn in hac Alma Vrbenode diei fecund^e cur- 
rentis men/is lanuarij ,& fanguiscfTufusclamat vindirtam ad- 
uerfijs Delinquentesdc terra apud Deum ; Etnos, vt Munus, 
quo fungimur ,adifripleamus opcrs pretium duximus htc fideli 
caiamo fcriem faftt reccnfcre , ex qua Domini mci ludiccs 
agnofceretacilius raleanc , qusnam iura pro lefoJutione Caii- 
fae, & poeiiie Delinquentium /inteidcm fado app[jcabilia_, , 
iuxcamonitum Texjus inltg.Jffial. irt prineip.^.de lureiuran. 
& quia , vc aic Barbo/a axiom, iur. axiom. 95. num. i. ficut ex 
fado lus oritur , ita ex Taiilo lus moritur . 
f adi ideo ferics ita fc habet , Guido Fcanccfchinus dc Citiitatc^ 
Areei) in Vxorem duxit Francifcam de Comparinis , cui pro 
Dote iatcr cartcra promifTa fuerunt nonnulla bona Fideicom- 
miffo fubiccla a Petro , & Violantc lugalibus de Comparinis , 
quieamdcm Francifcam vti filiam in domoeducarunt > & vti 
talcraetiamin Matrimoniiim coJlocarunt ; Ciimque praedxili 
Pctrus, &: Violantcsnullos alios habercncfilios , rcli^a habi- 
tatione Vrbisad habirandumin dome Francefchinifira in Ci- 
tiitate Arccij fe conrulcrunt, vbi per aliquod tcmporis fpatiucn 
infimulcohabicandoinpaceperfcucrarunc; Scd vc fepcacci- 
derc folct inter Amicos > & Coniun(5i:os j orrs fuerunt conten- 
tiones,aciurgia,obquxprjefatus Pectus, & Violantes e do- 
nio , & a Ciuitate Arcti; receflcrunt , & in Vrbcm reucrfi fue- 
runt; Interim crefcente flamma acccnfi odij , introdufta fuic 
lis fuper Dote promifTa , & a Pctro Comparino dcncgata , co 
fubprajtexcu, quod Francifca vcr6 non effec filia ab codcriu 
Pctro , & Violantc genita , fed vti Partus fuppofitus fuecic rc- 
cepta > ac cducara , & quod proinde idem Guido , & Francifca 
ad fuccefltionembonorumFideicommiffiafpirare nun pofTcntj 
At licdtfupcr hoc Articuio Francefchinus fauorabilem repor- 
tauerit Scntentiam , attamen cum pro parte Petri Comparini 
fuerit ab eaappellatura ,agnouie Francifca fe mal^ in domo Vi- 
ti ab CO trafSatam , & ob id curauic e domo ipfius Viri recede- 
rc, proutcum auxilio , & focietatcCanonici Caponfacchi , vt 
fupponitur, Affinis ciufdcm Francefchini , fugam arripuit > 
fed lubita per per cumdera Franccfciiinumnotiria de Vxoris 

A fug a 



[LXl] 



fuga, illam infequens ruitafTeqautus in Cauponam Caftri No- 
ni , vbi adeundo Gub^rnarorem di<5ti Loci curauie committi ca- 
pcuram , & Vxoris , & Caiionrci , proue fcquuca fuic ; porrc- 
dtaquedcindc querela introduditiiin fuic ludicium Criminalo 
in hoc Tribunal! Gubernij Vrbis in quo fabricato Proceflu , & 
auditis pluries , tarn orccenus , quam in fcriptis.Procuraroribas 
vtriuique Partis, refolutum fait ob defciSium probationisAdul- 
tcri; didum Canonicum relegandum in Ciuitatc Vccul2,& di- 
Ctaw Francifcam in Conferuatorio retinendaai ; Verum quia^ 
pro parte de Comparinis prsetcndebatur fubminiftrationem ali- 
iijcnrorum in Conferuatorio ad Franccfchinum fpe<liare, & pro 
parte Franccfchiui dicebacur ad Comparinum pertinere , Illu- 
ftri/nmns , & Reucrcndiflimos Dominus Gubernacor habico 
priiisconfenfu Abbatis PauiiGermani fratris dii5li Guidonis & 
Procuratoris in Caufa ■, domufn de Comparinis cidcm Franci- 
(cs pro tuto , & fecuro carcerc fab lideiiidione aflignaiiit . 
Quibuscontrouer/ijs, cam in iudiciociuiii , quam in crtminali 
pendcntibus » necnon fupcr fepsrattonc Thori incencata pro 
parte di^ie Francifcs vxorisj ideia Francefchinus de prxdiciis 
vindidam fumcre machinabatur > & pro eius praua: voluntatis 
execucionc. coadunatis Dominico Gambanino Florentino , 
Aiexandro Baldefco deTerritorio CiuicatisCaftelli, Francifco 
Palquini, Antooij de Marchionatu Montis Aguri, Blafio Ago- 
ftinclio dc Ciuirate Piebis !ncola Viiij? Quaracx, & eifdera ac- 
commodaris gladijs, & ftylo per Buliam Alexandri Odiaui pro- 
hibit«s > ingrefius fuic Vrbem infocicratem praedidorum Ho- 
ininum ^ & habito acccifu ad domum de Coaiparinis hora pri- 
ma noiftis curauit fibi apcriri lanuara fob /imuiatione dcferendi 
epiUoiam Violanti uanfmiffam a dido Canonico Caponfacca 
in dicta Ciuirate Vetulacomojorante, prout aperta lanuaha- 
bttationis per didam Violantem> ipfam (latim aggreffi fuerunr> 
praefariGuidoj & Socij a quibus cum gladijs pr^didisfuerit 
lugulaca ftatim occubuit j prout eriam Petrus paritcrlugula* 
tus ab hac vita migrauit , Francifca vero curauit fubtus ledum 
fe abfconderes fed repertaj Sc pluriiius vulneribusaffcdaj tunc, 
iic Deo permitiente , non remanlic extinda j licec poft paucos 
dies etiam jpfa deceflcrir , itaut potuic hoc immane fcelus re- 
ueiarci dcquohabita noriria per Illuftrifs. D. meum Vrbis 
Gubprnatorcm pcruigili attentionc curauit , vt ab exequuro- 
ribiis extra Vrbem Malefadores infcquircntur . prout eadem_. 
nodercpcrci in Caupona Meilucciasj cumarmis igneis> 5e gla- 
dijs 



[lxii] 



a 



dijs prohibltis etiam fanguinolcntis , du<SiTque zd Circe- 
rc5> & conftruwto contra eos Proccfl'u fuerunt Tuper criminc 
examinatf > dcquo aliqui ipforum func coiitclli , a!ij vero 
tjuamuis fintnegatiu! fupcr traiilatu, ac kicntia de occiden- 
do omnes dc famiJia > aecamcn coatra cosj noo foium vrgen- 
tilfima? prafumptioncs > fcicnciae , & trai^atus pixdi£ti , fed 
ctiam grauifJimaex codern ProcciTa refultanc indicia , itauc 
per DO. Defcnfores , minimi impignari (, ac conuouerd 
pofHnc, 

Hioc cum hxc caiifa Gt proponenda pro refolutione capicnda > 
credimusJnuIlam fubliftentem elici pofTc dcfenfioncm pro 
parte Dclinquentium , ad euadeiidam poenam vkimi foppii- 
cij quoad confefTos de crimine> & ad eximendum negatiuos 
a rigorofo vigilias tormento ; Licet cnimquxflio fit valdd a. 
DC), agitata an raaritusoccidensvsorctn adulieram non in- 
continentia acin aduineria dcprsheafam > fed ex inceruallo 
i poena ordinaria , legXoraeUf Sicar, excufari debeatsduin 
aliquipro excurationeoiaritiaffiKnariuam opinionem profi- 
tcntur, vt videre ed apa(iGturh,con/.S6»Gizzarel,dec.iS,Mu'' 
ta dec SicilU 6i Strtaz^oUonf crim. 206. ^ cofj/,j^6. San- 
felic.dec.^l-j.Pratus ad Pajchal.de patr.pete/i.part.^,c.6.'vsrf. 
bine CabaL rejol. crim.caf. ioo. qui omnes Dodores ad mi- 
tigandam pcenam maricoj que ex mtesualJo vxorcm occidit» 
caratione moucntur » quia cumcaufa honoris femper coc 
przmat difficile eft tesnperare iuftum dolorem , ob qucin ioj 
continenti dicitur fa(Sa honoris defcnfio cutn comodc fieri 
podit. 

Alij vcroquamplures negatiuam tuentur firtnantes maricum^ 
occidentem vxoremaliter'quam in adulrcrio, j&in adibus 
Vcncrcis deprxhenfam poena ordinaria puniendum > ifa An- 
gel. de Malefic, verba , chehai adulisrato la mia Donna nu. i. 
'verf.multo minus » ClarJn § homicidium num. 48. ^^.fin, 
qujeft.%9Anfin. Gomez, ad leg. Tauri 80. num. 6S. Cctuar. in 
epit.Iur. Caf3on.2.p.cap.y.S 'j,num,^.Farinacc.qu£/i. iii. 
nu. 1 1 1, ^feqq. ^inconf.i/^ipertot. vbi contrijs refpondcc 
& D.Raynald.cap.%. %.4.num>i^^- & cap.-j'inrubr.nu. 1 18. 
&feqq.vh\ hancopinlonemdicit vcriorem ,&magis Rcipu- 
blicae proficuam > nee ab ca in indicando rcccdendam effo 
Sanz.de regim.Vatenii^ ca^.S. S- 8. num. 6^. ^ 64, vbi qnod 
apud ilium Senatum pluriesindicatum fuitnon excufari ma- 
ricuniex adulicrio iegi?ime probaco, fi ex inceruallo occi- 

A 2 dac 

[lxuiI 



dat vxorem > ea ratione , quia oUm ex lege Romuli marltus 
vxorem occidcrc potuit , fed kx lulia permifir tantum occi- 
dcrc adulterum vilcm , vt probac Anton* Mattbxu de crimi- 
nibus tit'Z- de adulter, cap.^.numii^ 
Attamen in hac noftrafad^ fpecie crcdimiw vcrfari extra diffi- 

cuhatem propofit* qujeftionis. 
Quia Dodlorcs pro contraria opinione fupracitati procedunt, 
& inrclligi debcnc quoties agitur de marito , qui abfque ex- 
cefTu legis ■> & niiliis concurrenribus circumftantijs j & qua- 
litatibus aggrauancibus, i uftoquc dolore tantum motus vxo- 
rem occidit, fccusautem., quando , vt in noftro cafu adcft 
cxceJfus ) & contcmptus legis , ac concurrunt t:ircumftantix> 
& qualitates aggrauantas , prout cum hac diftinftione iuxti 
communem praxim efle procedendom tedMm Laurent. Mat' 
thJu de re crim.conir.xz.fjum.ig. podquim firmaucrit mari- 
tum cfTe excufandum a poena ordinaria . & mitius e/Tc pu- 
n.endum , ita fubiungit , ex quibut praxit communis eaejl -^ 
vt efefius doloris perpendatur-, t^folumpuniatur excejjusiita" 
utfiadtjl dolifujpicio in forma occidendi^ vt puta eircumjian' 
tia tendem ad prodiiionef ^poina aggrauetur. 
O'rcunftantia? vero aggauantes» qns in noftro cafu concurrunt 
func plurcs , & adco grjucs> vc quaeliber ex ipfis eft fufficiens 
^id poenam vltimi fupplicij imponcndam , & ad reddendum 
crimen qualificatum . 
Prima cnim eft coadunario homjniim Armarorum > proqua^ 
fecundum Bannimenra buius Gubernij Vrbjs imponitur 
poena vitx > & confifcationis Bonotum illi, qui e(l caput coa- 
dunationis , ctiamfi coaduoati fint folum quatuor, vt legi tur 
in cap. Sa.eorumdcm Bannmenrorum * qu3e circumftantia> 
& quaJitas eludj nequit audoritate aliquorum Dodorumj 
afTerentium Hcitum effe Marito Vxorem occidere coaduna- 
cis eriara Hominibu, »quia prjtdidi Du<flores loqountur* & 
inteH/gi dcbent in cafu in quo licirum eft impun^ Marito 
occidere Adulterum > & Vxorem in aiSu Adulteri; » vel irt* 
Domo ipfius Maritij fectis autcm ex interualJo , & extra-. 
Domum ipfiusMariti ad traditapcr Anton.de Ball.tra&.var. 
delitt. difpenf. caf. i . num.6^. vcl procedcre forte peffent , fi 
alio modo non potuiflet Adulterum » & Vxorem occidere* 
prout fentiunt omnes Docftores, qui pofluntfauore Mariti 
adduci , quod non eft dicendum in cafu ifto , diim Franci- 
khinusinlequcndo Vxofcmatmis igncis munitus poterac 

vin- 

[lxiv] 



vindfdbam fumerc in Caupona Cadrinouh vbirecurfum ha- 
buitad Iudicem,elegitquc viam ludicialcm pro punitiono 
vxoris ,& Canonici cum quo ilia aufugic,- vel demum pro- 
cedcrcnt fi minorem numerum Hominum coadunaflTec , ob 
<]uod, crimen conuencicuK-e non conftitucrctur ; Fortius quia 
nonagebaturdelcommittendofat^um , vcdiximus impuni- 
bile , & a lege permiffum . 
Non enira credimus pofTe per Dotninos Dcfenforcs prxtcndf , 
quod Maritusimpuneoccidcrevalcac Vxorem Adulterarro 
cxinteruallo, diim omncs Do(flores quiadduci polTuntlfa- 
uore Maritieximunc quidemipfum apoena ardinaria noa> 
autem ab extraordinariaj prout videri pofTunt addu(5ii per 
jios fupra in §. Hifjc cum Caufa ; fi ergo in cafu noflro Mari- 
tus committic delidum punibile], quomodo poteft coaduna- 
re numerum Hominum conuenticulam forroanrem -> & a Ban- 
nimentis prohibicara, abfquc incurfopoen? ab ipfis com- 
minat3C ? 
Secunda qualitas » ac circumflantia e/ldelatioarmorum contra 
formam Conftitutionis Alexandri Vlll. quxad torum Ec- 
clefiafticum Sratum extendiiur j ad cuius comminatae , po2n« 
excufationem , minus allegari pofTunt Do<3orum auftorira- 
tcs maritum excufantes » fi cum Armis prohibitis occidat 
adultcrum, & vxorem, quia vltra refponfionem pcrNos 
datara in cxplicatione primjpcircumftantiaj coad jnacionts, 
ac conuenticul« , quod iflae fcilicet proccdant , & intelligi 
debeantin cafu a lege pcrminb , & impunibili , dicimus ap> 
plicari mjnime pofTe rcfpedilu Armorumde quibusagitur > 
dum d. Confticucio non folum prohibet delationemj fed 
ctiam retentionem , fabricationem , & introdu^ioncm eo- 
ruminVrbcm, & Statum Ecdefiafticum [ixbpetnis rebellio" 
tfh t & Criminis Uf<e Maieft»tisy Scquatcnusetiam verfa- 
rcmur in cafu a lege permifrointelligcndaee/Tent Dodiorum 
au^orijates de Armis j quorum prohibita eA delacio > noii^ 
autem retcntio t &introdu(aij fubquouis pr«texta etiam.* 
luftitiS) vt habecur m eademConfticu(ione S.f • ibi: Autquo 
quouis etiam militiaj aut executionis iujiititt praffxtu deferred 
minufque in Domtbus , aut alibi retinere : & in $. Ad hxc , 
prohibet etiam introdutlionem ibi : Retentionem Domi-, in 
in Apotecis ^ alibi , introdu&ionem in Statum Ecclejiafii' 
cum yfabricajionem &c. 
Si ergo fubpcxtextulufticiae prohibita eft retencio > & intro* 

du^io 

[lxv] 



dudliohulufmodi Armoriim , ri dicula efTct prxtcnflo Fran- 
cefchini » fibi licuiffe » ciim didis Armis acccdcrc ad 
vrbem , & Donium vxoris ad vindicandam ex intcruallo ptj- 
tcnfam honoris offcn/ionem ; Certiiis quia delidum huiuf 
snodi Armorum eft grauc,' & de pcrfc poena capital! puni 
fur 5 vt probaaimus , quo cafu fccutoddido ,-fi maior eft 
poena afportafionis , qudm dclifti , accipitur pcena grauiori* 
qua: Jeuiorem abforbct> BartJn Lnumquamplura nu.^ ff.de 
priuat.deli^.GlofAn l.qui de crimine, •uerbo plurtma C. de Ac- 
cu/af'CacyeJafr,dectJl i S.»um.x ,^per tof.Cabal.eafioo.n.i2, 
1 3.^?* 14 Giuyhaton/.i6,num.\.conj".^i.tiu./^i» vt grauius pu- 
niatur deIinquens»G<ai.^i diifo (afu »»m. t|. & 14. Carfar.de 
ptendnnocent.art> %.»um. i oi.Parinacc.qu, iz.n.iz.^qu.i 08- 
tium.i66.Sartfel$c.deoif.4^.mm.2.& j.falijquc quos aiiegaCj 
& fequitur oriLadCapjff.refoLt,ftum»^i, 

Tertia (ircumftantia eft > quia Franccfchirms cum Homitiibus 
praedidis homicidia patrauit in Domo » achabitatione pro- 
pria de C6parinis,qud fie vt homicidiu in Domo occifi cotn- 
fni(riHn,dic3turqualificatufo > c^m Doraus debeat efle tu- 
tum fui Domini rcfugium i.pleriquei & ibi Bart.& alij ff. dc 
ill ius vocan Spad,c0njlr'^y.num.^*§e. quia doFrancifchinus in« 
grefrus fiiitciim muratione vcftimcntorum . quo cafu Horai- 
cidium diciturcommifTumcx In/idijs Fanttac . gu, i 26. cum 
alys adduffifper eumdem Spad.loe.cit. num.^ •prafertim </c_» 
nocie, "vt cenjsderat CabaLeaf.^i.fium, i ^.quem allegaf* ^/e- 
qu'itur 5pad,d.con/. ioj.n»6.^friiit in conf. i o i ,n»6> 

Quaiu qualitas , & circum/lantiaeft , quia ^\di3. Francifca erat 
Tub pctrfiiate ludicis, dum fui«eideni > vtdiximus in narra- 
tionc faclij afljgnata Domus citnfideiufiionedc habendo il- 
1am pro ruto.& rccuio Carcerc, & fie erat xxi fortijs Curiar, 
vt voiunt Gramat.decif.\jL.num.<i^.^ alij allegafiper Varinac 
iju.^o.fju.^i. cb» 57. prarferrimquandoagitur fauore illius > 
qui in fortijs Curiae exifi^it!, quiiquid dici poffet qaando agi- 
turde cius pra:iudicio ; idcoqus compertum eft in lure, ncc 
minus JBannicum capitalcm in Fortijs Curif cxiftentem oc- 
cidi pofTc 5 Bart.irt l.'i.%.transptgasff.adl.Corn*deSicar. <j^ in 
/, '.llaqueum ff. de acquir, rer. dotn. l^ libertas ff. de St.it.Hon?. 
Ndl.de Bannit part.i.qu. 28. cum ali/s adJucfisper Oril. ad 
Cctmpan.obfiru.ti^.num.^ r. 

Sed ceflTare videtur omnis difceptatio » dum ex procefTu reful- 
tatdidura Francifchinumacce/fiflc ad Domum prajdidafru 
vna cuhi hominibuscoadunatisnon animO)& incenmKionc 

folura 

[LXVl] 



folum occldcndi FranciTcam vxoretn , fed ctiam occidcndi 
Petrum,& Violantem ,quos vtipfefatetur>odio graui pro- 
fcquebqtur » propter litem motam , Sc quia prxdiCti lugaJes 
inftarent apud Franciicam « vc mortem viro, & Cognate ve« 
neno pararet j ac eiiam quia rctiaerent in Domo eius Vxo- 
renij vtmagisincontinuarioneadulterij cius honor offendc- 
retur , quia v!tfa quod , vt fupra dicimus Ftancifca Fuit au- 
doritafc ludicisin ditfiam Domum repofita cum confcniu 
fratris Germani eiufdem Marid ? non ineraeq,i3.i?fiio an fie 
pcrmilfum dlege occidcreConiun'itosj Amicos >& Dorns- 
hicos Vxotis adulters , eiiamH Maritus ilios fufpedos tia- 
bsrecdepei-milTione, vel altcnCa pr.'enito Vxori adulterium 
coinmitccnti j cum fpccialia j ac priuiicgia concelTii Manro, 
aducifus Vxorem non fine mulriplicanda, ac extendendajled 
iiiiCic jnccrprstanda <?<»/?. nofi potsji^ de pr^hendis in 6.cap. 
finJefiLp4£shyt. eod. Uh^ qaod procediE non fofuaiquando 
agitur depr^iudicjo tertij, fed ctiam ii agaiurdc folo prjc- 
iudicio Eifci per Text.l. i. uifin,ffM lur.Imm. & quod hxj 
prajciiis noftris*tei-minis non debcac fieri exccnlio de pcrfo- 
naad perfonarn ex Couar.de Jpo}if,p.2\eav\-i, §. 7. & ex An- 
gel, ini/erbo che hat adnlteralo n 64. cenuitAniofiius de E^IL 
d.tracivariar lib.-^.dt litt.difpenf.Caf. i.nu.6^,(^ 64. quam- 
uJsnos verius affirrnare poffimus huiufmodi aflercioncmdi- 
^i Franccfchini effc caiumnioje mendicatam , diini in aiti- 
culo morris cadcm Francifca protcftaca fuir in damnationem 
Animx iua? non ofFendille honorem mariti cui potiusatte- 
ftationi crcdendum venit .cummonbundus non prarfumatur 
immemor falutis xternae idTexidn l.j^fj.C.adLlul.repetund. 
sap.S'^tcimui i.qu-i- 
Ca:tcraj vero Caufe , qu£ ab ipfoFrancifhino adddcuntur pof- 
funt quidcm ,qiiatc(ius vera: eTcnt , deinonlhaic odium, ac 
inimicitiani inccr ipfufn j & dd. lugalcs, verrcntcm , & fie ad 
probandam in eo caufam prsmediratx necis corumdcm, non 
vero fuflicicntem ad ipfum excufandum a poena ordinana^ 
mortis > quamomnino cxigitbomicidium pramediatum^ 
iuxia Tcxf.in I. 5. $. Paiiatur Cod.de Epifc. Aud. ^ in §. Lex 
Cornelia injiit.dc Pwblici ludic.&in l.pdn.%, ^ujaaUas Per/o- 
nus J] ad LVmp.de Pancid.O' in l.e'tufdeminJtH ff.ad leg.Com. 
de Sycar.f^ exGenefi cap.g,ver/ic.6.0' Exod.'cap.n.lS- Deu' 
ttron.cap.T.g.verfi%.per qltx lura idcmfirmat Godofred.Aha. 
wir prax CriminaL§.hom!Csda num.A-O' $ ^Giurb.con/.Crimsa, 

z.num. 



nac.qu.i\9.num.\%.&feqq'C^ ratio.ic , quia leges prohibcnt 
yindxStZm t priuatam hoc eft illam >, qnam Cardites publico 
ininifterio propter fuaodia in intcrficiendis hominibiis , vcl 
aliter Ixdencis fibi vfiirpant » vt habecur in ieg.14.C0d.dr lu- 
di9'& l.^^S-^'ff'^^ leg.IuL de Adulter, ciim alys luribut ad- 
Juffitper DeminummeumRaynMdum cap.j. in Rubricanwn. 
jzi.^ xzh vbinum. 24.fubdicquod non folum in hooiici- 
dioappenfatoimponcndaeftpcEna ordinaria contrd ipfurio 
ccciforcm , fed etiam contri omnes alios , qui data opcr^ , 
aflTiftunti &ad hnmlcidium patrandum concurriint opera., , 
ope>vci confilio ex cliro^.bomieidium ver/.auf vera/unt flu- 
tes farinac.qu.gS.num.^ 'i.&feqq.eonf. i ^S.num.2j.Cabai.re.. 
fol,Cfimin,i9^'fft*f^»^-& fi^q' 

Francifcus do Gambis F/fci , & 
R euerendd^ Cam^ Apofi. Pro-^ 
cumtorCeneralis . 



lUuJlrifi. & 'n^uerendifu Tio 
V R B I S 

GVBERNATO 

In Crimifialibus ' 

Romana Excidij. 
r ^, O 

Fiico . 
C O N T VI ^ 
D. Guidonem Francifchinui 
& Socios . 



Faifi^a^ luris > 
Domini Procuratoris Fifcalis Gem 



Romae , Typis Rea. Cam. Apoft. 

I LX VI 111 



Romana Homicidi j cum qualitate . 

Tit mc ;ir f? «Ti me Fifio. /^ Voniam ( vt auditum-. 
111. «. i\.eU. UnC, %J f^.j ^ pj^^ip^^ defcafio 

Domini Francefchmi inquifiti conuJtir in pr^tcnfa Caufa hono- 
jjs, ob quam motus fucrit ad dclinquendum Fifci proptcrca par- 
tes funt huius infubfiftcntiam oftendcre , vr dcbita poena plcdla- 
tur adeo atrox, & engrme deli^^uro . 

Examinandaiiaquc aCfumo fundaascota, quibus afferca honoris 
Caufa inniri potcfi, fugam fcilicet infdicis V'xoris A Domo Viri, 
vnacum Canonico GaponraccOj cum quo in Hofpitio Caftri 
Nouicaptafuits&praetenraslitterasaniatorias in ProcefTa iuper 
difta fuga,& deuiatiotieinfertas ex quibus prsteafa Vxoris inho- 
neftasdcfumitur cum alia cumulaca in didtoproccffu , fiat om- 
t\ino l£uia, vcl xquiuoca, vcl non ptobata > ve etiaen coiiigi po- 
tcft ex dimjflione Franciicx Vxoris com fo!s cautioncdc habco- 
do Domum pro Carccre > & D. Canonici cum triennali rciega" 
tione in Ciuitate Vctula , qua vtiq uc oftcndit nullam faiffe i Fi» 
fcoin codem FroceQu acquifitam Icgirimam probaticnem inho> 
neftatiS) ficprastcnfe violationisfideiconiiigalis, dequa fucrae 
per inquificum delata . 

Ec quidenacx defenfionib'is tunc fadJis , immo ex ipfo Proccffu tiv 

culentcr apparuit iuftiffima caufa , ob quam infdix PucUa mota 

fuit ad arnpiendam fugam , aDomo Viti, vc ad propriosiarcs 

rcmcar«» &apud Parcntesquietam, & turam vitam traducercr. 

Notorise quipj?e funt altercationes ftatim exorta: ob rei familia- 

lis anguftiaai inter diflos railcrrimje Pueil* Parentes, & Inqtufi- 

tum.ciufque matrera* & fratres i/fdcm frufhalugentibus fc fuif- 

fedcccptos fub fpecie non infimae opulentie ob fuppoficuca_» 

annuumrcddiium fcut. fyoo. qui prorfus inlubfirtcns deteftu^ 

fuit adeout dum moram in Oomo S'ponfi inquifiti rraxcrunt in 

Ciuitate Arctij adco male ab ipfo ciulque Coofanguincis habiti 

fuetint , vt poft paucos mcnfes ab eadem rcccdcre , ac ad Vrbem 

rcdire coatti fine totoque tempore , quo conuixcrunt continue 

interipfos viguerintcontentioncs, ^ quoenmooiaB , obiulhiin 

dolofcm deccpfionis, quam parti fuerant excitats , vt conftat ex 

Epiftolis Abbatis P»uJi Franccfchini cas praefupponentibus ad de- 

fenfam pouderaris per D. Procutatorem Gharitatis , & indicanti- 

bus malum aoimum.vfquc tuneadueifusjnfclices Parentes con- 

cepuim > & fignanter in ilia fcripta 6. Martii ibi : Tarno dfcnuere 

a y.S. che non vogtto imitarlo ricl modo di firiuere non ejfendo da par 

fuo fcminxrc certc parole nelle lettere, che meriterebbero rifpofle di futtiy 

e non di parole , e queflefono offenfiue afegno , che le lonferuo per fuo 

ritt/prouero, e mortifirationt: & infra jbu (hcfe lei ei darddeguai^che 

nrni credo mai ) non iie rcflercbbe cfente ne pur lei- futficieus aurem ex 

Epiftolis rcfultat probatio, vt moi^eniCabrid ut.de confefs.coti' 

A cluf.l* 

[lAix] 



ciuf.l . ntita-Si' farinacc. conf. (Yim. 24. num. 2 r. Mafth, San^. de re 
critH. comr,zS, num>i6. &fcq, ^contr.yj. num. 3. Sfercll. dccif. 69. 

Et licet ipfc non parificentqualitatem altercationum, tameo, vltra 
quod aliqus praleterunt quasrinioniasadeo excreuilTc.vt amari- 
tudines in odium excrefcerenr , vt conftat ex Epirtoia fub dje ! 2. 
Febraarij 1694-. ibi: mAfintendo daU'vna ,e I'ahra parte crefccrc fr4^ 
hro l'a>»are:!^'^eper non dir gl'odij: facile fuiffct inquifito,& D.Ab* 
bati cius frarn cxhibcndo literas eidem fcriptas, vt apparct ex te- 
norc diftaE Ediftols ibi ; lo pero che fcnto cbe il nemko di Dio habbia 
mefje amart-^^'^e tra loro, c comeneuoU; cbe io adempifca conKS. al de- 
bUo di rifpofi<i:oi\cadete qusrimonias fuiffe iniuOas , vcl ab ipGs 
cxcitatas , quas cum non cihibucrinr> vrgct contta occultantcm 
prsfumptio veriiads earumdeni , & iftz Caufa: ob quam con- 
quaBrebantur, & altcrcabantur , vt in fimilibus rcrmims hrmaiiit 
T{ota in Sontana ,feu T^eapotitana Uberationis a mole flu s tj.Februarvj 
J {$00. §. eo tiJAgis coram Emnent'JJtmo Cardmali Caccia, ^iit Rbmaiia. 
f^ectmiaria fuper exhibition: zi.iunij 1694. ^. clarius coram /^. V, 2). 
Muto . Qu^B tamcn fpecificatio pcffimorum tradiatuum erga-. 
Parcntcs. quibus ex conuentiooe dotali fubminiftranda crant ali- 
xxsenra habetur ex dcpofitiotic hnciWa, d^ta in Sumrru num.i. qua 
vrique fi Icgenrium commirerationem extorquereaptacd.mul- 
to magiscrcdibilc redditur ex huiulmodi peffimis tradationibus 
fummopcrc cxa/peratum fuiffe animum miferrims fponte fuos 
Parenccs ita vcxari rruftra iugcnris , imo ctiam lugcrc impc- 
ditx. 

Rcditus ad Vrbemrorumdetn Parentum quanfd, & quidem iuftif- 
iimo dolorc affcccritmifcrrimam Pueilatu 15, atafis annum noa 
cxccdcnteoj, omnibus nocum cffc potc(J > Ea quippc omni auxi- 
hodcftisuta, maritaii feueritati expolitj remancbar, ob quaoi fc 
quotjdic in vita difcriminc con ftitutamtimcbat, & fruflratcnta- 
to recurfu ad Reuerendiflimum Epifcopum , & D, Comtnifia- 
iium5«ww.;7«?w.2.fruftraqucintcrpo(Itione nobilium virorum, 
qui priusetiaminuriliscuafcrat, vt conftat ex dida Epiftolafi. 
Marti) ibi : Ma cbe nmedio pojfo darifi io , ^uando tanti Cnualteri amo, 
reuolid'ambe le parti fento [t ftam frame£, per comporli, e non liiforti- 
to: Nonaliud Ubiremediumfoperclfepuraucric. quaca fugara^ 
arripicndi e domo Viri, & Patrios istes r^petcndi ; Qua proptc- 
rea vtpote exccutioni deinandata procuadcndo vke difcrioune , 
nullum inboncftatis, & violats coniugalis fidei prjebere valet in- 
dicium , cum ad caufam omnino licitam potiiis quam ad crimi- 
nofam (it refcienda, vt per Text' m cap. in pants de regul. iur. in 6. 
monent Handed, con/. 105. num.60. Ub.iXrauet. confiL 8. num. 2. ^ 
conf. ? 1 9. mm. i . .kindred, contr.66. num. 24. Mafcard. «c probat. con- 
c/a/.^ 14. mm.i, vol.z. ConcioL allegat.ij. mm. 2^. 

Vrgcote el 1. 1 m al ia Caufa obquam Patnos lares repetcre ftuduit, 
Paternaj, fciiicct infirmitatis, de qua in epit^olawn qua infinuauit 

non 

[lxxJ 



non ^xpejSancfam eUc focicMttfra D. Grcgorij Quilicbini fcfo 
cf lam Circa hoc fcmittendo D. Canonico, vndc bcncinfcrripo- 
reft, quodcx caufis Ileitis dc fuga agcbatur . 

Nullatcnus vcro fidcnduni eft Epiiiol* ab cadcm Sponfa confcri- 
pt« D. Abbati FNUccfchino.in qua ijli gratias sgit quod ipfam 
MatrJnrtonio tunxcnt cum inquilito cius fratrc , ac proii;etut , 
quod pod Genitorum difcc^trum omniho tranquitism vitam^ 
duccbat ccllantc ijlotum pemcrta (cdudione.qas iplam a Viro 
alicnani reddcbat ,& dcrcgitpc/ninum confiiiumipfi traditum 
tota<n Oomum pcrdcndi . Ipla llquidcm Sponfa ingenue in fuo 
fonrtituto fatcror cam coiifcripfiflrc, vt InqufGtoobtemperareC 
codcfigoantc Apices, ipraquccalamumfupe/lnducente , vtcx 
pdj-ficuia confljfui! ciuldcm data in Summario num.}. Si tint (6' 
la I'cduta didar Epiflols taleoj infcrii horrorcm , vt incrcdjbilc 
Iif>quod infelix Puclla.nifi inctu per virutn iliatumcoafta taita 
fcnbcrc potucru inpetnicicm , & dctradioncm proprioru(iL» 
Gcnitotum * ad quern eifeftum eadcm datur la Sunnaaria nw 
mero 4. 

luOtor ctiam euaHt timorob quetn mors fuit sd fugatn capien- 
dam infcJijL Purila ex mora per Patrem InquiOto lite lupec 
nuliuate conftirucionis dotis , vtpofc fa^s ex faifa caufa , quia 
crcdebatcam fi\ix proniittcre , qualeni noaefleagnouerac ex 
Kuclationc per M^trem facia , quod ad dccipicndum Virucn . 
&acccndos eiusCreditorcspartum fuppo(uiQct ; Cuca cniou* 
ouiaia bona fuiflfcnt in dotcni allignata , &quidem confpicui 
vaioiisinfpcda qualitatc pcrfooarum motai'tipcr illis per Socc- 
runn contfouerlia vtiquc grauifTima, & Capitalis cxorra timcri 
potcrat inimicitia per quain coniugalis pax, iam dm pcscedcn- 
tibusaltercationibusturbata , rcctudefccntibus odijs . prorlus 
climinaiarcEpanerct. Hunc cniin cfFcaum parcre liies luper 
confidcrabili quantiiate , mulroquc magis fupcr toto afle mO' 
tas qiiotidiana cxpericntia docct , & iradunt Grantdticus conf.^6. 
num.^m Craunt. confil-j^.tium.li.Soccin. lun.conf.fi. num. 14. ■>()- 
ium-1' Dcc'un. traS, CrimnaL lib.}, cap, zs- num. 56. C 57. f ef» 
migltol. conftl. J J I . num. 5 . F-ainac. qutifl.-^g. num. z. 

Adeoquecum tu^ns tiinorcon(idcrcturpen(acis per prudencetu 
Judiccmcirciimftantjjs Pcrfonarum , & {cmporis, vt ex Text, 
in L metiis autem Can fa f. ex quibus cad/,, maior GloJ, in cap. Pen. 
da his , qua cui rneiuJH. Cauf. monent Farif. confiL 5 j. num. 60 lih.^. 
Idsnoch. de arbitr. caf. i :js. num,z. M.zfcard. aeprohat. concl. io<yi, 
num' 21. Cartar. decif. Criminal, -ji.num. j<..optimd Mogolon, de^ 
metuaip. 2- §.7. nutn. i., z^cap.7, num. I. vcrf. turn quia; At- 
firmandumomnmo iocafunoftro eft cas tales rcputandas* vc 
JiOD modo Fuci!^ ccoerae xtatis. qualiserat infciix Sponta^ 
omniauxiliodcftituta, 5c ezpoAta ieueritati Viri , quzillam 
ignco breuiori fclopulo appetierat iiiortcni ipd unmando ob 
leuiHimam fulpicioucm , (ed quaum coaftaatilTiffla /f mina fe 

[lxxi] 



in eonliouo vifsdircrianint: confiifiitam Airpicaripoget , fibi- 
qne praicaucadi ncceflitatcoi agnofccret , quod fi quatcusnque 
Caufa cdara opinata fufiicctcr 2d lilam excufandann, ve per 
7ext. in I. habhatores §. final, f, local, firmat Mogolon. ie mettt 
cap. 7. num. t. Faunae, quxfi. 12^. num. 63. , & 6^&- num. 196. 
J). Csnon. I{aynald. inftntax. re>\ crimin. torn. h cap. z^. §,4.«k. 34' 
vbiquod fufficit videre figna ! & aijus manifcfta; voluntatis, 
vc! pracparamcnta. Quaoid magis excufabiJis , ik commir«a- 
tionc digna ccnfcri dcbes dura ideo vrgens , & vndiquc vcrifi- 
cataconcurrit Caufa , obquam ad fugicndum moofuit, vt 
aducrtit d. Mogolon. tit, 2. §. 6. "Wbi quod folus vifus armof urn , 
licet habcns CIS nonvtatur, ncque caeuagioet cil iuxtacauia 
inctus produdJaa . 

Nccinhoneftatis , Sc violatas coniugalis fidci prxfumprio infurgc 
re valet ex fbcierate D. Canooici Capon(acchi,cuai quo fugam 
arripuit , obquam ipfc fujt ad tricnnalcm tclcganoncm in Ct- 
uiratc Vetuia damnatus. Cum caim, vt di«fjume(l , infclix 
Pueilacflctomni auxilio dcftituta , propriarqucattafss, fuiquc 
kxiis, & ftatQS ratio non paterctur, vt Tola , vci iji ibcictate ali- 
cuiiisvilis mulicrcuias periculofo itineri fe comniitterct , nt^ 
dcmeHica difcrioiina fugicndo , incaute (e grauioribus pericu< 
lis cxponcrcc, prourcontingerepotuifiTet , H per vsrum iola_» 
fuifict in itioetedeprchenfa, necaliuus futioreniinuenirc po- 
tuerit Coniitcm> quam ipfum D.Canooicum amicitia coniur?. 
^umcutn D. Canonicode Conoitibus, qui licet familiaris. & 
coafangumeus inquifiti eius (latum magna com tniferacioQt> 
pro/equebafur , tutjus cxjftimauit €um co fugam arripcro > 
qucm prouiduntjj Saptum adiUamadoptatum eiitumpcrdu- 
cendamccnfuit, quam aiitciillamexcqui cum maiorj diicrj- 
iTSine ; Qax proptcrca ncce/Istas j. & prodcns cleflio miGorss 
iiialiomncmprajtenrae inhoneilatis /^urpicionem excludit , vc 
tradunt Bald, in l.fiiiiim num.l. ff.de his , qui funt lUlvcl alien, iur. 
€^ in !. I . num.^ ^,C. dc us , qui accttf. non tofs, Menoch. de prxfump. 
lib. 6. pmfusKps. 54. Kum. zz. & 2.?. de arbitr, lib. 2. f^/* 89. 
num. 23. 

Eaque vUcrius cxclufa reniancnt ex modo > quo fuga fuit execu- 
tion! demandata iter ad Vrfacm arripicndo redo tramitcs "^ 
cuKi maxima celefitatc. Si cnim cxpcndcndx isbidmis caufa 
cam codcm Canonico Amado ( vt alias liiitcidcm obicdum* 
& iTiodoforfan animolius ad affcdandam honoris Caufam rc- 
pctcrur) inlejix Puella fugam arripaifiet , vd moram traxiffct 
jnaliquo loco extra publii-amviam jo quo per inquifituos-j 
cteprchcodi non poiJct s vcl non accefljflct cum tanta edentate 
ad Vibcm , nifi vcri id peregiflet Patrios lares repetitura , iro 
qua vua? , atquc honoris fecuiitatem alTcqui ipcrabat . Nimis 
quippe imprudens fuiffirt Amalij conGImra traducendi Vxo- 
tera a Domo Yiii ad locam , quo fuam cupiduatem c^^pleio 

non 

[lxxiij 



nonpofifet, quae fola inuerif^miiltodo farHceret ad oftetiden- 
dam veritatem CauAc pec Vxoreni in conftitutis addudae » 
quod pro vitando Vits djfcrimine in quo fe coaftitutam eime- 
bat fugam arripuit . vt ad Parnos lares ieconferrct opem pras- 
benre, Sc aflbciante Canonico ex mora commircradone , He 
omnino falua honcftarcj verifitnilitudo fiquidem fcmpcrcft 
potifTime fpcdanda ad argueodum dclidura > vcl illud exclu- 
dendumjVttraduni fttrinac. defalf.&-fimul.qu£ft.is3. num.176. 
^ feqq,& conf.60> num.ii. & il'CahaU. rejol, eriitjin. cafu 199. 
num.j^Xonciol. refol. criniin.%y.nuin.z. & feq. FermiglioLconf-ti. 
num.^, & conf.266. num. 10. 

Minufque lubfifliialterum fundamentum atTertx Caufe honoris, 
quod alias fuk per inquifimoi conftitutum fupcr pr«tcnfis lit- 
tcrisamatorijs,qua: permiferriaiam Puellam rcr,pta: prsfende- 
bantur Canonico, nccnon ex quibufdam abco fcriptis, repcr- 
tis in Latrina Hofpiti; Caftri noui in qaam.prsieflae adercban- 
tur ad illas occultandas ; Vltra refponfiones quippe tunc rradi- 
tas per D. Procurarorem ChariratiSs nor. probats identitatis 
caradcris, & inccrtitudinis j cum non appareant , cui lint dire- 
ftf* qusforfanadmifT* fuerunt cum nulia pcsna fuerjt eidcm 
PucUarirrogata ,& fimplidter dimifTafir ciifncautionc dc ha* 
bcndo Domum pro CarcetCi qoaniuis iofpedo corum icnort* 
ptxfeferre videantur , nimix bencuoleQUE fignificahoneai^ , 
tamen ea potuit per eamdem iingi ad alltcierjdum D. Canoni- 
cum relutlantcm , vt ipfafatetur in fuoconfiiruro ad er aujci- 
hum przbcndum in e:cccutfone prsmcditar; fugs ipfanj ad 
Vrbem affociando, conftat enim £piftoias fuiffe ad hunc fincm 
cxaratas 5Anr»r. num.^. Adeoqueeoaioiitleraticnedigna exiiU- 
mari debet mifcrrima PuelJaomni auxilio deftituta, & in di- 
fcriminc vita: pofita > H blandis ; & for(an amafonjs verbis aili- 
cere tcntauit D. Canonicum> quern aptum credebat ad ei opera 
fercndam, nee ex dd. Epiitolis ad eamdcra fugse finem conlcri- 
ptis maius violate pudicitis funii valet argumentum. quam ex 
ipJa fuga ; nee nouum eftcafiiflimas ffminas fimiiibus artibus 
quandoque vti ad iicuura nnem vt in lacns pagmis , fecilTe ic- 
gimas luditta ad decipicndum Holofemem, vt patriaaa iifacra- 
rct . Jd igirur faccrc potuit infelix Puella, vt mortis periculum 
cuadcretabfque vila inhoneilatis nota . 

Accedcntc prifertioi confidentia, quod habebat , turn propris 
contincntis , rum integritatis e!u(deni^ D. Canooici de qua dc- 
ponit Teftjs dc audita a D. Gregorio GuilJichino paritcr con- 
fanguineo, ( vt mihi fupponitur) inqujfiri in didto Proc, per 
Fifcumad inflantiam inquiilti tunc aderentis cxaminatus ibi: 
jl Signer Gregorio alL'hora mi foggiunje ilSignor Canonico yi vi per 
buon fine, e pcrche ellafs ne vorrebbe andare A Homa, e mi dijfe anther 
(he non ci poteua nafcere del male, pcrchefrd loro non vera male alcit^ 
no : cuius profe(!^6 Tcftis depofitio contra mdueentcna picne 

A i probata 

I i.xxiirj 



ptobatjVtmdiintyurittaC'eonJ.i^o.nuw. lo. ycrtnlgU c»tif. 500. 
num.i. D. Canon. 1{ayi^4d. ton.i. cap. 23. §.4. num. zO.fol, 1 1 2. Ac 
pcoptcrca cum nihil uiaiiponct dida infeiix PucUa (ufpicarii 
fbcifftatedidi D>Canonici>nccaiiud rcmcdiutn aptius habcrct» 
vtfuatnpremcdttationcmexcquerecur, tcacbatus habitus cum 
codciU pen Eptflolas excufandus c§ » vtpord ad huoc Anctn or* 
dinaru;, quam^is aiiqua in ilhs legamur verba amatoria , qas 
p(Hiu£ o^Sciofa ,&adcaprandanibeneuokntiam appolitaccn- 
icrldcbc^t I ^ fempcr c^piicanda hint iuxta intencionem pro- 
fcfcntis , Vt ex T<3ct.in ejip» iMtelUgentia , &" cap. pvoptena de ver* 
bor. fignific. moment Surd, conftl. 4 j \ . num. 3 $• cum alijs reiat. ptr 
Mclia, de rit. nupt.Ub.i. ^w^/itSj. num.^o. 
Accedentc infupcr participatione D. Canonici de Cotaitibus no* 
bilis viri , & alfinis O. InquiGti , Sc huoc ttaclatum pfoaiouca> 
tis ; qucm incrcdibtle non ed illius hoaori infidiai i voluifle-^ , 
iiod {antam ex caufa cocnroifctationis infeiiccm Pueilam ab 
ionmJucnii mormpcncuiocfijf>erc-, Talis autcm participatio 
ciuceicjtipfic epiOohs , qus ab illo confciipts prascetidua- 
tur. 

Lcqioris pondcris funt alia piaitcQfae inhoncftatis indicia dc/uiu- 
pta exacccHu D. Caaonici ad doaiuu) Inquiiiti nodurno tern* 
pore ad cffcduipalloqucadi cum vxorc occifa , deofculatio 
cJuTdcm in »tincr€> dcqua d^fonic Francifcus loannes de ilu- 
bri« Chili; s vujgo Cakjfe Du^r , & prjetenla condormitio ioj 
COdcor Itdoin hofpitio Gaftri Noui . Vltra dcfe£lum fiquidcm 
piobatioois rerpeclupnnni , vtpocd relultaniis ex di^o vnici 
tantum Tct^is Mari« Margarits de ContentiSt qux pacicur rclc- 
uantiHlaiani cxceptioQem puhlici tncretriciji & ranquam vnica 
nihil probac, vt rcfpedu meteeticiarquahratis monct Text, ia 
l.i. $. lege luiu t ibique Glof yerbo patamff. de tefiibus AiarfU. con- 
fil.lOi. num. 9.yermlgliol. confii. 408. num. l. Cr«t. de Tefl. part. 3, 
num. ^6. Varif. cofifil. 67. nutg. 80. iib. 3- Mafcard. de probationibits 
concluj'. 1^61' mm 10. Et rcfpetlu vnicifatis , Tcxtiis in cap. ve- 
niens , it cap, licet vniuerfis de Tefi. Farinac* de Teft. qutiji.ft^. n. 28. 
cSr* 3f. yermigLconftL 146. ««?». 3. D.Cauonicus Raynalius in Sin- 
tafs. rer, crimiu. tom.x. tap. 1. §. !o. mm. 1 1 8. Cum talis accellus 
cUccordioatusad iicitum fioem fubtrahendi mifcram Pucllam 
ab imminent! mortis periculo > earn ad patrios lares ducendo 
non eft trahendus ad indicium illicici cotamcrcij,cum Tola pof- 
libilitasadhunceffcdum Aifficiar, vr in bonam partem Htfu- 
mcodus , vt per Text, in I. meritof. pro foe. tradunt Menoch, toti' 
fit.i^ num.Ti.Surd. decif-^%. num.^ yermigUol. conf.iyi.num. 27. 
&con]il.s97. num.1 1. 1{ota decif.lo6, Jium.j, par.z. diuerf. 

Maxime cum ipfe Teflis dc tali accc ffu depooens referar de auditu 
i di£to D. Gregorio Cuillichino , quod crat ad bonum hnem, 
& quod nihil mali iaterccdebat inter D. Canonicum , & occi- 
iim , qui cum eflct melius iofocmatus , vtpore amicus, & con- 

fan- 

[lx.xiv] 



/aogtiinfus (nqtiifiti ( vr mihifupponltuOotnnetn coatrarUm 
fufpicionem exdudit; cui JepoQcioni confonarc videtur aUi-# 
ipQiwD. Canonici Franccfcliini fratris Inqutfin, qai mterro* 
gatus an iciict inrcr L>. Caaoaicum Capontacchium , & (pou' 
jam Vila familiaritas intcrccdcrcti rcfpondit-- ,^Kflo nonhaue- 
U'tmo m.ti faputo per I'ianan^i, mi fegaito it ratta la Cittd dice, cht f/d 
tjf;vi pajfifj'e ajjalut'imente qunUhc corrlfponden^a* - qiim ignoranna 
prorfus cxciudit> Sc inucndmiles reddit furciuos , Sc illicitos ac-> 
ceiTu; D. Canonici ad domum, cum cnim laquiflrus fponfaai^ 
occidcre miiiarus cfTct ob joiultam mrpjcioacm dc illo coticc- 
ptaoi crcdibiiectl, quod tamipUct quam frarcr,oinnc(quc do* 
nic^lici ortini ftudio inuigilaucrint pro eius cuftodia , itaut ipfis 
innotuiflfct dK^us acccflTus (i verc. \t(\ippoaitat, frcquens fmf- 
fct,& ad malum fincnordinata!! . 

Eodemquedcfcdu probationis laborat pratcnft niutuadeofcuU- 
tioimcinrrc , de qua deponit Testis vnicus, cuius ojmiaaai* 
molitasex eiusafTcrciotiedetegitur, dum id vidiffc afleeit oo- 
dutno tempore non rcddira fctcmis cau(ai quod> fciiicet , tunc 
Luna iuctrcCt vcl alto arcificiaii luminc • tcnebras nodis depci- 
lentc, id vidcrc potuerit , qua ratione non reddita , ddcm nnivj 
mcrccur, -vtaducrtUUt Burfatt. confil, 34. num. 6, Ftrinac. de Tc/J. 
quttji.66.num.i% G'turb' lonftl. criwin. ij. num 4t. Poiidor. l{Jp, in 
trafi. de noiJ. temp cap. $ 7. nttnt'?' & feq» yemiigliol. confiLyj^. tiu. i , 
JD. Canonicus Rainald, tont. i. cap. 11. §. g. ad 1 3. num. 8./0I, ^pi. 
Addira inluper maxima inucridmilitudine 1 quod dum Chi- 
lium duccbat * Sc quidcm ea vetootate, vc porius voiare, qodna 
vcloci(cr progredi vidcrctur , rctrofpiccrc potuerit* & muruam 
deoiculationcm videre , qua: paritcr ioucriGmilttudo 6demillt 
adimit , iuxtaca qu^trjdunt Farinac. conftU ipi.num. 60. infiru 
yermijliaL cofifil.io. num. 2^^ confil.y^. num.4* 

Omnemquc ptastcnfas inhoncdatis fufpicionem exdudcre apta>» 
cftancrtioeiuidem mifcrtlms Puella: h€ti in arriculo mortif 
pod pluralxtaiiavulnera eidcm illata ad requifitionem Kelt* 
giofarum perfonarumAaiiarum ipH mini(trantium,quod nun* 
quam defecerat fidci coniogali > femperquc cvm omni caftira* 
te, & pudicitia fe geircrat.vt ex iurara arte(}atfonr, ibi- Come in 
ttecaftone , che cifiamo trouati prefenti , e/fjtno ajjifliti aWvltima infir- 
mita delU quale e morta Francejca T'ompilia mogtie di Citida France, 
fchini , ejfendo la medem-ifitta pisi volte ricercaca da "Padri fpiritualt , 
& litre peyfone, fe haueua camrneffo mancamento ale ww al detto Guido 
fuo mantOtper il quale gl'hauejfe data occafione di maltrattarla nel mo' 
do,r.hii fivedeua, efurU maltrattare amorte , lamedema fempre b.t 
rifpojio , che non ha in alcun tempo conmeffo tnancamento dcano , c-» 
fempre e vtffuta con ogni cafiiti > e pudicitia ', Et magis prxciiie dc_» 
hacconftanti anemone dcponie Fr.Cxietlinus Angclus 4 S.An- 
na Ordinis Dircaiceatorum S. Auguilini in di^a attcftationcji 
fubfaiptus abi • Uquil fcmpre diceua , che Dio gU perdoni in Ciela , 



tQuforme ingH ftrdom in tfrra. , mci per la ctufa che nt^oppongom » fo- 
no innoccntiffima a fegitc inlet che dicesa^che -Oio di que/lo peccata non 
gle lo perdmaffe, percheuon.l'btusifafatco-' Qux fane aflfcrtio lU at- 
ticulo oaortiscmifl'aomnemtidemnieretur , cum nento tunc 
nientiri prgfumitur , vt ttiduc^t Ngtu conjU. ^■i^.num, i8. lib. j. 
Calderin, conftLi'i. tit. de vfitr. Mentteh. de prtsJumptJib.^.prafitmpt. 
5, num.j^&isqq. & in prscifis tertninis rolpcrti dchasrcfi, quod 
huiufmodi fufpicio tollacur G. in arciculo mortis dicat .^ & pio- 
teftctur ie vix'iffe , & vclle mari , & credere fecuDsWon placila_» 
San^ Aotnansj; Eccicfiae > Hecian.traSl. crimin lib, 5. tit. de de^ 
fenf Bsoucep.i7,vii, rj, vbi rcfert opioioiicai ^Ibericiin l{itbric. 
C.dehxrett einafjnemvcrf.vltiTKonota, afleicnris ex hac protc- 
flatiooc fadia cotam Cardioaitbus dcfenfam tuiffc inemoriam_< 
Bonifacij Paps, & iprum Albcricum ex eadefendide Galea* 
ciutn V icceomiteni Medio!ani > £t maximd dum otnncs pras- 
fari Tcfl« conucniunt mifetrirnam banc Pucilani obiifsc cunus 
fioajrima xdificatione addantium , fcmperquc gcHlfse a^tus 
Chriftiana pcrfe£tipnis , vt in dida atteftationc ibi^ eper hauerli 
•vcdiita fare vnamone da-Santa. Et in alia ^iSti Patcis Caelcftini 
Angel) prxteritab vita: innocentiara rx a£li bus ante obituoa gc- 
ftis argucntis, qusc omncsdantut in Summar. num.S. 
C«terumquateous ctiam tain esdiifla fuga , quam ex rcpertis lit* 
teris . vt fupponiturj&ipfariim verbalis tenor praefcferrevide- 
SuramatcrisaliquacndeinKofleftate vxoris potuifsct Inquifitus 
fufpicionera conciperc?, qusiuftam illius iram ptouocare vo- 
lui/set; Nuiiatenus tamenexcufabilisreddituradeo tru^ulenta 
vindi^a^ pofl tancum temppiisiRterualluni fumpta « nedum d£ 
ipfa miferrima vxore« fed de omoino incautis , & nil tale me« 
rentibuseius gcniroribas , & cum adeograuibus circumftantijs 
delidumcxtoliemibus , quominus poetia vitimi fupplicii ple- 
^endusooQefseiflilludfaferetur . Quainuis cnim iuftus do- 
lor violata coniugaiis /ider maritum adulteram vxorcm occi- 
dcntcm poenam cemperarefolrat, nam de totali impunitate aoi- 
pliusagcndutn non e(t ponadempram licentiam proprium ho- 
norcm necc Adulrcri, vei Adulters vindicandi , vr moncnt Je- 
lin. in cap. ft vera num. I. dt f entente excommunic. ImoU in I. quid er- 
go^.fi bisres num. ^.ff. de legat. j. Mantic. conf. 241. num. 1 8. in fin- 
lib'i* Oldendorp. *ar. leS}. ad lur. CiuU. interpretat. lib. de vfucap. 
tit' de adult, num.i. in fin. pag.zpS- Baccon.ad Treuul.volum.z. difp. 
3 2. th£f 6. litt.C- yerf. idem conceditur pag.i 277. Cajfad. Xittefch^ ad 
iSlpuell. luflinian. par.12. cap.$. num.8, pag. ($77. Matthiaf. Stephan, 
aditouell.ijy, num.zo. pag.dop. Attamen ad euirandam leg.Corne* 
li* de Sicarijs pcsnam , camque temperandam > (cruaci dcbenc 
omnia requifita lelat. jtcx Angel, de malefic, verf.chehai adulterato 
la mia Bonna nun.S.&'feejq. , &• per loann. deTeitops in traCl, de.j> 
lur. occiden, Pr^henf. in adult. par.z,num.^J. fir feqq. 

Pracipuuin autcm > & indi/peu/abilercquifiium eft > quod Vxoc 

lit 

[lxxvi] 



iit in adulter io drprzhcnfa, vrpcr Ten^ in I. gnod ait le^.%^i 

ff. ad leg. Ittt. de adulter, ibi : Troluh enim ltd deaium banc pote» 
fiatem Tatri competere , jt tM ipfx turputudine fjiam deprahendat 
libeo quoque probat > & Pomponius fcribir ia iplls rebus vc- 
nereis deptsehcn fa m occidi , & hoc eft, quod Solon. & Drago 
dicuntcfplicat ibi Glof. rerf. in ipfts rebus » & tradunt Bartol. alij' 
que interpetref, Sdicet.in L Gracchus C, ad leg. lul. de adult. Angel. 
de malefic, ditto yerf. che hai adulterato la vjia Donna nunt.2. &• 9- 
Caball. refol. crimin. caf.30Q.num.z1. 39. > CS^ JJ. Matth. San^. dcj 
re criminal, contr.ll.nunt.i-2. & feq, qui Text, licit loquatur de.^ 
Patre , muito magis proccdit in Marito . cuius ira fscilius con- 
tra Viore.'R acccndi poteft finiftra, &facpdiniufta fufpicionc_> 
dc ea coiiccpta , & qui non fcmper booam pro ca confilium^ 
capere folet 1 quod Parrem ex ifiiiinftu oaturs faccrc lex prxfu- 
mit.vtmonet Text- in I. nihil i/tterefl f. eodem folum cxcufans 
Patrem fi vnacu'in AdultcroMamoccidat. veH^talJa vulncra 
cidem infcrat . 
Idquc eft adeo verura , vt non fuficjat Vxorem fuiflfc repcrtam-» 
in afiibus remotis , vel prsparatorijsadadultctiuai , vt cora- 
muniter firmant DD. & fignaatcr Soccin. in cap. peruenit n.\(i%. 
cum duobus feqq. deSent. excom. ilanc»de Tudic, num.69. Decian* 
tra£l. cYitn. lib.g. cap.<y.nuni.t^. Ttlofan-fintafm, Iuy, lib.i6. cap.6. 
num.y, Laurent. Kirgheu, com.opin. cent- prima. concluf.^. verf.adul- 
ter. an probaretur circa medium .Anton. Mart. inCommmt. dtj 
crimin. ad lib.^i.ff. tit.-}, num.16, affirmana yvlpian. vcrecundia 
Caufa paucis , 6c HgnigcaDtifous verbis vfum cffe quibus non-» 
niit qointam amoris lineaan iotcUigerc poHit Farinac. quaji. 1 21. 
num./^i. circa med.verf.Credo voluerit lox Teitopf' de lur, occid. pra- 
benf. in adulter, par.i. num. i. litt.l. cuius verba referrc opportu- 
num cenfco cum ilium O. ludices forfan przmanibus non ha- 
beant Qc itaque verba difli Text. cxp\ic3t ibi — S^uttvtique arm 
guunt non [ufficere hie adulterij pneludia , fed requiri obfcenant* 
membrorum Commixtionem &c. & poft relacas Doftorum Au- 
thoritates fubdit — Idque tlarius apparet ex verbis folonit relatis 
a Luciano, in Eunucho ante finem ibl -- n>/i if mentiuntur j qui 
turn aiunt deprahenfum 4n ndulteria > & deinde rcprobat opinio- 
uem .Accurfij ajferentis fufficere adulter ij prxludia, &• in §. fecundo 
pofl relatam condliationem , quod fcilicit eitts opinio intelligi de* 
beat de prxtudijs proximis , ita fuam explitat Sententiam «bi ; 
Sed proximis , vtl in caftt capit. iitteris 1 a. dt prtfumpt. vbi ex 
dtprxheufione folius , & nudi turn faU » C^ tutda in eodem leSIo 
iacentis yiolenta.t ^ certa formcationis fufpicio aritur ex qita Sew 
tentia diuortif promulgari pojjtt . .Attamen ne violent am quidem^ 
fufpictoncm hie fufficere Ittrvlentir ofiendunt leges fstb litt.J. addu- 
ila neque enim httc inuentio e^ -ptra m ipfo aciu .Adulterij dc 
prahenfio , ^ ex eaufa ciuili in di^o cap. Iitteris ad plemnt .yfdul- 
terij probationem ia Caufa Criminal/ (faud firmitir arguitur &c» 

cum 

[lxxvii] 



fUtit neme tx fufpichnibus dumnari , nedum occidi queat le^e ab- 
fentem f- de p/tnhquin , & Ifla. violenta ftijpicia »on efl itiduhita- 
tum indiciHm ad prohationsm , quale in crhninal. requiritwc itg. 
final. C, de probationibus , fed immo fallax ej} quia talitir inuen'J 
fotuijjfent fic agere , vt ^dulterarent , &■ tanteti nou adulterarmt , 
"vt hquuntur Crauctt. d^c. 
Soluniquede pa;natemperanda agendum e/Tet , fi D- Inquidtus 
in adu deprjehentjonis Vjtorisruginusin Ofpirio Caftri noui 
cam cum D. Canooico illam aflbciantc occidiiltt , ai cum nc- 
gles3a vindi«fla fadi malucrireiigere vindi^tam luris , vtiquc_> 
non potuit iilam cxinteruailointcrncerc , vtpcr Text, inl.quod 
ait lex §. final, ff. adl. Juliam dtadult. tirnaantcm non pofle vin- 
di^am port diem diffcrri mdaut ^ngel. detnalefic.diclo verf. 
chf haJ adtiiterato la mia Donna nuni.ii.infin. Fannac. qtuiis^ 
n«nK4o$. aiTcrcns ira in praxi fcruari ni dctur adifus Ic vlci- 
iccndt propria ^tith. c^ conf.ii^t. per tor. , €r Jignamir numg. & 
feq., vbi confusat Bertal;^ol. cinf.'ii. parificanrem cafom dc- 
prarhcnfionis inadulterio, dt quod Vxor de illo conuifla fit 
icaut rion valcat decodubifaTi,nct fir iniufta f vel niniis faci- 
1)5 ftifpicio Viri aifignans validim differentia; rationcm , quia_. 
iuftus doioriram cxcitans, qot vjti oicntcm turbarc folct vc- 
ril^catur in aduali dcprEhrnfionc Vxoris inadultcrio, & in_» 
adibus proximis noncx inrcroallo. quamuisiutta fitcios fa- 
ipicio , adcoquc leges MarttL-m cxcufantes ex Caufa lufti , 8c 
inconJulti doloris , vt in l.gracctis adt. luliitm de Adulter, c in l. 
ncc in ea legef. eodem cxrcndi non poflunt ad vjndi^am ex in- 
tcruallo rnmptam . quia tunc nee iinpetu!( doloris y nee incon- 
fuitus dolor vcrificatur > &. fcdatoanimo homicidium patra. 
tumdicitur. Quodlt ad refrenandum impemm Tinientis do- 
Ions, ne propria authoritaK Marttusvindid^ffmfumat Qon ex. 
cufatiir 3 pjna legis Cornel, dfSieariji fi Vxorcm tx intcruallo 
intcrficiat . quanrd minus exco^ndus cfit Q clcfla via publicas 
vindi^s per Carcerationcm Viforis , & ptrrcnfi Amafij longo 
inrenedo temporis rpatioeamdcm vnacum fuis GcntTOrib.tis 
adeo i mmaniter trucidauerit . 
Accedit ad cxafperandam p?nara , quod ret'pc&a in&Iiciucn Ge- 
niforumnmla fuberat lurti Caufacosoccidendi, nifi pro tali 
cortfiderari vclir its mora lupcr refciffionc Inftrumenti DofaJis 
ob DetcdumPartttm fuppofiruin , quat potius dclidnro extol* 
Jit ad atrociffimom Crimen Ixfaj Maicftatis ob otnnimodam_» 
fectjritatera , quara Pontificia Maieflas iitigantiftus in Vrbe 
ptaberc voluit , vtcxnou Conihtutione Alex. VI. S.i. /«j 
■princ. ibi ; Uorrehda iv vmattilate- detefiandaque fcuitia mortent* 
fttientes aliorutrt: (Sc in fine ibi • in Dlalfne Maieflutis ojfenfjnu 
Jurifdi^ionis, & authoritatis ApoflUica Ufionem : 3c §.4. cnCd 
raedium ibi^<7c hfa Maiejlutit Criininis Sententias incurrant ipfc 
ftdh ; & pajjio ^oft ib' ; Sini.qu^ niaju in fwiS^>onis omnibus /tj 

cun- 

[lxxviu] 



cnulits perpetuo diffidati , nihilominut , & Banditi t ac inftnies , 
^ inhabiles habemtur, 
Pluricrutn quoque condderari msretur qualitas adeo inhumane 
nccis in propria Dotno pairata , qua debet efle vnicuique tu- 
tiflimum habiraculunj, vt per Text, in I. pUriqueff. de in lus vo- 
candot, C^ m I. nemo io|. ff. de regul. lur. ibique Peirus Faber, & 
^uerard. trsduDt Farinac. in fragment. Crimin. par.l. verf.Domus 
num.130. CUr. in $. final, quxfi.io. Gahal. caf.i$,num.iO., & clc- 
gantcr Cicer. in Orat. prd Domo fua ibi : J^/.Y efl janSlius qjud 
omni religione tnunitlui , qwrn Domus vntufcuiufquc Ciuiutn , htc 
arte , hie foci , hie dii penates > hie Sttertt J{eligiunis Ceremonict eon- 
tinentur • Hoe perfugtum efl ita San^urfi omnibus , t/t inde abripi 
neminetn, mfaj fit : Muhoquc iijagistcfpcdu mifcrrimae Vxo- 
lis, qua; in ilia dcrinebatur loco Carcerisapprobante quoque 
Domino Abbatc Ftancifchino , adcout publica fccuritas viola- 
ta dici dcbcat, & Is fa MaieQas Pnocipiscum eadcm ratio ha- 
bcaturdc veto, 6f forniaii Carcere»ac dea^fignatoi Principe 
firmant Farinae* quxfl.^o. niim.^-j. fillof. de figit, cap.iS. §. J. 
num.i.&fcquen. D^Canon^ Raina.d.inprax Crimin. tom.i. cap.^, 
$.2. ad 6. nHtn.146. 
Tandem eft quoque confidetandaqualitas Armorum prohibitO" 
rumcumquibus dclidum fuitpatratum, qusde per fep^nam 
moftis cxpofcit , quamuis ipfuno Principalc crimen eflct mitius 
puniendum. vt monenr 5'.^«/f//f dedf.^^ per tot. rcferens iri 
fuifle ludicatum Capic. lair, decif.jg. num.z. & per tot. & ibi 
Adden. num.z. 
Qua re &e. 

loannesBapti/laBottinius Fifci, 6C 
Cam. Apofl. Aduoc. 



[lxxix] 



JUuftrtfs, ^ Reuerendifs. P. 

GVBERNATOR.E 

In Criminalibus : 

Romana Homicidij cum 
qualitate . 

T R O 

Fifco. 

C O N r VI A 

D. Guidum Francifchinuin , 
& Socios . 

lurisD. Aduocati Ftfcalh, 
ROM^E J TypisR.Cam. Apoft. i5^8. 



[lxxx] 



SVMMARIVM- 

Illuftrifs. Sig. Padronemio CoIIcndiffirao . 

MI giunge la fua fauorira Ictrera Jn tiara del di 24. del ca- Num. 1. 
duto, cfpiacemi fommamentel'agitazionc/nclla quale Epiflola Domini 
tni accenna ritroiiarfi per ic malediccnze, che vanno diffe- Marzimedict 
minando per Roma Ji Signori Pietro Comparini , c fua mo- Gubtrnatorts 
g!ie inrorno ^ mali trattamcDti , che dicono hauer riccuuti Arttini . 
ncJla di lei Cafa nel tempo, che fono dimorati in Arezzo, c 
ricercandomi ella di fincera informarione , le replico cojij 
tutra ingenuira cfTejc Ji medemi ftati trattati dz tucta qucft* 
NobiIta,& ir, ftw Cafa con tutto rifpetto, e dccoro, e la cau- 
h de prirai diflurb/, che nacqucro tra e/H > ela Signora fua-» 
Madre^Fratelli fii pcrchcla Sig.Violantcpochigiornidop- 
po giuncaui prctcfe dom/nar efTa la Cafa , tcner Ic Chiaui di 
tutto, & efcluderne affatto la Sig, Beatrice fua Madrcal che 
con raggione non hauendo volute acconfentire veruno dc 
fuoi Signori Fratclli > diede motiuo allc prime grofTezzc , c 
contcfcdomeftichei s^accrebero poi ncirofferuare , cheii 
Sig. Pietro fudctto lafciata la prattica , c conuerfationc del- 
Je Perfone piii qualificate di quefta Citta > fi yniua con i piu 
viJi, ccon e/fi loro fi diede 4 frequentare giornalmcntcj 
quante bcttole v'crano , il che caggiono a lui di fcredito , & 
a lor Signori poca reputazione . Di fcandalo molco mag- 
giorc fono ftatc piu fughe , e ricorfi fatti dalla Sig.Spofa lo- 
10 figiia a Monfig. Vefcouo> non con altro motiuo j fenoii,. 
che nc cffa , ne li fuoi Genitori voleuano piu dimorare in 
Arezzo, ma tornarfenc a Roma. Sgridata pcrodaquefto 
prudentiflimo Prclato, la rimando femprc a Cafa in Carroz- 
za . Vero e pero , che doppo eflere partiti da quefta Citti, 
li Signori Comparini , la Sig.Spofafi cdiportara fino ad ora 
CO gran modeftia,e f3uiezza,da cheprende indizio ogn'vno> 
che a fimili cccelfi la. pouera giouinetta foffc ftata indotta-» 
da fuoi Genitori , come ella fe ne dichiara con tutti , detc- 
ftandone anche la memoria , onde fi va reftituendo nel con- 
cetto vniuerfale, c di quefte Dame, che haueuano tralafcia- 
to di trattaria .In vltimo li medemi SignoriComparini haue- 
uan leuace tutte legioie alia Si^. Spofa, che gli sforzai a re* 

A fti- 

[lxxxi] 



flituirlc . In fomma loao tali, e tanti li fcinclali, chc hanno 
dati nel decorfo di piu mefi > chc vi fono dimorati a tutu !a 
Cicrajche non gli ne fcriuochepochije I'accertO) che li Sig. 
fuoi tVatclh hanno iiauuca con clft vna foffercnza da Martin , 
fi che vcdendo lo, chc crano vcnuti incorrigibili , c la fauo- 
la della Citta , c chc poteuano mcttere in necerfita li Signo- 
ri fuoi Fratclh di comiiicctcrc vcrlb di ciTi qualche ecccifo 
per regolaldi buon gouerno, mi vokai a prcualcrmi dell'aur- 
torita> che per lua grjna mi iia daca S. A. S. col minacciarli 
di priggionia> c caltighi le non li t'odero corrcttijdoppo que- 
lle minaccic parendoliforii (\i meritarli, e chc ii potcffc luc. 
ccdere, deliberorono ritornare a Roina , come fcccio poco 
doppo, lafciando di ioro in quefta Citra vn peifirao concet- 
to ; del rcfto al prefente in lua Ca(a vi c vna grandiiTima-. 
quiete) c la Sig. SpoU vine con lauuzza efcmplarc , detc- 
ilando il male ciempio,che ha di le daro a queilc Damc,con- 
teifando libcramence,chc li veniua commandato da fuoi Gc- 
nitorij & a niiogiudmo ciUta Jamanods Dio , ciie ha libe- 
rati lor Signon da ceruelii coli torbidi . Qucfto e quaoto 
polio dclmcacli del moltopiii) chc vifarebbc da dirle ; li 
tranquilii dunque , e crcda , che il difcrcdito e ftato tutto lo- 
re 5 ue rcftaiidonu , cJie foggiungerie mi confermo con tutto 
Fanimo . 

ui V.S. iiluflirifs. Arczzo 2. Agofto 1694. 

Dcuotifs. & Obl/gatifs. Scruitorc 
Vinccnzo Marzi Medici . 

Sig. Abb. Paolo Francefchini . Roma . 

Dcpofi!ioT*anc^f« Raccontcio a V.S. la Caufa , per la quale lo fono fuggira dalla 
Cafa di mio Marito, h d chc effcndo trc Anoi fono llata ma- 
ritata qui m Roma da mio Padre , c mia Madre al fodctto 
Franceichinoj e doppo eHc're (lata fporataalmcdemcfi trac- 
tcnnc in Roma per lo fpatio di due meli fenza confumarc il 
matiimonio 5 epailarod. tempo > fui condotta afliemc colli 
fodctti mio Padre , e mia Madre dal fodcfto mio marito iii_, 
Arczzo , pcrchc nelii Capitoli matrimoniali 11 era conuenu- 
to, chc d. mio Padre , c mia Madre douclfcro venire ad ha- 
bitare io Arezzc conformc fecero,c doppo cflerfi traitenuti 

cola 

[l-XXXIl] 



colA per Iq I'puio di quattro m«fi fe oc partiroao j c fc ne ri« 
tornorno in Roma per \i mail cratratnenti . che riceueuaoo , 
non foloda mio Marito. ma dagTalrri di fua Cafa , & efTcn- 
do loreftata in Aiczzodoppo confumato il macrimoniopaf- 
fato qua/i vn Anno > ne riafcendo griuida > comincio d. mio 
MaritOj& ancvo Beatrice fua Madre a volcard contro di me » 
perche non ficcuo figlioli dicendo,cUe per caufa mia li cftin- 
gucua la fua Cafa, c che oon Ci potcua da. rac coi tempo /pe- 
rarc fucccifione, raentre cfTo mio Marito diccua dauuantag- 
gio di haucr fentieo dire da mio Padre » che ia occa/ionc di 
certa infcrmira da Zitella mi haueua dati ccrci kmi per me- 
dicamentcche qucibforfe impediuadifar figlioli , c con^ 
quefto mociuo lo vcniuo concinuamen^eadefler malrratcaca 
da! fodetto mio Marito, e Socera , beoche io gli replica® > 
che fopra qiiefto non ci haueuo colpa » e concinuauano tutta 
vi^ a niiiijcciarmi fuila vfta> 5c andauanoccrcando ogni pre- 
tcHo bcnclic fcnza occaHone per malttactarmitC poiil mede- 
mo mio Marito comincio a preaderH geloHa di mctC mi pro- 
hibi,che non mi afFacciafTc allafincftra » & Io per togliergli 
queila occaHone non mi aftacciauo maijma tato aon baAau3> 
perche vn giorno ftando fopra laloggiajil medemo di/Tejchc 
flauoafariamorcla sii altofenza nomiQarmico chi}& logU 
replicai, che qucAi erano pretefti) cdal luogo fodcctonon Ci 
vedeua jchc vna ftrada fenzarincontro di fcncftra deile Ca- 
fe> perche fopiaftaua d. loggia alli Tetti folamente, e perche 
poi il fodetto Canonico Caponfacchi con altri Giouani del 
Paefc pafTauano auanti Cafa noftra . c fi fermauano a difcor- 
rere con ccrre Donnicciuole, cheftanno in faccia il medemo 
mio Mariro comincio a borbottare contro di mCj per caufa > 
che d. Canonico pafl'^iua come fopra> benchc Io non haucfH 
in cio colpa alcuna » e canto piu gli crefce il fofperco> perche 
flando vna fera alia Comedia trii moltcaltre genti il Cano- 
nico Conti fratello del Marito di mia Cognata>mi tiro alcu- 
ni confetti , c mio Marito » che ci era ancor lui li vicino fo 
r.e adombroj ma non del Conti, ma del Caponfachijchc fta- 
U3 a (cderc a carsto il foderto Conti, ma poi perche d. Conci 
pratticaua in Cafa noftra come Parente a prcfc ombra anco 
del medemo, in mode talc, che accortami di cid,quando poi 
veniua d. Canonico Conti in cafa coilra !o mi ricirauo in-» 
Camera » perche non haue/Te a darmi maggior trauaglio -, 

A £ ma 

[lxxxiii] 



Litt. A. 

Rcccnfec mmasobie- 
lo hffiam viiidcAnu' 



6 

Peierat alTucBx ncfcice 
fcxibcK. 



c 

Fatenit Amafii Po11cq> 
t>ani,dc Audactam . 



ma mjo Marito non fi appagaua di cio, ira dfceua, ehe io lo 
faceuoad arte>eche nan glifikuauano lifofperiijchc hai>e 
ua cnnrro di mc, e tornaua nuouamente a cnbnlarmi per cau- 
ia del Caponfacchi > in modo tile , die mi ero ridotta in dii* 
peratione) e non fapcuocome direj e poi per togliergll anco 
que^l'occafionepafTando va giorno detcoCaponfachi aitanti 
Cafa gli parlai i e Io pregai a concencarH di non palTarci per 
leuar me da. ranti guai> che riceueuo per que/la aud da mio 
Marito, & efTo mi foggiuQfe,che non fapeuadonde cfTo niio 
Marito caoafTe tal raotiuo,mentre efTo pafTaua di id per aJtri 
afFari,cchcfiuaImcntcncin gli Hpoteua impedirepalTarcper 
flrada, e benche mi promeuelfe di non pafTarci > tanco con- 
cinuo d palfarci, mi Io non mi aftacciauo alia Hiieflra » e coa 
cutto cio fl fodetco mio Marito non (I mai quietaua >e conti^ 
nuaua a maltrattarmi^e minacciarmi su la vitai e che voleuai 
ammazzarmtjanzi quandofb la cofa della Comcdia raccon- 
tata di fopra , tornati che fuffimo a Cafa mi appunco vna Pi- 
ftola in petto diccndo - Oh Crifto chl mi ticnc « che non ti 
ftenno qui, amrairi bene il Caponfacchi > fe non vuoi i che ti 
facci co5, e non ti ammazzi - anzi in principio delli (Irapaz- 
zi fudetti andai due volte da Monffg. Vefcouo , perchc ha« 
uefTe rimediatoin qualchc forma , ma non feruia niente pec 
la corrifpondenza > che haueua colla Cafa di mio Marito ; 
Onde eftendo Io in queiU Citti forailiera » ne fapendo itij 
che modo liberarmi daili pcricoli^e Ilrapazzi (odetti dubitan. 
do , che fe non mi ammazzaua con armi , mi hauelTe potuco 
auuelcnarc , penfai fugirmcne > e venire in R oma da mio P4- 
dre, c MadrCj ma non fapendo in che modo farmi 1 vn mefo 
fa in circa andai a confefTarmi da vn P. di S. Agoftino, che li 
diccuauo il Romano , c gli raccontai tutti li mici guai > prc- 
gandolo) che fcriucfTe in mio nomc» pcrche io non sofcrluere^ 
a mio Padre, con tapprc/entarli ■> ch'io cro difpcrata > c cho 
cro ncccflitata partite da mio Marito, « vcnirmenc dalui in 
Koma. > rod non hebbi rifpoiJa 1 c cofi non fapendo a chi ri- 
correre per mcttcre in crtccutionc qucfta miavolontai o 
penfando,chc nefTunodd Pacfcoper Parentcla,6 per ami- 
citia d[ mio Marito noD mi haucrcbbe afHHito » finalmcnto 
mi rifolfi parlarnc al d Caponfacchi, pctche/enn'uo dire^bt 
erabuonto rijbluto , conformc paffando vn giorno auanti Ci- 
fa iQU in ttiDpo> cht tiiii> M«ri(o era fuori di Ci(Ca > lo chia- 

(nai» 



[lxxxiv I 



mai, e dalle fcate gll parlai j con rapprefentargli il pericolo » D 

iiei quale mi trouauo anco per caufa fuaj e che perci6 lo pre- F«"uf coiioquiusefi 
gauo i condurmi qua tn Roraa da mio Padre, c mia Madre j 
ma. elTo mi rcplicaua > che non voleaa m conto alcuno ingc- 
riffi in quefta faccnda , perchc farebbc ftato mal fentito da-» 
tuctaia Cuta^tanto piuicheefTo era amico dellacafadi mio 
Marito , ma lo lo fcongiurai canto , c gli diffi, ch'era opcra-» 
da Criftianoliberare dalla morce vna poucra Donna fora- 
iliera^ in mode rale;, che I'indutfia prometrctmi, chcmi ha- 
uerebbe condorto come fopra y & aJl'hora mi diffe j che ha- 
uerebbe fermaco il CalefTe , e che quando foflTe ftato aggiu- 
ftato nel pafTare , che haiieria fatto auanti Cafa noftra , me 
re hauerebbedatoil fegno con fa rfi cade re il fazzolettOjma 
cffendoci paflato il giorno fcguente , che lo ftauo alia Gelo- 
fia, non fcce d. fegno, & il giorno fuffeguentc cfTendo ripaf- _ 

fato come fopra ci parlai nutuamente, e mi dol/i con eflTo , che „ ,^...-. 

liauciie mancatoallaparola datami ^ e Jui ii icuso.chenonj cumAmafio. 
haueoa rrouaco CalefTe in Arezzo 5 & io ^\\ rcplicai, che in 
tucri i modi I'haueflTe procurato anco di fuori,conforme pro- 
tnifc difarc, ela Domenica vlcima del mefe paiTatoripaf- 
fando auanti cafa fcce il fegno col fazzoletto, come haueua 
detro, e cofi eflendo andata a letto con mio marito la fera., , 
& efrendomi accorta , che la notce dormiua mi alzai da let- 
to , mi v^ii'i] , e prefi alcune robbicciuole di mio vfo , vna^ 
fcattola con molte bagartells dentro , & alcuni denari , che 
non so quantifoffcroda vn Sgrigno, chece ne crano anclie 
de mici proprij , conformc appa.ifccdalJa nota tanro dello 
robbe , quanto delli denari fatca dal CanceJliero di Caftcl- 
noiio, e poi fcefi a balJo, che era I'alba , doue trouaid. Ca- 
ponfacchi, & andartimo allicmea Porta S. Spiriro-fuori del- 
la quale liana vn CalefTe con due Caualli , e Vetturino , t/ 
ironrati tutti due in CalefTe ce ne veniffimo alia volra di Ro- 
ma con caminare notte,e giorno fenza fcrmarci, fenontan- 
co quanto fi rifrefcauano , c mutauano li Caualli , finch<o 
giungc/fimo a Caftelnouo , doite arrtuafsimo aU'alba , & iui F 

poi fo/Timo foprag.unn , conforme ho raccontato di fopra a ^'^tTZ c^™' 
V.S. d& mio Manto . nouuw. 

^t{i)ond\t . d-Caponfachi non Pare»te in Conto alcuno d d, mio , n. m 

,> ,,, ' 1 r Araafius non tli ami's 

Marlto^n\2h(m^ imxco. Vm . 

Refpondit . II fodecto Caponfachi prima del fatto , non mi hd 

A J man- 

[lxxxv] 



K 

Ncfsifj fciibcrs > tius 



H mandato aleutta lefferai percks io tten so Ifggere il manojcrit' 

«on iccrpcnt Interns _, ,, •^- j t r .^ r j L^ • - J..« 

-«riiaru , & hcicja: icn RcfpondJC . Nc mcno 10 prima deljattojodeito ho mM mandatQ 

^"•^ • J Utter a di forte ate una al d. Caponfacch't . 

A!a.<4„una.c...n,.quo«i Iccriim conihtun &c. Reipor.dit &c. Io tnentre ftauo in Arcz- 

Bon ^>n{iric ipiiioias 20 Icfitli ad iikat)7.i di mio Marifo alPAbbaic Francefehini 
mio Cognato qui m Roma 5 tna perchc to nonfapeuojcrtuere , 
ejfo mio Afarltofaccua la lettera col toccalapis , epoi mtfacc- 
ux npajfarci/opra colia penna » ^ inchiofcro da me ■, e mi di- 

Vu l.uc*bit ip.ii'oiaj. ccuajchefuo fratcllohaueuagufto d'haucr qualchc nu«^ 
leftcra , che folic ftata fcrirta da mc 5 c quelto ii\ duct 6 trc 
volte . 
Rclponair. Se V.S. mifaccffi vcderequalch'vna dclle ktrere 
dame fctittc conic iopra,e mandate airAbbate Ffancelchi- 
ni le ritonofcerci bcnifliroo . 
Etoftenfa &c. & Inter- &c. Refpondir. Ho viftOiC vedo be- 
niflinioqucfta letccia moftratanii d'ordine di V. S. che co- 
mincia - Cariffimo Sig. Cogoato > fonoconqiiefta - e fini- 
fcc- Francefca Comparini , nc Fraocefchini - ht hauendola 
ofTcruata mi pare, ma non pofio attcftarc per veiita » che (ia 
vna delJe Ictrcrcda me fciitje nella conibrmica lodettaall' 
Abbate Francefehini mio Cognaio &c. Et paucis incetie* 
ais &c. 
Interrogata &c Refpondir. Io non ho mai mandate lettered! 
foitcalcuna per Maria fudcttaa perfona vciuna. 
L Refpondit. Io perla vcrita ainuai a Caficlnouoal rofTeegiar 

A'lnd men Ucium Circa < i|>A|W, " 

tAiuKiou,. Refpondit. Noi ci fermaflimo ncU'Ofleria di Cartel nouo per 

Io fpatio di piu di vn'hora , & in qucfto tempo ci trattcnidi- 
j^ mo in Saia di fopra, & poft pauca &c. 

Noua inendacia quod I'ltCffogata Refpondit . lo oon nii mi(fi a dorniii c ne ripof?ro 
noncubaiifritincaupo- nell'Oftaria di Caftelnouo per quel tempo . che mi c« fermai 
come fopra . 
Refpondit . Sento > che V. S. mi dice » che la Corte pretende 
in oltre, che Io la none dormifli^ nella fopradetra Oftaria di 
Cartel nouo in vna Camera di fopra, nelia quale dormirt^cj 
anco il Canonico Caponfacchi j & Io dice , c nfpondo , che 
niuno puo dire qncrto per verita j perchc Io non npofai iii_» 
cofiro alcuno in d. Ortaria , c mi ci fermai per ii tempo di^ 
me dctto di fopra &c. 

Ca- 
[lxxxvi] 



Cariflimo Sig. Cognate . 

Sono con qucfla a riucrire V. S. eringratlaria deilcopeiationi Num. 5. 
fattc per colJocarmi in quefta Cafa -, doue iontana daili miei Ept/hla Franci- 
Genitori viuo hora vna vita tranquiiia , 6e vna lalure pcttct-fc^ad Abbafem^ 
tanon haucndo Ji medcfsmi attorno, che mi comridauano Francijchinum . 
giorno > e notte con li perucr/i lore comandamenti cootro Ja 
leggehumana>eDiuinaa nonamareilSig. Guidomio Ma- 
rito, a fuggjre d\ notte da! Ictto del medcTnno > con farmcli 
dircjchefcco non cihaueuogenio,che nonera tnioMariio, 
pcrche feco non hofigli , e eon farmi fare in piu volte le fu- 
ghe ai Vefcouo fenzaVeruna cagionc , con farmeli dire , chc 
io voleuo fare diuorrio col Signer Guido , e per metteie wvu 
gran difordine in Cafa ,di(Te mia Madre al Vefcouo , al Sig. 
Guido > c poi per la Citta, come il Sig. Canonico «nio Co- 
gnato mi haucua richiefto dcil'Honore 5 cofa non mai pcnfa- 
udalmcdcumoi Mi ftimoiauanodicoutinuoaconfighlon- 
tani daJ Giufto , edalla Pace , che i\ deuc al Marito co! la- 
fciarmj nella loro Partcnza per efprcffo comandamcnto di 
obedienza ad ammazzare i! Marito , e dare il vclcno allj Co- 
gnati, c Soceras cd incendiarc la Cafa, a rompere va(i, & al- 
tro, accio non pareff'edoppo partici? chc folTcro ftati loro ap- 
pre/To j] Mondoiche mi configliauano a fare tanre feggierez- 
2C) & in finedeila loro parrenza mi iafciorno, che lomi fce- 
gliefli vn Gfouane b. vn'io genio > e che feco me ne higgi/fi a^ 
a Roma> e tante altre cofe.che per rofTore tralafcioj hoi a,che 
non ho chi mi foUeui la mence , godo vna quiete di Paradi- 
io^ econoko, che li micGcnirori miguidauanopcr loro 
pazziaai precipizioj onde riconofcendo li fpropofiti facti 
per comandamenro dciii miei Gcnirori > ne chiedo pcrdono 
aDio, a V.S. a cutroiimondo , volendo eflere buonaCri- 
lliana, e buona moglie del Sig. Guido mio, quale tanre vol- 
te mi fgridaua con manieraamorofa diccndomi , chevna_* 
voha i'hauerei ringraziato dclle ripprenfioni mi faceua, c di 
quelli cattiui , che mi faceua conofcercj che mi dauanoli 
niieiGcnitori, cmiconfcrmo. Arezzo 14. Giugno54. 

Aifezionatlfs. Serua, e Cognata % 
Francefca Comparinine Francckhini . 

A 4 Tuori 

[l.XXXVIf] 



Num. 4- Foris - AI Sfgnor Abbaee Paolo Francefchini. Roma. 

Eptjiola Franci" Intus vero.CariflTmo Signor Cognate. Ho riceuuto il venta, 

fcafcripttDomi' g|fo donaromi da V.S. , quale c flaco d'\ mia fodisfattiono > 

no Abb»u Fran- J'ho gradico , e la ringratios mi difplace, che li miei Gcnitori 

ci/cbitto, lacerino fenzaragionelanoftra Ca{^ , loper me ilobenc , c 

content! , non hauendo hora chi mi fomenti ai male , voglio 

bene a f utti dl noftra cafa col fanfo timor di Dio . In tanto fi 

rida delle maledicenzje delli miei Genirori , mi commandij e 

la riuerifcodicuore. Arczzo ip.Luglio 1694. 

Obligatiffima SeruajeCognata 

Franccfca Comparini Francefchini* 
Num. y. 

Examen D> Ca- Jq doucuo venire in Roma per accommodarmr)e lo conffdai con 
nomci Capefi/ac- n Canonico GIo: Batcifta Conti parcnte del Francefchini.chc 
f^^ ■ pratticaua in Cafa de mcdemi , ftirao , che detra Francefca-* 

i'haueflTe poruto fapere dal medefimo Canonicoj fe bene an- 
coperla Citta fidsfcorreuadclla mia venuca in Roma >cbo 
Litf. A' <loucua feguire vn pezzofa ? onde mi fii vn giorno fortata^ 

vna lettera da vna. tal Maria, che in quel tempo era Serua di 
detro Francefchini mandarami da detta Francefca,neila qua- 
le mi diceua , che haueua fcntifo h raia venuta in Koma j c 
pcfche fuo Marifo la voleua ammazzarej haueua nfolutodi 
venire in Roma d:i luo Padre > e che non fapcndo con chi 
confidarfi , mi richiedeua a volcrgli fare U fernicio accompa- 
gnarla come ropra> & io gli rifpofi> che non voleuo farqu«lJa 
Utf. B. cofa , ne mettermi a taJ cimento , cbe^li fcriffiia rifpo^apcr 

Viftsjfa Serua^ che io non mi ricordo il tempo precifo> che mi 
mandafTc la lettera fudetta , c doppo continud a farmi lafu^ 
Utft C dctca inftanza con buttarmi alle volie daliafene/tra , mentrs 

to pajfauo auanti Cafafua quaiche poliuno , con rcirerarmi 
i'inftanza fudcttaj & io gli rcplicauos mandandogli la rifpo/ts 
per detta Sei'u^ s diccndoii, che non voleuo ingerirmt .<n tal 
facenda,e pcrchc vkimamente mi butto vn altro polifino dal- 
la feneftra ,pcr quanro rifeppi iu veduta da vn artcgiana eef- 
fitrice in hcz'ia , che non so come fi chiami , e qiiefta lo nferi 
aiMarito, perche la medemaSerua-cfiendoftata hccnriata, 
mi difTe,che era ftato rumore in Cafa per U caufa fuderta, e 
che la Sorella di detto Guido maritata in cafa Conti haue- 
ua detto di piu , che elTa Serua mi haueua portata 3a leuera , 
c chs percio detto Guido difTe j che volcua ammazzare la_, 



Moglje 



[lxxxviii] 



Mogliein tutti i modi doppo paflato qualche tempo, cchc 
anco h farebbe vcndicato concro di roc , & io con qucflo 
motiuoper liberarmi da qualche impegno, e pericolo, & 
anco per faluare dalla morte dccta Francefca » mi rifoifi di 
vcnirracnca Roma, & accompagnarc Ja medema qua per 
conduria da fuo Padre , e cosi vna fera, che non mi ricordo 
del tempo precifo , pafTando da Cafa fua gU diedi vna^ 
letter a , che la tiro dalla finedra > ma con vna cordieeila^ > 
colla quale I'auuifauo, che per libcrarla dalla morte, io 
i'hauerei accompagnata come fopra , ^tffa •vn'altrafera mt 
getto dalla fcneflrH vna lettera , con la quale mi rinouagi> igff^ 2). 
I'inftanza fudctra , rapprefencandomi , che il Marito tut» 
tauia la minacciaua d'ammazzarla , che percio hauerebho 
riceuuto il fauore » che io gli diceuodi accoinpagnarla come 
fopra . & vltimamence la Domenica vltima del pjffato meCo 
d'Aprilepadando auanti Cafa fua, e ftando lei alia fincfira > 
gli diffi, che hautuofermato il CalcflTe per la raattina feguen- 
te a bon' hora , c che i'hauerei afpettata alia porta di S. Cle- 
mente , conforme alle feci' hore in circa , venne fola alia por- 
ta fudecta , & entrati in Caleffe giraffimo fuori ie raura dellaj 
Cktk per andare alia porta diS.Spirito, che vk verfo Peru- 
gia , cheil Calefle era di Agoftino Ofte in Arezzo, che Io 
conduceua vn Vetturinodecto per fo^^tanomeVenarino Gar- 
zone di detto Agoftino , che Io feci vfcire la fera di Dome- 
nica alPAue Maria dalla Citta , e poi feguitairimo il viaggio 
fenza pernottare in luogo alcunce cifermauamo canto, quan- 
to bifognauarinffefcarcjemutare li Caualli, fin che giungel^ 
iimo il Martedi a fera vlcimo del fudetto mefe di Aprile in^ 
Cartel nouo, e pcrchedetca Francefca difTc , che ii fentiu«-» 
aicuni dolorii e che non gli daua I'animo di feguirare il viag- 
gio fenza ripofo , fi batto fopra al letco in vna Camera cosi 
veftira > & io parimente veftito mi po(z fopra vn'aicro letto , 
ch'eraindecra Camera, con dire all'Ofte ,chedoppotre ,6 
quattr'horeci haueffc auuifatoper feguitare ii viaggio , ma 
non ci auuiso , e fopragiunfe in tanto il Marito di detta Fran- 
cefca , e ci feec aireftare dalla Corte tutti due , e dila poi fof* 
fimo condotti in Roma . 

Rifpondit. Io non ho parlaco in Arezzo 3 detta Francefca altre Lett. E. 
volte , fe non quanco bo racconraco di fopra a V. S. Amafius nonefi 

^efpsndit. II Marito della detta Francefca non mie parente \n affinis D%GmdQ- 
gradoalcuno. A j Ks" ms, 

[lxxxix] 



fiejy»niit . lo non ho profcfljone alcuna , ma fono Canonico 
delia Pieue di S.Maria d"Arc22o,e fono fempjiccmente Sod- 
diacono. 

Hefpondit . Quando fui carcerato a Caflci nouo furno troua- 
ti certi dcnari , e cerci Anelii coo akrc robbc :. conformc Ja 
nota fartaae dalla Corte. 

Refpend'it . lo non ho mai fcritca alcuna Icjtera alk fudeita Fran- 
cefca 5 fe non quelle da mc dcrcc di fopra . 

ftefpondit . Le lectcie mawlatetni come fopra da decta France- 
fca > furono da me abb/urdate in Arezzo . 

He/pandif » Benche neiU Carcere di.Gandnouo, doue io fui 
pofto foffc htta diligenza dalia Corre , & ancodal Marito di 
derta Franccfca non vi fu r itrouato cos'alcuna . 

Refpondit , La fudctfaFrancefca nel partire d'Arc^zo porto fc- 
CO vn*lnuoiro dclii fuoi habiti 5 & vna Scattola , neiia quale 
diffe s che vi fofTero gioic > ma io non le viddi •. & anco in vna 
pezzola coil akuni denari 5 che furno poi defcricci in Cartel 
nt»uo da quel Caacelliere. 

B-e/pefidsi. Non so piecifaiDcntedachi foflero rtate fcrittclc-* 
Jcttcre raandatemi da detra Francefcaj ma io fuppongo potef- 
fero elTer flate fcrijtcda iei, ma noa sofe iappia fcriuc- 
re. 

RffportdfS . A Cartel nouo riCH'Oileria , & in quella Camera^ 
doueci fcfmaflFimo, comedilfi neiraitromioefame, c che ci 
ctano due le«i jnefiiaccomodaro vno folocoilclcnzuoli dal 
Cameriero deH'O/ic, pcrchc fcruilTe per !a Signora Fran- 
cefca, c nell'altro non ci feci mctrerc Icnzuoli > perche io gia 
non voieuo fpogliarmi , fe bene non ii Ipoglio nc meno lei , 
conforme diffi neli'aitro mio cfame, 

Hefpondit . Se io vedefli qualche letcera di quelle da me fcrittc: 
alia Sig. Francefca fudetra le riconofcerci hcniffimo . 

"Bjjpondxt ^ HovirtojC vcdobcniffimoquerte due Icttcrc, che 
rtanno ligate in quertoproceffo mortratcmi d'ordine di V. S. 
che vnacomincia > Adorara mia Signora , vorrei fapere i&c. 
c finifce, mi hadctto il Conti5& hauendolabcnconfidcrata, 
dico > che qucrta Icrrcra non e ilata ^3i me icriaa , benche il 
caratterc dclla medeina habbia quschc fomiglianza al mioca. 
ractcrej & ho anchc veduja quert'ahra lerrera ^ che comincia, 
Amatiflima mia Signora jRiccuOj ^cefinilcc qucrta niia ,& 
haucndola ben conJlderata ; dico j che la medcma non e rta- 

ta 



( V, 



ta III conto alcuno da me fcritfa , non e mlo Carauerc -, anzi 
non vi e ne anco lomiglianza al derco mio Caratterc in conto 
akuno. 

J{efp§ndit . lo non ho parlato m Arczzo alia Sig. Francefca , fe 
non che tanto quanto gli parJauo d^iWi^ fencftraj conformc ho 
detto nciralrro mio efame . 

Re/pondif. lo non ho mai ticeuutc altrc Icrtcre dalla fudetra.^ 
Sig. Francefca conccrncnti alcra Caufa , fe non quelia dell.o 
fiiga per venire a Roma > conibrme ho detto negl'altri miei 
cfami . 

'RefpoTiJit . lo reAo marau;gh"atO) che il Fifco habbia pretcnfio- 
ne, i lie dalla fudctta Sig Francefca ananti fcguifl'e la di Jei fu- 
ea mi fofTcro ttafineffe piii lettcrc AmorofeiefTcndo la mede- 
ma vna Giouine modcfia , e qucfte cofe farebbcro ftatc fuori 
del proprio ftato , e della fua na/ciu , e pero dico efTere la fu- 
detta pretenfione falfa j & inlufliflcnte . 

Ee/pofidic . lotorno d dire a V. S. che nella Carcerc in Caftcl 
nouo non fii trouato dalla Cortc cos'alcuna j e fe V. S. mi di- 
ce , che folfero trouate alcune lertere Aniatoricj le quali poi 
prctende il Fifco, che fiano quelle mandatcmi dalla fudecta 
Sig. Francefca , dico , e rifpondo , che non c vero nicnte . 

1 iris- All'IiluftriflimoSignoreOireruandifilirao, ii Sign. Paolo 
Francelchini - Homa . 

Intus vero - Illuftriflimo Signore OfTcruandiinmo. 

Vedo quanto piacc a V.S. difignificarmi intorno alle contro- ., 
uerficjche pafTano tra il Signor Guido fbo fratello, & il Sign. ^ -u^' t' 
Coroparini,e non pofTo non compatirle per il diflurbo > cho J/r- .^* 
ne dctiua a V.S. in vn cafo cosi raro , cforfe fcnza efempio . '^^^WJ>^\^^ 
Fece qualche ricorfo a me la Signora fua Cognataj ma si co- i'''^^^ Arettm . 
ineiicalorgrande , che haueua con vna fouerchia paffiont^ 
della madrcmi appaleforno? che la figlfa faceua qocilopaflb 
per pura inftigazionccosi procurauodi appiaccuolirl3»pen- 
iando , che tolti i fomenti , h ndurrebbc al giufto , potendo 
tanto pill facilmentccrcderlo, quanto che la fua teneraeta > 
tanto diceua, e tanto reclamaua, quanto era forzata a farlo 
per il fomcnto della Madrce perche non fi cfafperafTe anche 
qucfta maggiormente , la feci accompagnare ben due volte d 
cafa dalla mia Carrozza . Haueuo quafchc cognitione di cid 
perche il Signor Senatorc Marzi Medici > che prefiede al go- 
ucrno Laico in quefla Citta per ii SereniiTimo Gran Duca.^ > 

mi 

[xct] 



mihaueuacommunicaw iJ tutto> e noti mi reftada foggiun- 
gere aItro,fenon rapporrarmi a quanto ii medemo fopra cio 
gii ha finccramencc lcritco> e bumando nuouc occafioni di 
feruirJa , mi confermo 



Di V.S. 
Arezzo xj.Setccmbre z^^4. 



DeuotiUimo Seruicorc 
G.M. Vcfcouo d'Arezzo 



Amaeo mio Signore . 



Num. 7. 



Kon moltiph'co atteftati per accreditarui il mio amore > perche 
Ipifiols Amato" ^ fufficicnza n'c tcftimonio Ja mia rifoJutione, & ilvoftro 
etjreciproca merito . II mio aflfctto non ha piii fr eno &c. Dl gratia la rcn- 

primafol.io'^ ^» ^ <^*^' g^icncporge . 



Mio Signore. 



3. 2 z Li dico )Che non prcnda ammiratione/e la Signona Madre ftaua 
alia fine Arajperche amcniraoa a quello) che affettaua la cane- 
pa,e pero V.S. ci puoi paifare fenza paura . lo piu a belPagio 
ii fcriucrd deilc belle cofe &c. quando mi diranoo nience > lo 
faro auuifaco a V.S. 

Adoraco Mirriilo j Anima mia . 

^. 12 Lapregoiperdonarmi, feionon vi mirauo > quando erialit 
Cappuccini; perche ia vedcuo^che tutce due mirauano > fe io 
vi nrirauo , c per quefto io patij pene in non poter mirarc ii 
mio Sole ; ma mi vedcuo col mio core > nel quale vi tcngo 
fcolpico. Reftoquairoao>e faro 

V. deuota Seru. e fedele Amance 
Amarilli. 

Amato mio bene . 

^ 1^ Io riceuo la fuajqualc mi da molta pena &c. , che il gelofo ve- 
dcflc le Icttere, ie viddc,ma non le apri, che erano ftrettc in- 
fiemejC lui crcfe, che fuflcro altre earce>e non le prcfc in ma- 

UOj 



[xcn] 



no . Quefto lui lo diccj perche vorria,'chc voi vi adirafli con 
jne&c. Poi voi mi ditc, fc iolonodclmedcfimoj pcnfierO)& 
io vi d.'co, che si, che le voi non fete mutatOjio iono pronta-* 
a fare quellcchc io ho derro &c. Poi in circa* fe fi feguita i 
here il vino roffosvi dico di si.Se voi fete del mcdcfimo pen- 
fiero: Se poi fete pentiro,io (onocontcntadifare quellojchc 
volece vol SiCfCilo quale fono 4, 

Fedele Amante. ij. 19. 

AmatiQImo raio Signorc. 

Io non so per qnal caufa non pafsd di qua hierl fcra 5 che io mi ^ 

feci alia fineftra,e non vidUi nefluno . Io mi kwai daila fine- ■*' ^' 

lira J perche vi era il Canonico roio Cognato ; Mi leuai per 

andare all'altrc fincftre , accionon roivedefTeScc. Mavol- 

tafte in verfo la porta , ftrada voftra amaca , perche ci, i chi 

adorate II Conii mi ha chicfto quelle ottaoe,che mi haue- 

te dace &c. , pero ditemij fe io le ho k dare, 6 pure rircnercj 

care per me>ereno qual fono,e faro 

Fedele, cfedcliffima Amante 
Amarilli . 

Wifcordauodirlijchela Signora Madre nonhapiiifebre, cbc* j__ 
ueil vino>ma da fe,pare croflbjcome ilnoftro, pure ditemi 
qucUohoafarc, che iolo faro. Lafciauo di mandarui vn^ 
inillione di baci, ma sojche in quefto modo non vi fono cari, 
e pocO} fe ve li daffi da me,aia quclli della Cantarina vi fono 
carifsimi,ma vi dicojche fono auuelenati &c. > c fate lo fcru- 
polofo con i'al£rc,coroe haucte fatco con me»che con I'altro 
ne haucrece ragione • ma con me non nc hausuiuo occafio- 
ne&c. 

Oiferuandifiimo Narcifo . 

Qucfta ferariceuola fuajemidagranconfolationeilfentirtj' ^^ 
che non feteadirato &c. > non so quando me la data, ma fo 
me ia da, la daro a voi . 11 Gelofo e di fuorii e ci farei ancor 
io,c tuiti , ma perche la SIgnora Madre non troua vna Seruai 
&c. haunodetto,che ci vonno ftarevnpezzo , perche voi mi 
vfcitc di mentc per non vederui per vn pczzo; Ma chi fi ama 



[xciii] 



di buon cuore j fi tjenc a mcntc , cost faio lo > prego V. S. a 
perdonarmi, ie mi ftendo croppo per fcriuere troppo fpcflo , 
raflcgnandomi quale Tono 

Deuoti/IimaScrua>e fedelifsima 
Araantcrefto. 

Amatirsimomio Signote . 

7, itf. Sipuoleimmaglnarecon qual prefcia iovi/criffi quelliducj 

vcrfi &c. M'incontrai col Signer Dotcore, come ai fblif o > mi 
dike doue io andauce per la ftrada mi difTe, pcrche gl'haue- 
uo fcritto djfpcttofa , io gJi diisi j che meritaua pc^gio , pcr- 
che faccua fatti cattiui> e buooe parole, perchc diceua di vo- 
Icrmi bcnce poi lo vuole alia Souara,& altre &c. mi rifpofc 
che non vcmua daqucfto^ma percagione di vn'altroSigno- 
re , che ci voieuo bene,piu garbato di lu i . Io gh dilsijche fe 
non era garbato qoanto iui>almeno piii fedeie &Cv ptofeffan- 
domx quaJe fcmpre fui fcdcle . 

Mio adoratOjC riucrito Signore. 

8. ty Sono con qucfta nia a fcufarmi dcli'errorc , che ho commcfTo 

in figillare quclla letters , chcandauaa Roma &c., dico a 
V.S. , che non mi hanno trouato ncflfuna icttcra » perchc io 
non Ic nietto nella cafia -, ma bcnsi le do allc fiamme , & in 
queltempojchciolctcngo, ktcngoinfeno, c qucfta non 
i fcufa , pcrche lei faccia riflelTione a vna rnia , che vi dico , 
che gll do luogo ncl mio feno &c. in quanto, che vno di lore 
foflc alia geloiia, forfc lo credo , pcro vol non fate gefto nef- 
funo , quando fete fotto Ic fincftf e Io qucfta fera faro alia fi- 
neftra, 6 pure alia geIofia,|c quando vi vcdro , mi faro alia d- 
ncftra, ma bilogna,che flia auucduta,che lui non mi veda,chc 
mi ha detto, che fe mi vede vuol far tantc cofe , ehe non nc^ 
fccetanteEneaTroiano. Io per non darh fofpetto , non ci 
(16) mi profofTo 

Deuotifsioia Serua. 
Sofpi- 



fxciv] 



Sofpiraro mlo Bene . 

Sc i\ dire> che io non vi amo non e errore- per non conofccimi, 8. 9 
ma quefto per nongrad nni, confcntire crtio caro, chc io mi 
fdegni con voi 1 pcrche 6 mi riputate cieca , 6 non rai ripu- 
rate amabile . Non potcre dire con vcrita,che io non vi ami, 
6 potece dire con verita.chc non fi ama unto, quanto io amo 
voi. Miratcmi ne'mieiocchi, die reca inerauiglia rer/i dal- 
le mic lacrime vi faranno Icdelifsimi fptcchij fcorgerc c, 
che i! voftro volco e copiaro , nella quale fe di hi abbozza- 
turenelSoIC) chc la voftra bianchczza ncuicata in /irodel- 
la via lattca i che !c gratie vi hanno regobto i moumienti di 
propria mano? chc Vcnere Jici formarui ha prefa la jnifuraj 
coi proprio cinto deJlc vofire membra . Ah, chc ioyiamo, 
jn manicra, chc da vn canto vorrei amarui JfoJa nci Mondo , 
pcrche mi parepocerui amare per tutti Hal Latio centre . 
Vorrcijche tutti viamafTero , perchc vedefti, che pof^i tur- 
tiinficmc non giungouoairamordi mc fola . II mio petro e 
inuidiato da quahmque alrra parte di me> quaH habile (ia To- 
load amarui. Sonocofcda non Tapcrfi vdircs fono cofe da 
rcnderefcufabilc a qualunquc altro;, che non locrcda; Ma 
voi bello crudclcche ic vi vedcte il volto compofto di mira- 
coli An^clici, nondouete ftimare menzogna, che (i troui va 
core fabricacod'aniorofimiracoli &c. vihlcio milic , e rail- 
le baci. 

Amaco mio Bene. 

Lafcio andare li complimeuti per non potcr corrirpondcre al- 
ii fuoi verii tantogaianci , tutto il contrario di qucllo; ch'io "^ ^^' 
xncriro. 

Lei mi dice? chc vuci faperecioicheefeguito in cafa j iovi di- 
co , che non vi efcguiconicnte per quanto mipofToauue- 
dcrc 5 perchc non mi hanno detco nientc neffunodi lore . 
Ma il Signor Gnido mi par piii tofto in bona con me , chc al- 
teracojcpercid non poflo vcderc, fefijno ftizzati con me. 
Mio Cognaroferri la porta , Io fa piu volte &c. Se poi noti 
ci voletc pafTare piihqueftoc voPtro arbitrio » et ioprendc' 
ro ip. piaccTC quelle pcnc , che vi fono grate j cpercioio vi 
dico^cl.e tatcquellojche vokicchc comeroto nel foco, co- 
si I'Amo- 



[xcv] 



sil*AmorencldoIore fiaffim, pofTobca dire, che patiro 
pcna a non vcdcrui»comc cro foliu ^c. , c dandoui vn'amoc 
rofo bacio^redo quale fcmprc fui fuifcerarifsiraa Amancc . c 
fedeiifsima Scrua. 

Mi fi era fcordaro auuifaruixhe fto nclla medema ftanza di pri- 
ma , e Gioucdi fcra andai a Ject o a due horc di notte , c pcr- 
cio lei non mi fenti enjrar in Camera . Diifi alia Serua > che 
faccfTc li iegni , che era reftato di tare &c. 

Sabato mattina torno il Sig. Guido , e lei potra pafTarc la fera X 
quaur'horC) 6 prima » che vedra il iumc iii Camera &c. 

Caridlmo roioBene. 

1 1. so. Riceuo la fua a me gratifGma , come tucre I'altrc mandatemi &c. 

SentO) che Jei ha hauuto caro il Paftor FJdo . Ma vorrci » che 

ki lo imitafTe , & io imiraro vn' akra Vienna . Scnto da lei, 

che vorr^ venire a vedermialla Villa &c. chcvorrci pocer 

fare io > vi farei piii volontieri per Spofo , che per Seruo . Lei 

mi dice, che il Conti non vuol porcarui piu lectcre » vi fo (a- 

pere, cheio li to due vczzl^e mi abaftai'animodifarc, che 

ve le porri , perche io gli dioo due buone parole , c iui s'in- 

canta, c farracjucllo cheio vorro. Mi dice^che li mandi Is 

corda per la Gciofia) ma noA mi dice la fcra &c. Lifaccio 

laperciche 11 gelofo e ico k Sousra-, s'io sn potefli parlarc i ma 

il Conftflore non vuole in conco neffuncc per qucfto io non 

vici faccio venirejchehora non /iapte piii i'vfcio di^ftrada; 

ma poirete aprire qucllodclla RjmeHa &c. Ma quel Frato 

non vd) e non vole . La ringratio dclli Baci , che m'inuiatej 

ma fe me U dafHuo da voi , gli hauerei cari , & io vc ne do al« 

sri; e t&ati millioni di quanti mc ne dare voi &c. 

Fedcliinma Amantc. 

Io oon $6, che nome mi dare 6 Vienna , 6 Amarilli , 6 Dorinda, 
6 Lilla, ma vogliodirmi Arianna^quale credo d'hauere a cf- 
fcre J voglio dirmi tale , fe pure voi non fete vn Tefeoi ma vn 
caftoGiufeppc, 6 vn caro Narcifo, 6 vnllagOjoFcdone; ma 
Adone fii pictofo con Vcncre, ma io non fono tale; ma bcnsi 
vna Meduia . onde mcrito &:c. Se voi haueteietto il TaflTo lo 
fepcrecc chi iii qucfto &c. 

Amato 

[xcvi] 



Amato Idolo mio , 
Sento ie cofc > chc vi fono occorfc , Jo non I'ho per male, men^ ,2. ^ j. 
tre lei dice, chc non R puol fare dormirc mia Madrc, mcntre 
lid maic , e non bene vino> c percio non porta dormirc . Piiol 
cfierc , che in quedi giorni guarifca , pure glie io farro auui- 
fatoj&c. 

Fcdele Amantc 
Amarilii. 

Adorato , riuerito j amato mio Core. 

MJconfondoin tantc lodi &c. mifcriua piii fpclTo, cliepuolo ?3. ia. 
Circa il Dottore > lei m'olfonde in dirmi, che io rorneioad 
ainar lui ; Vi dico, chc fe nafccfTe al Mondo vn Sole, non ho 
Cuorc per airra Piaga; ma chi ma! fa, ma 1 pcnfa &c. In quan- 
to a quclloj che viiol fapcre del Fino, vi dicojche c roffb per 
hura: ma piu m qua non so » come faia i ma vc Io faro auui- 
fato , mandandoui mille, c mille, c milk, e mdlicni di baci > 
rcflo. 

Qucua fera venire ad vn' hora di notte, chc vi voglio pariare, c 14. 26. 
totTue quando fece fotto ia fineftra . 

Amarilli. 

1,3 Sgrana pcrche non potcua dire, come dice qui,che era di lac- 
tc chc lei ^ nera piu di me, fe fufli voi vi potria dire Auorio, 
come vi chiamo Io ; Aucrtite , che ia fera non iia il Gclofo, 
enoii ios pcro io tofliro, fe non fenti(e toflfire non vi mouetc. 

Vi faccio fapere, che ilSig. Guide va fuora, ci ftara piugiorni; i^. aS. 
Perd ia prego venire la fera quaH ad vn hora di notte, c come 
fete foKo !a feneftra , toflire , e fer mareui vn poco j accio io 
non sb^li . Lulva fuori Lunedi mactina &c, 

CarilTlmo , mcritiffinto mio Amorc , mio Bene , 
Rcndo infinite gratie deila Rofalinda &c. Vorrd fapcre j chc-» 17,29. 
cenni mi fece per la via del Poggio &c. c non perche io voglia 
far proua del voftro Amore , chc so molto bene> che fete co- 
ftante quanto mi , c per© io non vogho far quefle proue &c. 
fichc voi non potecc dire, che io non vi voglia piii bene, per- 
cbe tutto quelloi che veleuo al Ssgnor Guida e volto d voi) (be io 
mtritMte , 

Amarilli . 

Ado- 



Lxcvii] 



Adoraw mia Signora. 

1 S, JO. Vorrei fapere , fc Domenica fcra , cioc dirnani a fera pcteto 
Lltt(r£ Amasij* parcire » perche (c non (i parte dirnani a fera , Dio sa qaan- 
do fi potra per la fcarfezza de Calcfli , douendo Mercordi 
parrirc ii Vefcouo con tre Calefll , percio fe poictc pardrcy 
Jubito lecta quefta mia ritornate alia fincfira> e gertaccmi la^ 
medetna per ie§no> accio fermi vn CalelFc auanti, che fia fer- 
mato da quakhedun' altro, & io le fcrmaro il CalefTc dirnani, 
nel pafi'ar di colli mi lafcero cadere la pezzuola vna foi voica; 
del refto poi dimani a fera iotni tratterro dalle due di notte 
fine a quaiuo biiogncra, c icifubito^ clie vedc, che Tono dor- 
miti bene, mi aprira, accio glj poffadare aiuto a farli fagoc- 
d 5 c metcere afTieme i denari , fopra il tunc cershi dim^tier- 
tie in tufi i Boccali , e lei rioa ftf beua , efe per cattiua difgratia 
iafcoprijjiro , e la tnin.^cciajjero di morte , oprapure la poyta-, 
che, morirt) con voi, o vi libemro dalle loro mani , e pregando 
il Signore Diot che cifacci riufcire bene quejlo nojlnt di/egnoy mi 
vatificoperjempre vojlrofedelijfimo Sentitorcy & Ama.tne. 

Mirrillo. 
ip. Che i! Gelofo fi mortri rappacificato , c che habbi detto , cho 

ftfate allafineftra •, e vo catriuidimo TcgnO) perche in qucfio 
modo vorra fcoprirc cola face alia fineilra,& a che fine ci fta- 
te> perche mi ha detcoil ContisChehora epitj gelofo dipii- 
ma J c che fc vienc in chiaro di nulla , fi vuol vendicarc coiij 
darci la morte » c che vol procurare di fare il iimilc a me ■> e 
qiiefto e quello, che fucceiTe» ci e feguira pot la rottura delia 
corda . 

Amati0ima Signora . 
Riccuo i fuoi caratteri abondanei di quelle cfpieffioni, ("e fc- 
guirano parole aniorofe. ) Si compiaccia riccuerim nel fuo 
leno , nel quale ripofo tutti i mici affctti &c. Confegni alle 
ceneri quefta raia . 

Riuerito Signore . 

^lia liUera Spinta dall'affcttc, che io porto a V'.S. fono sforzata di contra- 

frane'ifca. dire a quello gli raandai hier fera in quella letcera, che gli di- 

31. 32. ccuOiChe io non volcuo piu dirle jchelei ci vemfie ,fe non 

!o diceua lei) hora le dico, che vorrei, che lei ci vcniiTe que- 

fta 



200 



[xcvin] 



/la fera airhora di hier Talcra fera, perchc I'c ho penfafo, che 
Je Torri non fi mouono cosi a colpj leggieri , fe lei ci vol ve- 
nire , purche non fia occauonc , chc iei manchi di parola i 
qualchc fua amata Donna, 6 pure gli (ia d'iicommodo, quale 
io non voirei ciTcr caufa ; pero k a vol veaifc, ripafil di qui 
fubitO} che lei Vba. Jctta &c. 

Die Martis 24.SepteRibris i6g-/. 

Kum. 8. 
lofcph Maria Caponfacchius de Arctio pro comph'cifate in fu- Deo-etum R<f/r- 
ga , & dcuiacioiie Francilc.t Compariiae , 5c cognitione car- gationif A'nusij. 
nali ciufdem rclcgatus per ti icnnium l\ CiuJtatc Vccula . 



XCIX 



lllujirifi. ^ Reuerendijs. D7io 

Vrbis. 
GVBERNATORE 

In Crimtnalthus ' 
Romana Homicidiorum . 

D. Guidonc Francifchino , & Socijs 
Carceratis . 



Summarium , 



KQUJE , Typis R. Cam. Apoft. 1 6pS. 



[c] 



Romana Homicidiorum . 

lllr,&%eurVnc. CX£^^ 

rum fuper homicidijs Francifca? vxoris,& Pctn > ac Violaa- 
tis de Comparinis foccri, & focnis tantum abeft} quod Ftfco 
opiculetur ad cxigendam poeoam ordinariam » quin potius 
nobis mirificefaueacpro exclufiotic illius puenae » quia non_. 
ampliuseft anibigendum de caufa homicidiorum, nempe 
honorisj qux primo a Fifco coatroucrtcbatur ob concurium 
aliarum caufarura , quamuis vel efifent inefficaccs, vel de di- 
redlo i;Edcntcs honorein 5 vt infra illotis manibns non per- 
tranfibiinus i nam confeffio acceptanda eft cum omnibus fuis 
circumftantijs , nee ad fupradiiftum cfFcclum patitur fcindij 
Metioch. de Arbitr. caf.i 79. num.6' &feq. 5 Clar. %.Jin. q. 5 ) , 
num. 16. 1'trf. forte pujjety Gofnez^'var.re/oL tom.^»cap.-^.n.i6' 
poji medium 'verf. vtium tamen eji- Farinac.quafl.% i .num. 1 5 y.j 
Guazz, defenf. 3 2 . cap.^ 5 .num. i . verf. Jed coni7artv.m-i'& nu.t.^ 
Sperell. decif.6^. num.16. par,i.\ ^ decf.ioS* nu. ^6. ^Cf ds" 
ctf.iiS. uum.T.'j.par.i, 

Quodproccrtofufficcrebvtmitiiiscum Eo, & Socijs agcretur> 
attcnto quod caufa honoris eft fuHicientifliima ad Icuicudam 
pcEnam, vt in alia probauimus , quod fcilicct abfquc incurfu 
poenxvItJmifupplicijpoflllcMaricusetiam ex intcruallo ob- 
truncate Vxorem Adulteram, quoties adukerium probccur, 
vt Dominus meus Fifci Aduocams conccdic in eius Rci'pon- 
fione §. Solamquefufpicionem . 

Et inreivericaie adduximus in alia quamplurimas Supremo- 
rum SenatuumDecifiones, quibus liquet fuilfc minoratarqj 
poenam Mantis, qui ctiam mediantc AfTaiTinio occidi fcce- 
runt Coniuges5& viceuerfa nulla afFertur Decifio Fifco fauo- 
rabilis; Qualis fementia eo libcntiusampleclendaeft, quia 
a maiori numero DD. canonizatur; Et licet Farinai. , & Do- 
minus meus Raytialdus contrariam fedari videantur i nihilo- 
niinus Farinac. in fuis qu£flioni\)Us nimis fc dubium reddidi: , 
vt in alia oftendi,c^ inconf.u^i. nimis inconitantem le pra:- 
buit, dum/«fo^.66. zrww.j.contrarium probauit : Quamob- 
remde huiufmodiinconftantiaadmonitus fe cxcufando af- 
fecuit in d.conf. 1 4 x ./ub num. 1 6. Bcatriccm > pro qua fcripfe- BcaX^uf-t Ce,ttci-. 

A rac 

[CI] 



rat inconf. 66. fui/Te capite obtrlincatam , quafi quod huiul 
modi rigorofa fciitentia in pradlica fcruetur , {ed parcan mi- 
hi tarn esimiiis Doiflor, nimisincongriiererpondjLoblitiis> 
qUiE in fine d. conjdij 66. fci ipta reliquerat, hoc eft fuisTe pu- 
nitam Bearriccm poena vltimi Tupplicij > non quia ex inccr- 
uajlo occidi mandauii: infidiancem fuo honori > fed quia eius 
exceptioneni non probauic ibi— Proutt cb" idem firmiter JfC' 
rabaiur de for ore Beatrice Ji propo/itam excufationem probajfel > 
prout fieri probauit , 
Dominus vero Raynaldus , ciiiisfcriptaj & verba vcneror iru* 
Juis Obferuationsbus Crimiitalibus cap. 2. %.^,num. 156. prxter- 
qiiamquodaderitexbcnignitace Principis fpcrari pofTe re- 
mifliotiem filtcm quoad poenam ordinariam* nondecidit ar- 
ticulumafferendo GizzareU., & Giurbam hrmantes debero 
ex iiiftitia poenam minorari, fed feremittitad eajqus fcrip- 
l]c cap.-]. inMubrkafub num. ^o. vbi r.imen ex prof'elTo nooj 
examinat articulum homicidij admiflli ex caufa honorisi alias 
contrairetcommunifcncentias Doftoaim, & tor Decifioni- 
busSupremoruin Mdgiftratuum,hoc eft Communi Tribuna- 
lium praxijdc qua eciam teftatur Clar.§.Homicidium/ub w.5 1. 
ibi— E( h<ec opiniofernatu*- i>ipfa^ica , prout in contingent in^ 
faf}i reperio tudicajje Curiam Neapolitanaifi . Et de cadenu 
piaiit Aittilit^rteftatar MairktU de re i;rimin,conirouerf,\%, 
num. 29. 
Quamuis nobis fulficerer> vc dixi, quod D. Guido non fit legi- 
time conuictns » vt eius coifeflfio m totum fine diuifione ac- 
ceptecur : Nihilominus ad abundantem adducimus plenas 
probationes Adulterij ex ProcefTu fugxrefultantes, quasncj 
Fifcus daret manus vidias impugiiare conatut > & Achilles 
fii2 pr^tenfionis eil vnicum examen ad pcrpetuam rei me- 
iTioriam in Proccflli nonredadum , fed extra vagans cuiuf- 
damvilismuliercula; olimfamulse indomolnquifitiab ipfo, 
a D. Canonico eius fratre , &:ab iftoruno matre percuffioni- 
bus male muldaca; » mtms affedate recenfcntis peffima tra- 
(flamcnta fada Petro, & Violantidc Comparinis , ac Franci- 
fcae eorum nli^ , & vxori refpediuc , prarcipue circa vii5tum , 
qua dc cauk Petius j & Vioiantes fatiiis duxerint Romano-* 
icnQniiSummar.Fifcimm. i. quamuis D.Cuido per Inflru- 
mcntum fe obligafTct pra:dii5iis Coniuglbus alimenca praefta- 
rci Ec infuper infcrcurnecclTariam fuiflfe fugam Francifcae 

minis 



[on] 



minis mortis aift5« > V£ ex ea dcduci aequeaf praua volun- 
tas vlolandi matrimoni^e fsdas . 
Sed fi veriutcm amamus res facniliaris inquifiti non efl^ded 
angufta» vt nedura ad frugaiiter , fed etiam ad hute viucn- 
duoinonesuberafTeEj vt dsmondtic furtutn pecuniarium a 
FrancifcaiaafaufugjecoianjifiTuiais ytwProceJfuJugsfol. 5. 

Caufa vera > & realis , qu« mouit Pecrum, & vxorem ad regre- 
dicndum Romam ea infaliibiliter fuit, quia taater D.Guido- 
nistolerarc non potuks quodprasdsdli Coniuges de Compa- 
rinisrem domcfticatn raoderarencur » ficad eorutn iibituiiu 
difponcrenc omnia ad guberniiira domus fpeftantia > quod 
flagrandffirn^ » fed aoa minus audacter cupiebmt » & quia 
male iafuper fercbat Petrus repreheadi, quod vtMSis. Nobi- 
Ijum Conuerfadonc cum vilifllmis afsiduc non fine honcdo- 
rum Virorum Icandaio ad Cauponas fe fociabac , & fortius , 
quia coadus fuit i Prjefide Ciuiiatis carccrationis mjcu re- 
ih'mere iocaIia» & gcaimas eius filis ablatas, vt D. G jido in 
fiio examine depohiic 96. d* 97. » & miriffcc corapiobatm- 
ab cpiftolaciafdetn Praifidis a nobis nuper produAa, quiou 
damus in Summar. num,i, 

Qmbtssadftipulatur examen iudicialc eiufdcna Francifcs in fu- 
g« carcerata?,in quo nullibi Icgiiur fuilTe male tradacarru , 
Bcc vnquam conquefta eft de domas decantaca paupertate , 
& nihilonajaus eft valdeprobabiie,quod ad cohoneftandain 
fugam dcduxiflec necef^tatem rei domeftic« , & mifedarru 
domusj it quam paffa ciTet . 

Nonnegaresusortasfubindd fuilfi; conteationcs inter Franci- 
fcam, & Virura, & forsan iftutn fuiffc illi morcem minacurro, 
{t6 ob aliam caufani > vt fcllicet inceptos illiciros amores i 
genitoribusfuggeftosdefereret,&honefti, vtparerat, vi- 
ueret, vt exprefs^ legitur in cias depofitione Summar. mftra 
ffum.i' litt.A. 

Hinc verificaciir, quod ipfa Fraocifca in epiftola fcripta Do- 
mino Abbati Francifehino ingenue fatecur Summario Fifci 
num.4' ' ^ nqflronum.^. quod fcilicet cius genitores femina- 
baut zixanias inter ipfos fponfos > & fuadebant recurfum ad 
Reuerendifiimum Epifcopum fub falfo comraento maiorum 
craiSatnentorum, atque die, noduque inftigabant> vt viruni , 
cogna£um» &focruravcncno abigcrct, domum comburc- 

A i ret. 



[cin] 



retj & quod horribiiius eft , captarec Amafium , in ciiius fo- 
cierate Romam redirccj quemadmoduroobedireiniftorum 
pluribus non neg-lexic . 
Etin aiiaEpiftolaeidem Abbatifcripta , atque per nos exhi- 
bijai& data Summario n.^Abi-'/rofj hauendo bar* chi mifamen* 

ti a I trial c • 
Xnanis eft refponfio, quod finguia elcmenta ditflae prima: Epi- 
ftoli fucrant prius defigaata per D. Guidonem > & deindc 
fuperinduifto per earn calamo efFormata> vt ipfa afscnc dicio 
Surr.Tn^rio nojiro num.i. litt.K. Ad quorum comprobationem 
nil aliud deducere valuir, quam i'cribcrc nefcire> d.Summar. 
num.i>litt.B. /-/. 6- K. 
Nam pr>Eterquaiuquoddemendacio apertiflime remmet coa- 
uida ab eius fufcriptione abipfa recognicaiti mandaco pro- 
cur je in carceribus , vt in ProccfTu f ugae/o/. 39., & ab aiia^ 
fubfcriptionc in capitulis raatrimoaialibus, de cuius vcricatc 
nefas eft difce'ptari, turn quia adeft fubfcriptio vnius ex Do- 
minis Cardinalibus > cum etiam quia fuic recognitus pariter 
cius cara.tthcr ab cadem fubfcribente per rogicum Nocarij » 
vc in copia relicta in Proccfsu /o/. r jz ., & infuper conuincitur 
ab Ecclefiaftico > cum quo fugam arripuic , afserente non fe- 
mclnoclurho tempore recepifsc epiftolas proicwtas ab ca b 
fcueftra, aliafque mifsas per famulam , cuius dcpoiitionemj 
damus in nojho Summ-iria num.%-lifr.A,B,C.D. quod veriflca- 
tur a Tefte Fifcali/^'/.ioS. ibi— E tiro giitvna carta > chebe- 
fiiflimo I J veddii & H Signor Canomco la raccol/Ci efe ne ando : 
prjeter epiftolas , &: fchcdas rcpercas in carcerc Caftri No- 
ui > vbiipfi repa*iebantur» contincates mutunm amorcm_? i 
Vndc impoffibile rcdditur 3 quod illarum elcmenta parifor- 
miter fuitsent ab eius viio dcdgnatajnec ciocetur a quo fue- 
rint fcriptje , proinde pr.Tfumendum eft fuiisc ab ipfa cxara- 
tasj ne patefaceret amores vctitos, qui occultari funamo ftu- 
dio debuifscnt : Et qu^^fo fubijciatiir oculis prajdivfb epifto- 
la 1 & bene agnofcctur , an ad imitacionem fignorum fucrint 
atramento efforma;a elemcnta a fcribere nefciente , vcl po- 
dtjsab expercamanu mulieris. 
Primordium veritacis dictat epiftoix, de qualoquimur , depre- 
hendimus ab eadem epiftola Praefidis Arcti),di^o mjiro Sum- 
rnarionum 1. > vbihabctur— di/candalomolto maggiorejono 
jiAtelefughe -i e ricorjifatti dallaSignora Spofit loro fglta a 

MOTI' 



[CIV] 



Monftgnof X^efcom ■• mn cofi altro molluofe non , cbe rJ eja » »? 
li/uoi Genitor i voleuano dimoyar piu in Arezzo , md tornarjsnt 
a Rama ■, jgfidata pero da quejio prudtnt'ifp.mQ Prelala , la ri" 
mando fempre a ca/a tn carrozza , 

Idque ijmiliter exprcfse derumitur ab alia epiftoh Rcuerendif- 
fin'ii Epifcopij qux datur in Summario num.6, \h\--e tanto rC" 
ctamaua, quanta eraforzataafario per ilf omenta dslla madre. 
Et paucis interieiflis ihi : haucuo quakhs cognitione di ciiiper" 
che ilSignor Senator e MiirzAAI edict - che prcfieds al Gouerna 
Laico as quejia Citfaper li 'Serenijjimo Gran Duca mi baueutu^ 
cotnmunicato il tntto . 

Venficatur vlterius per aliim cpiflohm D- Barcholomsi AU 
bergocti exaduerfo produJVa> qux ditnv in Summario Partis 
mim.i.w fine , {^di noa Integra , ibi enim habciar per Secrc- 
tarium Reuercadifumi Epifcopi fuifsc cxhortatcs D. Gui- 
dooeni , & eiusmafrem ibi : AnonJirup3z.z.are laSignoro-* 
Spof*deira^rontofa!toli-,ba/la dopo tantebifticcie ricondujfe la 
Sfgnora Spo/a d cafa , d^ ellafi e dichiarat»di nijit volerejlare 
a^oiuiiments coUa Signura Beatrice > ne col Signor Canonico Gt- 
roUmofuoCagnatOt & poft pauca : lofuppiicoVS. liiujirijji* 
ma ■> e Vliluftn'Jima Signora Viclante a vulerm porre rimedto i 
conin/inuare alia Signora Spofu'vnapaee tranquiUa per quiets 
dt tutti-, vt infrA. \go, ter. 

Quodcomprobatiir ab epiftola D. Abbaris e-^aducrfo produ- 
£tifol. 1 8 2 . ibi : Dal Signor Guido miofratello g It fonojlate.^ 
fatte diuerj'c offerte-t non fonojlate accettatet e/ipretendet cbe net 
douiamo ohligare la noj^ra Uignora Aiadre > e Signer Canonico 
^td-u/cirediCafa-i quejfo non far a. mctiverotfe pure non fegmlfe 
d^amore-i e d'accordo ; md io non ce li conjjgliaro . 

Et abepiftola D. Hoinani iSS. a tir, ibi : Hu faputo per qual 
caufafugg! da Monjignore > C?*? qntfia che non •umi jiare colli 
Stgnori Canonico , e ''Beatrice df r. qus yeiba in di^o Sum^^^rio 
F'fci num.2* non adnotantur . 

Ecceigirur, quodFrancifca non male tradabatur , quamuis 
male tradari mcrcrcEur ob affciftatutn , & indecentcm recur- 
fum line caufa ad Rcucrcndifiifnum Epifcopum, prout par.ec 
ancxtnaiiscra^amentis prjedidii Coniuges de Comparinis 
difcefscrint ab Aretio, & Francilca aufugeric . 

Rcftat mod«, vt videamus cefsantibas mails tradiamentis > 
quaoi nam ciufam Francifca habuorit aufugicndi 4 dooso yi- 

A 3 ri. 



rcvj 



ii s fiue potius , sft fcandalofa fueric c Ju« fugs , quod non erk 
difficile agnofcerC} fi parumpcr immoreiivuria depoficioncj 
eiufdcm Francifcs , & in littcris repertis in dicto carcero 
CaftriNouij qux prodiidlaeper Fifcum in Proccfsu j Iicec 
non fucrint recognit? eiiis ncgiigentia nobis oUicere nequic, 
nee idco puto pofse controuerti c(se eiufdem caraclhensj fi 
conferantur cum caradiherc certo mandati procure > vhrxj 
quod vcluti continentcsamorcs 5 & nomen ipiius Guidonis > 
nemo prudens cenfebit non foifsc ab eifdem f'criptas . 

Exciusenimdepo/itione depromicur t'lxifsc fjcpius obiurga- 
tam ob eius fterilitatem , & fuifse minis mortis perterritanxj 
caufaaraorum cam dido Ecclc/iaftico> vt di^o Summar. n.i. 
iiti'A. ncc fallebatur caucus vir> dum indies creicebat amor> 
ym6 coniugalis affeiftus diminutus crga virum, augcbatur er- 
ga Amafiumj In didis cnisn iittcris, qua: A^xntiiT inSummario 
xunt.jAlle Ecclefiaflicus vocabazur Amafusy Adoratus-iMir- 
tillust Anima mea, AmatiJ/tmuS', NarcifsHS^Su/piralum bonum , 
Cban£imumldulum^^ fubfcribebatur— Fidelis Amans Amn' 
rillty & e conucrfo ab Ama/so vocabacur ,Adorata wia Signo ■ 
ra , & in earum fiogulis exprinjitur intenfus amor , & amoris 
ardor> quo vexabatur infeJix pro Amafio j vc viderc eft > nee 
fiiie pudore (ingulas exprcffioncs anaoris tenerrimas refcr- 
icm? fed tantum vnam > vcl alteram non omittam s vt ab vn- 
guc Leo dignofcatur , vt iu cpiftola 1 7. ibi : J/cbe vai non po» 
tctspiu dire-, cbe to non vi •voglia bene ^percbe tut to queilo > cbc^ 
voleuaalSigftorGaidoe valtodvoiy cbe lo meriiate . Et haic 
forsan eftcaufacurrcnuebatiacerccum viro, vtannuudi- 
£ia. cpiftola di<fti D. Aibergotti ibi : LaSignora Spofa qui fid 
?nalmconica-, e due fere dopo lapartenza di lor Stgmnjeeefire- 
pitogrande , perche nan voleua andare a dormire col $ig. Guido 
Juo Con/orte-, tl che mi difpiace ajjat : foL 190. 

in prima Epiftoia > ibi— Ilmia affetto non ha piu freno — liu 
quarta— lofon pronia a faf qusllo 5 che %/ho detto — In dcci- 
ma— Prendero inpiacere quelle pene , che vi fan grate ; & Ion- 
gum efTct, acnimiam naufcam afferrec (ingula rcccni'ero; 
Male enim ferebat caftis moribus AretiJ fc conformare , af- 
fueta Uberiotem vitam tradiiccre* vt Icgitur in Epiftolis 
Domini AbbatisFrancefchjni exaducrfo produdtisye/. 179. 
Urgo ) ibi — Quelle occafioni , chefianofiate di atnarezjc* trd 
V, St & il Signor Quido io non le voglio ejaminare , so ben dtre , 

che 



[cvi] 



cbcje e pracedulo per voisrs tndfizzarc alU eojiumanze della^ 
Pa/riala Signora Spofa , quefiopuo , edeuefarlo ilMi^rtto , /i 
perche Jopro la Moglie git da I'autlorita Oio , ^ came perche e 
pratico ddle vfanzs , etratti delU Palria-> chcfc V.S. & ;7 Sig. 
Pieironelo impedijjero farebbono m.ile * &• al Manto tacca^ 
auuertir la Mvglie — Ec in ^.W^fol. 124. iWi — AV mi pojjb per- 
fuadere > che li miei Madre^ efratellijiponim tn foyma tal^^^ 
che oblighifio a fare/mili trafcorfacci — Ecpoit pauca , ibi— Et 
apprendere-i che tjuello da t mtei /i ar.daua in/inuando alia Si' 
gnora Francefca al Sig. Pieiro ■, d^ a F.S. non erafi nonptrpw 
ro zelo del decora dell a Ca/a > e loro , 

Viceueilainlicteris didiiBccleliafiici idem defumirur, vc in^ 

Epift.20.ibi — Riceuo ifuoi caratteri abondanci dt quelle efpref~ 

Jivni d^f • Ji contenti riceuermi mlfuo feno nd quale ripo/u tutt: i 

miei ajfetd — Ecqa« pertinent ad fugam rc^Kiu ic clariorem-- 

Probationcni mutiKE viciditudinis , vcpotc vcrificata ab effe ■ 

<ftu fcqimto , vt in Epillola 18. ibi — vorreifapere/e Dome'- 

nica a/era i cioe domam a /era potete partire ■> per chef e non Ji 

parte domariidjera, Dio so, qu.indo/ipartiri per lafcarfezz^A^ 

de'CaleJfi— & paucis interpofltis — Elei/ubiio cbe vede , che 

Jvno dormiti bene-, mi apnra , accidglipojja dare aiuto afare.^ 

i fagotti-, & a mettere ajjltme i danari — Et port panca — Pre- 

gaado il Stgnor Iddio , che ct facet riu/cir bene quejio noftro di- 

fegno. 

Et Epi^ola 19. eiufdern Amad;, qua dantur Amats documenta 
non obfcure ctiam nos cdocct cuius qualitacis cflcnc Amo- 
res , ibi — Cbe ilgelofo /im)ftri rappacificato^ e che habbt delta-, 
chefiiate allafinejira , e vn cattuvfjimofegna -^perche tn qusfto 
modo 'vcirrdfcoprire cofafate alia fenefira , c?" a che fine cijia- 
tt ; Mibii detto il dr'C. Che horaepiUgelofo di prima-, e cheft^ 
•viene in ckiaro dt nulla ifi vwA vendicare con darci la mortt^-, 
e che vuol procarare difareilfimile a me . 

Comprobatiirvltcrius,quod iftc mifer Inquifitus deplorabili- 
terexclamat non vnotantum Amafio Arccij t\niTs coarcn- 
tam , kd a pluribus Procis coinquinatam , vt vituperia eius 
Domus mukiplicaretyc/.pS. tergo^ Dusn non obfcurc legitur 
in fcptima Epiftof a » ibi — Alt tncontrai con tl Stgnor Dsttore-, 
come al/oiifo , mi dijje doue andaua, eper lajirada mi dijj'eper- 
che gl'baueuofcritto dijpettnfn , logli dtffh che meritaua peggte, 
perche faceafattt catfiui , e buone parole , perche diceua dt 1/0 ^ 
lermi bene-, ? pot lo -vuole alia Souara-, & altre , & in r ?. ibi — 

A 4 circa 



[CVIlJ 



firia H Dai tore lei m'effendt sen 4irm -, the to torrtero ad amaf 
iui •> "vi dico s cbe/t nafcejfe si mondo vn Soie - non bo cuoreper 
altraptaga. 
Pacer igitur an honc(5ain Caufam FmnciTca habuerit diuertcn- 
tendi a Domo Viri fiucpotiusconcitata fucric i vehement!- 
bus amoris cakaribus; dicatur modo, quod ad bonum nncm 
huiufmodi litterae miffa: fuerunt, vr alhccretur Ecclcilafticus 
ad cam aflTociandamiVtcuiearct mortis difcrimcn, in qi!0€X 
iniufta caufa repcrlebaturj & quod pocuerit in Societato 
Aniafij tututn feruare pudorem , dum pro certo amoroOe cx- 
prefHoncs fatftce in dd. Epiilolis non pr^teFerunc caftitatcnu 
Animi , Si pudicum atfeilum > & fsae flcficiente caufa iufta-» 
fugiendi, corruir vclamcnsQuo falacicas obumbrari prxten- 
dcbatur. Fateor iuduhani caftidimam Vidiiam decora facie? 
& vndique ornatam perrexiire ad hoflem falacillimum , fed 
ad explendam pium opus ad iibcrandam fcilicct Patriano 
non prxsTi lilts Ufciuis litteris, fed oracion!hus feruciinbus 
munitam , de cuius iliibaca pudicitia nefis fine fufpicari , 
cum imo afflatu Spiritas Saafti impulfa extiterk , Hodic ve- 
TO per qiiam pauc£ inueniunfur iudichoe tied multiplicantur 
fiii« Loth 5 quc^ f\ cufiodire propriiiai pudorem in comnieii- 
faijfare patris non valucmue j imo ne fobrins negaret , 
quod impotenter cffiagitabanc » inebriarunt cum vino , 
vt alienatus ab* eius mencc inuolunrarle ncfario incafflu 
polUcretur G<f«f/. f/3/». 29. Credirnus ne<]uod Puella > quae 
Arnore dcperibat, qmardentidiine flagrabac fociecateoi-* 
Cupidi Amancis, & Amati faluann habuerit honellatem iju 
longa fuga ? quam vtinam in Domo Viri feruaHTec ! 
Ee fane (i iuftura ma^tum cs iniuJia Caufa fibi iilaturr) habuiifet, 
non vtique 5d augcndum fufpicionem prau^>&ljbidinoras 
conucrfatioais in fuga dic~tunJ Ecclenafricum aflumpfidet 
Comitem , qui eius Viro fufpc^'^us crat j & qui nuilo gradu 
confangusnitatis, feu ailimcatis iibi 5 vei marico erat conning 
<5tus , vc vterque fatecur in nojlro Summarto num. 2. Int, G. & 
rum. 5. lii(. £. & fie , ve autcnticarct iiihoneftatem ? kd fer- 
uato Matronah dccovc, vei mediantc opera Reuerendi/En:ii 
Praefiiiis aliquod Monaftcrium fuilTec ingreifa , fs verifato, 
non mesidacijs vfa fuiiTct, vcl habitorecurfu ad Prx/idetru 
laicum , iftc cunftis cxp!oratJs » aut tutum redirum ad 
Vrbem honcftis Viris , sc Muiieribus comitantibus proe- 
buiifeCj vei penes iioneftam ^4atronam cusi debiiiscau- 

tio- 



[C\T[U1 



tionibus colIoca/Tet; aut quoties » de neutro conffdiffet, S: 
ftatuiflct ex (e Romam reucrci faltcm cum vno ex Attinenti- 
bus iter fuiflet aggrcfla- 

Prout labitur aliaexcufatio ad coJioneftandumillicitum Amo- 

rem, quod dcpr«di)ftis confcius erat alter Ecdefiafticus Ic- 

uirCognat«di<3a;Frandfca?, dum/i bend percurrantur (u- 

pradic>jE Epiftolar fummopere augebitur fufpicio illicitx 

correfpondentia? cumil!iuscomplicirate> vtin Epiftola ii. 

jbi " lei mi dicecbe il &€. non ^uol port arc i pit* letttre , vif» 

fapere , che lo Ufa due vezzi , e mi abba/la I'animo , chc vf le 

fvrti , perche logli dico due bume parole , e lui s'incanta , efard 

quello-) cbe lo vorre — Et in Epiftoia 19. Amafij, ibi -- Per- 

sbc mi ha dttSo il &c. Cbe bord epiii gelo/o di prima-, e chefe vie- 

ntm ihxaro di nulla fivuolvendic are — An auteoi ex dictis 

verbis po/Iimus defumcrcj quod cafti cffcat amores inter 

jpfos , quia de praedi*Sis erat Confcius Alter Ecciefiafticus > 

cuifquc iudicct, Scio tamcn , quod ad fibilum Amafi; ia^ 

iocietaec d. AlteriusEccIefiaftici fe cxponere Francifcam ia 

fencilra non bene olcbat, vt deponit in ProcelTu fugje Teflis 

Fifcalis 107. tergp 108. proindd non Hne Caufa Dominus 

Guido fufpicabatur etiam de dicSko fecundo Ecciefiaftico , 

vt ipfa Francifca aiFcruit in fua depo/Itione diOo Summ.nojlro 

ftum,i. ante lit t. A, 

H IS prxhabitjs > hoc eft non conftiro, quod Francifca fine iufla, 
& legitima caufa fuifTet perculfa minis mortis > imo conftito 
de fufpcdifHrna correfpondenria cum Atnalio > confequens 
erit , quod mmsB proferebantur a Viro » vc iionor eius fcrua- 
rctur ,& fie erat in potcftate eiufdem Francifcae fe eximcrc 
a prxdidis minis fine fcandalo fine fuga, fine opprobrio> fed 
cafte viuendoj fed ipfa nimis procliuis tlntillo carnis omnia 
poftpofuerat, vt libidincm expIeret,nul!o habito refpediu ad 
violandum fjdusconiugale>dc cuiustcmeratione nimis inco- 
gruum eftdubitare, cu manifcftc liqucat ex dedudlis m Pro- 
cefiu , & fignanier ex rcciproco A more inter Amafios » vt ad- 
uenit Rota dec. g^.n.6. par. 2. diuer/or., & ex littcris tamtc- 
nerritnas expreiTiones continentibus » Antaran. in cap.Pntte- 
rea num. i.^ibi Felin. num. 3. de Tejiibus > Pari/, conjii. 54. 
num. 64. hb. 4. Ryminald. lun. conjil. 2 74. num. 9, lib.l . H*' 
/card, de probat. conclu/.6^.num.io.'tn^ne. 

Ingreflusjvclcgrefilis d, Ecclefiaftici c Oomo Francifca: tem- 

A 5 pore 



[cix] 



pore fufpciflo, de quo dcponitTeftis Fifcalis lov./v'r^o^jbi— 
Nel/uvns deWAue Maria e£endu nelia medenta /tnejir.i vtddi 
vprire I'v/cio pianpiano di detti Signori Francefebrni ^ dai quale 
ii/ci detto $!gmrc&c. f/ucrhm/e nel efcire del to -vfcio , md Man 
lo cbiu/e affatto , e di It a pQCc delta Signara Fratice/ca Potapilia 
con tl lume in mano vids , cbf chiu/e detto vfcio — $( comprobu- 
tur ab Epiftola 1 1. ibi — Eper quefto lo non vtfaccio venire t 
che bora non s'apre I'v/cia dijirada > md potrets aprtre quello 
diUa Rimeffa&CMdc per fe eft validus probarc- Adultcnuauf 
quotjes etiam agerctur id irrogandam poenaai , Polidor.Rip. 
de Ko&ur. tempor. cap, 56. num. 14., Farinac qudft. 135. 

Pi'oiedio ciufdem .-d ftneftram ad fibiliisn diu, noduquc, Sc 
nutus muiui » de quibiis dcponir d. Tejiis 108. func vakle cf- 
ficaces ad probandatn copulam carnalem , Ancaran. mdi^e 
cap. ?r£terea num. 3. cb- ihi Butr. num 9, adfinem , FtUn.poft 
num. I I'de Tejtihus . 

Modus quoad fugam fe praepararunt coinlnens » vt iti dicanijj 
fpeciem Infidiarum,vt deluniiriir ex Epiftola Ecclt fiaftjci 18. 
ibi — Sbpra tl tutto eerchi di fnettere in tutii i Bucali, e let non^ 
r.ebeua -- qui qua?rcndo opportunitattm nnfctndi fomnife- 
ra perfcrutabatur cuvus coioiis vinuni in Domo bibcrctur* 
ne vt aurhumo> alterarns iUius color mcdicamine admixto 
infidias piodcrct, vt in EpiAola 4. ibi - Potinvtrca/s /ifegui" 
ta d here 'I vino rofjo vt ciico di si ~- In i 2. — Mevtre lei dtce^ 
cbe non fi puQ.Jar durmirc mi a. Madre > mentreftd male , e non 
beue vino -- Er in Epi.'u l.i 1 5, — In quanta a quello, cbe vuol 
Japere del vino vi dice t (bee rofjo per kura 5 md piu in qua notu. 
JO comejard •> wd vf lu faro/apers . 

Acctditquodd'aa '.r.irciriiv.j affiticbaturZeiothypiadictiEc^ 
cieiiaftici,vt not.uiirii) hpiitolis j.& 2 r. qua? non lolcccon- 
cipi , n\[\ .ib Anianubiis; Quo c rca cum (ic iniicgabilis asnor 
carnalis inter infos recii.rocns , non puro pofTe dubicavi ,quia 
difccllus hniuhaueus a Ooino V^iri •> C<i ailociaiio per loagom 
tramitem probcnt Adulreriurr. , Farinace. diBa quafL 136. 
num. 182. r^ eft 7 ex t us in teg. cotfet-fu §. Vir quuque Cod. de 
repudijs , ibi — Aut ipfo inuitojint lufia ; &probabili cau/ujlrii 
fctlicetpernvRantem . 

Inprogreflu itincrisofcula ad inuiccm itnpicfta> dequibus dc- 
ponn;Te{lis Fiicai!"^* quern ca vidiile dc nodtc ia Proct ?u 

noii 



[ex] 



nonrepcrlo , vt csaduerfo fupponitur, fed/ol. loo. alTcnt, 
ibi -- Solo njiddi > che alle xiolte/i kaciauanot & qnat tarn a nxic 
impingcre Francifca defidcrabac, eadcmqud rccipere , vt ia 
Epiftoia 1 1, ibi — Lci ringratio ddlibaci^ che mtinuiate , ms 
Je meli daffiuo da voil'hauerei car it & to ve ne da altretanti 
millioni— Et In Epiftola lo. ibi — E dandoui vriamorojoba- 
cio — Et in 5 . -- Lafciauo dt mandarui "un milliune dt bact -- & 
padim in alijs , reddunc Adulterium non ambiguum , adeouc 
non define alferentes J quod probatoofculo,dicatur proba- 
tum Adulterium, Clar.§. Adulterium num. i6. Laurent. Tennin. 
in prafi.cautheL6.num. 15^. 

Quo circa nemo , ni fallor , ram vecors , & lam infipidcp mentis 
inueniri potcrit, qui fcicns, quarrccenfiiimus non firmicer 
credat,quod cumrcperirenturinCauponisin itinere, iiuo 
node ad quiefcendum , ^uc mane ad fe refocilJandos pudor 
Matronalis non fuerit temer.uus . 

Sed profedo omucs prorsiis coliuntur Ambages > dum omifTo » 
quod ille Ecclefiafticus vcftibus laycalibus indutus efTet 4. 
loo.quod nonlcue momentum atfertad probationem Adu!- 
ttu] Matthdtu^de re crim.controu.xi.num.^i. peruencrunc in- 
firaul ad Cauponara Caftri noui Tub hora prima nodis cwvcu 
dimidio> vc tres Teftes Fifcalcs concordjter deponunt44. 
tergo 47. 49* Et licet in Maniioneduo lecla adefTentivnumj 
tamen dumtaxat diiflus Ecclefiafticus voluit aptari , & tota-» 
node claufis foribus (blus cum Tola quieuit (fi quid'cere pof- 
funt Amantes,) ex quo abfque dubio probarum remanet 
Adulterium cap.litteris de pr^e/umptionibus , Menoch.confil.i i. 
num. 35. verf. nee "vera eji , He ft or. PcjniL dt Teftib, verb.Te- 
Jits Adulterium num. ^3, Farinacc. diila quaJl.i^S. num^ijo* 
& alij palfim vltra rclatos in alia . 

Quails quippc probatio efficacior cuadit a Mendacio Francifce 
afTerenris pcrucniflc ad didum Hofpitium in Aurora > dt&o 
Summar. num 2.litt.F.& L.Si enim ml mali fuKFet per adum, 
non vtique ventatem occukarc teotaffct > vt bene in propo- 
fito Riminal.Iun d conj.z'] i^.nunuS^Md 6j. 

Dcnviira fcntentia , fcii Dccretum Tnbunalis, quod datur in^ 
Summario num. S. vbi condemnaturdidus Ecdeiiafticus pro 
cognitionecainaliFrancilca:, reraouecomnedubium. quia 
Adulterium rcddit notorium , vr in alia probatum fuit. Et 
licee aflcratur fuifle in mentc Dominorum ludicum illud 

A 6 mo- 



[cxi] 



modcrare » & addcre — propratenfa cognhtone earttali — ndn 
tamen fuit moderatum» & mhilominus nihil obefTcc > poft- 
quam ad aurcs mfolicis mariti fuerat peruentura Adulterium 
vxoris manifeftum>& notorium canonizatum fcilicec per 
ludicisdecietum. 
Prjcfertim quia, & fiab eopr2efcinderemus,adhucadefFe^um> 
de quo agitur, copula carnalisplufquam fufficientcr proba- 
ta remaneret, quia non ;igitur de infcrenda poena Adultcrx, 
fed Adulterium excipiendodeducimus,vt aducrtit^^//^rf». 
in prxcifis tertninis diffs controu.ii. num.2 5. & in fortioribus 
Spad.cofi/.Ss. inprwcip.lib.i. Eftenim regulare, quod Adul- 
terium prslumptionibus exhuberanterprobeturad effe(auni 
Ciuilcm, ad feparationemfcilicctThori, vel ad ammiflto. 
nem Dotis » Bofitcn. in cap. litteris pqji numnum^. verb.Di- 
ttortij J d^ ibiButrius num. S.deprajumpt. Soccin. lun. eonf.^2, 
rum. 9- in fine lib.2. Ferrett. con/. 168. num.^. 'Berfazzol. conf, 
crim.2o.num.%. 

Nee rcleuatjquod aliquc ex diftis vehementibus praefumptio- 
nibus probentur per Teftes fingulares , quia agimus de pro- 
banda Inhoneftate, & Adulterio in gencrc, nee ad eflfeAurt 
condemnandi Adulteram , /ed ad defenfam Inquifiti, vt fcn- 
tit in pun<fto fcrihcns apud Sanftelie. {ieej/'. ^ ^j. num.i 6. <^ t^ 
^ante turn Clar. Sfinai.^ndfi.^ ^.num.ic).Farmacc.qUiefl.6^% 
num.221. 

Et ratio eft euidenti/Iima , quia vt excufeturmaritus ab homi- 
cidio vxoris adultcra: txinteruallo, non requiriturexadla^ 
adulterij probaticfedfupcrabundatvehemensadulterij fu- 
ipicio,vt decilum teftatur Sanfelic. di^a decif. 3^7. num.ij, 
hlosautem vcrfamur in fortioribus, quia nedum habemus 
vchementcs fufpiciones dcdudas per Teftes fingulares , fed 
alias etiara cxquifiteprobatas,im6 apcrtilTImas probationcs 
perFifcumdedudas, 

Pat urn obftante ^ quod Francifca prope mortem feexculpans> 
& Amafium j aflcrueritnil mali inrerceflifTe inter ipfosj quia 
huiufmodiexculpatio nimis.afFe<aatafufFragaretur> quoties 
antecedentcr fociuminculpalTet , & nuilo alio indicio eius 
inculpatio fuffulra cfTct ,& haeciuuaret focium non ipfanv . 
At poftquam de matrimoniali fide fra^a ex fupradi^is pro- 
bationibus conui<5ta remanet} abfurdum effetj quod exculpa- 

tio 



rxii 



tio faifla, vt honcfla mori viderctur tantjt cflfet cfficacix, vc 
probationes fuae turpitudinis abolere pofTec Marfil. inpraE}, 
§. rtfiat num. XZ'& i6. in fine Burfatt. conf. 201. num. 14. RU 
min- tun. con/.^ i o, num. 1 7. Farinacc. qu<tfi. 46. xrz^m. 72. , & 
quod horribilius eft> vt ex dida exculpatione occifor gra- 
uiuspunirecur. 
Crcdoj & fperare iiiuac eius animam in loco fcmpiterns falutis 
clfepofitam, medianceDiuino auxilio,dum tenipus habuic 
detcftari aateaifliin vitam, (cd nulluscordatus homo huda- 
re poterit eius Tefiameiicariam difpoSrionein,in qua eius fi- 
lium vix natum> & ideo innocentcm Patri occuhatum folum> 
vt audio in legitima > & cxcrineum nullo nexu affinitatis , 
feii confanguinitatisconiunctum inreliquahjBreditatc in- 
(licuit . 
Ex liis igitur patet adulterium Francifcar efic pleniffimj proba- 
tum } & proindc iuxta ctiam fenfum Fifci eiofdcm homici- 
dium, & (i ex interuallo pacratum non eftexpiabile poena- 
Vltimi Tupplicij, nedum ex lufto dolore corcepto , fed etiam 
quia honoris Ixiiofempcr viget iuxta illid Virgilij RneiA. 
hb. prima , 

Itternumferuansfub ptftore vulnuf . 
In nihilo refragante, quod non Occident vxorem,& adulterura* 
quos affequutus fuerac in Caupona Caftri noui ^immo cura- 
uerit corum carcerationem, quaii quod poft recurfum ad lu- 
dicem non potuiflet de fadto luum honorem vicifci . 
Quoniam loto Caflo ncgamus potuiffe aliquem iilorum interff- 
cere» quia vel citato itinere fefTuS) vtl agitatione mentis ita 
penurbatus, vt febii corriperetur , & vlrra quod pracfenferat 
duftum Ecdefiaftinum armisfulphureis e(repra;munitum»vC 
in ProcelHi fugae ipfe afTeniiti tempore fcilicet non fufpeAoj 
quia non adhuc commiflfa fuerant homicidia 76. 77. Erat inc 
fuper didus Ecclefiafticus terribih's , vc ex Tefte Fifcali 
fol.tSy. & ipfa Francifca fatctur Summ. noflro num. 2. lift. C. 
alias inquihcus pro cxoncratione Archibufiatae in Birruarios> 
vt ipfe aflerit 71. Et infuper nimis promptus> & difpofitus ad 
refiftendum, vt in Epiftol. 1 8. vbi loquens dc fomnifero pro* 
pinando domefticis addit ibi — £ /cpcr cattiua difgratia /<«_* 
fcoprijjerot ela minacciajjero dimorte-, aprapure laporta^ che a 
morirocon •voi^ oviliberaro dallshro mam — Vkoj: vero in- 

tc- 

[cxiii] 



ttmtii minaX) iraCA) & Furibundai vt eflPet^us demonftrauir, 
dum redaifto in pofle Curiae Ecclefiaftico coram Birruarijs « 
&Tcftibus aufa fuit cnle denudato irrucrc contra virunu » 
fluem defacilioccidilTet J nifi fuifTct imped itay^/. 50. ipfc-» 
vero inualidus, & iribus impar non potcrat vtrumque » vel 
jftorumalterumoccidendo vindidam fumcre enfc viarotio 
folumnicdo mftructusj curauit eius carccrationem in illa> 
confiifione animi,vt nonpotcns occidcrc euitaret continua- 
cionem turpitudinis,&h3c via impediret fucuraaJulrcria^ > 
imm6> queries octidcK potui(Tct>& non occidiffet effec lau- 
dandus; quiaaon adhoc pcrfententiamludicis notorium fa- 
dtum erat adulterimj de quo folummodo vrgebant fufpi- 
ciones . 

Quo vero ad recurfurn ad ludicem, quando aflirmari pofTet re- 
DunciafTcfaculcati occidendi vxorcm adulteram > quod ne- 
gamusjfupphco adjcrti , quod prudenter ie geflTir Tribunal 
collocando Francifcam in Monafterio , vt decentius > quam 
in carccre conucrraietur > & deinde vi^a atteftatione Medici 
de eius infirm itatc, nc ibidcftituta necefsarijs auxilijs rnore- 
retur, & fie fubiret in procedendo poenam, a qua vbiquc lo- 
corumreccdjtur » pcrmiuere attcutoconfenfu Domini Ab- 
batis Francefchini fiatris D.I nquifiti,vt penes Gcnitorcsde- 
poneretur cum cautiore dc habcndo Domum pro Car- 
ccre, 

Sed laudare nonpofsum cuifquis fnerit > qui curauit cuellero 
Francifcam a Monaftenofolfo commcnto infirmitattS) dum 
dccentius> & magis legitime poterat confequi iatentum vc- 
ritate patcfa(fla,ne«npcob pr2gantiam,8f vrgentcm vtcrumt 
fed id fn(5tum fuifse acn ob aliam caufam > ni(ii aut vt 
Domino Guidonifilius occultaretur $ dum lex pra^fumitfi- 
lium fuifse gcnituin alcgitimo PatrC) quamuis vxor fe prx- 
buifset incontinent cfTi, aut credens Francifca ex alio concc- 
pifsc) quam ex virc pro pofse palliauir eius grauidantiam . 

Placeat interim lUuftrjIIimo D.meo paulo vcrgere pculos Arc- 
tium , & parumpei canfiderare Dt Guidoocin infamia nota- 
tum>dum ad eius aures pcruenit dccretum eondemoationis 
aduitcri, adultera vfquc illuc fine poena 9 Dcfcieusob infir- 
mitatem fuppolitam nonpotuifse puniri^ & iq Puerperio (ibi 
deinduftriaoccuU.itoiucapacemerK:pQBa£> videos iniiiper 

Fran- 

[cxiv] 



Francifcam rcuerfam in rufpecli/firaam domum Petri,& Vio - 
lantis , qui inft:lJarunt inhoneftatcm Franci/cx, tjui cam rc- 
pudiarunt, & filiara mircrricis efse profcffi funt , perdidic 
omnem patientiam , vt licjuecexdirpo(itioncB!alTJ>/. 51S. 
tergo ibi - Mii di piul'haueua ripigltata in (a/a , dopo cbcgli 
ficrafuggita.-> hercheim I'hauejje meJJ'a nel MonaJJeroy qnx 
conuciCa in defperationcm coegit infeliccm virum ad tan- 
dem honcftun) else, ncc idco rccurfus ad ludiccm debet illi 
poenam augere, vc in pundloZ2ft/«. con/.i. num-j.-ver/./i Ma- 
rt tus oc cider it 'vxorem lib.^, 

Non negamus D. Abbatem Francelchinum dedifse confcnfum 
rcduetioni Trancircae ad domum Petri, & Violantis, vt Re- 
ligioni Domini mei FiiciAduocatiacqijielcam, fed ad funi- 
mum orctenusj quia in fcriptis ilium videre non potui ; Ve- 
rum in noftro propofito nonafficit D Guidonem j cum non 
liqueat foifse certioratum de tali confctjiu » & quatcnus Fw 
feus prxfumat fuilse cdodum ab Abbatc Franccfchmo ciiis 
fratre de dido conicnfu , coadi crimus affirmarc > vel I'cien- 
ti^ra non piaEfumi , vt infra oftendetur -, vel ad omne pcius 
adefse fcientiam frsfumptam , & non puto, quod ex lumif- 
modi prxfumpta fcicntia poflit irrogart poena mortis > & D. 
Guide condemnari , cum non fit dc dUti Icientia confefsus , 
vel conuidus cap. not in quemquam 2. qtidji, i. ibi — Nos \n 
quemquamfententiamftrrc non pvjjumui mji aut conuiHunL^ > 
aut/ponte confe(Jum » 

Imo fi D. Guido falsusefsetfciuifseconrenfum prxflitum a D. 
Abbaieeius fratre jCum tameniftae non haberccmandatum_» 
fpcciale, nee gcneralc ad lirestfedtantummodo ad rccipicii- 
das pecunias libi ablatasaPrancifca, vt videie cd/jl. 156. 
Exccdendo limitcs fu? facultatis exafperafset ipiius animum 
necnonFrancifcs, Petri , & Violantis temeritatc its. excan- 
duifsec infelix Vifj vt raperctur fere dixerim coade dd vm- 
diftam fumendam jquam diftulitquoufquc fpcin habuit di-- 
rimere matrimonium per crrorem pcrfonaf coiitracluin do 
Apicibus luris Canonici ignarus > qtiod fcilicet error quaii- 
tatisperfoni non reddit nullum matrimonium> fed error in- 
diuidui Tancred. de matritn. Itb.j. di/put.ii. numS. 

Ncc refert, quod Francifca tempore > quo occifa fuit j efsct fub 
iideiuilione de habcndo domum pro Carcere?quali quod cx- 
titifscc iub Prineipis cuAodia > quooiam quidquid fit G iiu 

Prin- 



[cxv] 



Principis odium inqulfitas Francifcam occidiTset, dum ta» 
men fuum honorcm reciipcrarc voluit) & maculam fujc jcfii- 
mationi inuftam detcrgerc ilJius fanguine , & fie ex caufa^ 
particulari, praidit^a afscrta cudodia non attenditur, nee de- 
lictum aggrauat vt in fortiori cafu de offendentc hahentcm 
faluum condudlum a Principe diftinguendo Ermat Farinacc. 
qud^.29. num. sS.& ante earn Mafcard.de probaf»coacl. i6i* 
rtuf». 1 8. <> 1 9. vbi quod fcieatia non prxfumitur . 

Praetcr qua m quod quandoloquimurdecuftodia intelligero 
debetnusdc publica, non dc dome priuata,vt in alia proba- 
nt, nee fatisfacit refponfiojqnod proccdcrct in ipfo cuftodi- 
to, nonautcm decuftodiam Violante, quoniam nefciorepe- 
rire probabiledifcrimen inter vnumque » cum vterque agat 
de effagienda poena , ncc maior ratio confiderari porcft iru 
vno» quam in 3Jio,im6 maiori excufatione dignus eft tertiusj 
qui huiufmodi cuftodias frangft, non probata fcientiajquod 
offenfus fub tali cuftodia exifteret, quemadmodum excufa- 
uit occidens Bannitus ignorans Rebannitionem Ma/card.de 
prubat. d concLiSi.num'ij.Farinacc.qUitJl.xo^.n.ii^, 

Si vltima poena non fit puniendus D.Guido ob Vxoricidiutru** 
eaderw ratione puniri non poterit ob homicidia Petri,& Vio- 
Jantis,quia eadem caufa honoris commifsafueruntitum quia 
ad illorum inftigationcm Francifca rcperijt Amafium » turn 
quia vt magis D.Guido vitupcrareturnon erubuerunt decla* 
rare Francifcam ex illicito coitu genftam fuifse in lucenu 
seditam per meretricem , quod multum derurpat honorern^ 
totals Domus , vt obferuat Gratian. di/cept. 865. num. 4, 
%> & 6. cuius filiae foJent matrem imitari » turn ciiaiiu 
quia, vtfupradixi, Inquifitus exarfit ) habita notitia do 
regrcfsu Francifcje ad eorum domum 518. tergo , ^/equen. 
& comprobat Alexander in fua confeffione 646. ibi — eht^ 
doueua ammazzare la Moglitt Secfra^ e Socero^ percbe detti So- 
cer» , e Socera teneuano mano al malfare allafiglia j egUface- 
uano i Rujfiani — Quod magis clarutt in fataii fcro > quo oc- 
cubuerunt,nam pulfaia Ianua,& ftatimac Violantcs audiuit 
charifiimum nomen Amafij > illico illam aperuic j & pacefe- 
cit, quod ni fallor remouet dubiura> quod Petrusj & Violan- 
tes non f grcferrentamores filiajj & Amafij . 

Hoc vnuni eft,quodautcompellimurfateri di(5los Coniuges dc 
Comparinis dedifsc Qouam caufam Ixfiuam honoris rect- 

picn» 

[cxvi] 



piendo earn dotnipoftquamdeclaraucrattt Hon cfse coruni^ 
filiani,& deaduJterioiUiusmanifefteconftabat, &proindc 
reccdcndum efsca poena ordinaria j vt bene Bertazzal. con/. 
4_J4. num. i J . 'verf. verum/umus . Quamuis iuftiis dolor con- 
ccptus rcmpcr cor prxmar, & ad vindidam ftimulct, vt prae- 
tcr in alia relates lofepbMeleinaddit, ad Guizzarell. dec.iB. 
fivm* 5. 

Autadhuc durafse, imo au6lam fuifse caufamiufti doIoris,quK 
fatis eft ad afserendiim homicidia dici incontinenti patrata, 
vt egregii in termini s Ruin.d.con/.i. num.j.poji med. verf. du- 
rante igitur tom.^- Honded.con/.io^.tmm, ^o.-vol. i . Bertazzol, 
d.cttif.^S'\' nnm. 1 5 . 'ver/. Pratena , lo/epb Melt in addlt. ad 
GizzarellJ.dec.iS,nu.^.&/eq. de Ponte depote/i.Proreg. ttt.i. 
S ^.num.i2. 

Cumqiie turn ex confef/ione Guidonis , turn ex confeHione fo- 
ciorum, turn denique tx tot probationibus io Proccfsi! rcda- 
dlisconrtet D. Guidonem moturn Hiifsc ad illos occidendos 
ex caufa honoriSjfruftra Fifcus prxtcndit ex alia caufa extra- 
neadelitfla commififsc, nam vc venimtatearnuliam ;iliafn«» 
caufamreperio, qua; honorcm nontangat, & vulneret j fi 
contemplcmuti quas D. Guide recenfetm Procefsu/^/. gS. 
97. Quod fcilicet pridit^i Coniugesde Comparinis cnraf- 
fent fugam Francifc^, quodque infidiati fuifseiu eius vitir , 
quod vnum fulficeret ad euadendam poenam ordinaria ito 
Bertazzol.con/.^l ^. c^ ^^^.Grammat. dec. 5. per tot. vbi te- 
ftantui- fuifse mitius punitum , qui occidi mandauit minan- 
tcm licer non pleneconftarctdc minis, vt patct«x 16. ver/. 
&y/djcatur fequitur Tcb. Notu conf. 109. nu.6. & funt Textus 
dart in l.prima C. quands ticeat "jnicuique ibi — Et morlent^ , 
quam mitiabatur excspiMt^^ id quod itttendebat incurrat, &-in 
l,/icu( allegas Cad leg.Cornel.de Sycar. 'ih\— Dubiiim non efi 
turn , qui mferend<e necis -voluntate pr*cejjerat iure ctefunu 
videri . 

Altera caufa deducla per Fifcum confiftit in lite mota fuper 
annullatione promilfionis Dorisi Super qua exaduerfo adhi- 
bita fuit omnis folcrtifiTima indago, & propterquam prasten- 
ditur in pf nas Conjhtutionis Alexandrina-, & Bannimentorum 
incidiffe 5 fed profe<5l6 labitur prcienfio, nam <i bene inrro- 
fpiciainusl, finediflicultate repcricmus huiufmodi Caufanu* 

non 

[cxvii] 



non efTc minus offcnfiuam Honoris, nam caufa ob quam Pc 
trusfc cximere tentaueratabobligationc prajflandi Dotctn 
promifTam ilia vnica fuit, quod fcilicctFrancifca non effet 
cius filia , fed incerti Parris* &Mfrctricis , an autem huiuf- 
modi declarrdio vulnercc aExiftimationcm Nobilis Viiij om- 
nisHomoagnofcet . 

Vtrumque fit huiufmodi pr^renfio locum fibi forsan vindrcaro 
potcratantequam vtfupra dixi habcrenturconfcffiones Do- 
mini Guidonis,& Sociorum, rune cni-n Fifcus porer.it eflTo 
ambiguus ex qua Caufa femoucre potuerit ad occidendum ; 
At poftquat liquet ex omnium confeffionibus caufara Hono- 
ris dedifle impulfum, & coinpulifte ad occidendum , vt Do- 
minus Guido affcrit fil.6jS. tet. ibi — £ dare alii medefimi 
delUferite inriguardo-, che It medcjimi mi haueuano tolto i'tio- 
nore-iche e ilprincipale '- Fruftraqucritur an obaiiam Cau- 
iam illos occiderit, quo circa cum de caufa Honoiis liqueat 
Fifcus nunquam potcrit probare illos fuiflfc occifos ex caufa 
iiris , & non Honoris , vt perneccfTe requirirur ad incurfuinj 
Bullae pr^diftff; vc in pnntXo Mando/. con/.6i.n.i.ad ^.Rota 
coram Puteo decij.^-j. <2^ 98. Itb. \ . 

Qua? etiam aptantur refpedu Homicidij Francifcje 1 qu? inren- 
rauit ludicium Diuortij, nam fi ob aiiam Caufam prarten- 
diffet fcpaj*ari» nee liquerct dcfua Inhoneftate > tunc vtiquc 
fadus eilct locus Alexandrine ; At cum Iccfus Honor caufam 
dedevit Homicidio longc vcrfamur extra terminos AlcKan- 
dnnae , alias adinucntus clTcr pulchcrrimus modus » vt impu- 
ne Vxores proftitueretiir , nam/i poftAdultcriaadmifTa in- 
ftituerenc ludicium fuper feparatione Thorircpcrirentturum 
confugium adcuitandas Mariti iufte iratas manus,&tuto 
redderenturClypeo Aidx Bullae, quamuis non obtentatumj 
diuortiura, fed obearum Inhoneftatcm ofFenderentur . 

Qualisp^na vltimi Supplicij co minus ingeri poterit contra D. 
Guidonem fub prfcextu > quod contra formam Apoftolica- 
rum Conftituiionum, & Bannimcnrorum Homines Armatos 
congefTcrit , nam quando etiam controucrterctur ; An liceat 
Viro congregate Homines ad occidendum Vxorem Adulte- 
ram, adhuc eflemus extra terminos Conftitutionum,quf lo- 
cum habent , quando Homines congregantur ad indetcrmi* 
natum malum) & malum fequtitum nonefijtonc cnim aptan- 
tur 

[cxviii] 



tur difpofitiones Bullares , at quotfes vniuntur Homines ad 
patranda dclifta, tunc eis fcquutis attenditur finis, ad quern 
Homines congregati fucranc > &illius poena indicicur , nee 
ampliiis qu^ritur de principio, hoc eftdeconucnticula, vt in 
alia probaiii, & addo aliud Votum Oram penes Deaf. poj?. z. 
vol. confil. Farinacf. vot.6i. num to. & ibi Adden. litt.A. in-t 
fine ■> vbipoftdifputatam quarftionem aflTcntibi— Sed certe 
prtenttffis non objlantibus inoc current i cafu non credo recedendum 
a rejolutione tctntorum virorum > quos credendum eji omnia.^ 
cum maturitaUt&prudentia cenfideyajjtt & refcripfije S.D.N. 
CltmentiVIlI. — Ec in fine additionis teftaturita fuitfe iu« 
dicatum in Camera Apoftolica de ordine di(fti Summi Pon- 
tificis > EartoL in I. nunquam plura num. io.jf.de Priuat, de^ 

ua. 

Quod etiam remanct comprobatum a Barinimentis Illunri(&mi 
Domini mei eap.Bz. vbi imponunt p^nam pro coadunatio- 
neHominumad malum finem , (i iileprauus finis fequiitus 
non fit, & nihil determina.nt vbi dclidum > pro quo Homines 
erantcoaccruati ficconfumatums quia hoc cafu poenje con- 
uenticulae cefTanr, fed ingericur folummodo p^na patrati dc- 
li<fli, vt lupra didium eft . 

Et quod congiegatio Hominum ad efTedum recuperandi di- 
gnitatem non cadat fub peenis Conftitutionum Apoftolica- 
rum penes Farinacc. conf.6'). num.66. 

Remanct tandem Armorum probitorum dclatio, quam & fi 
nonnulli DodtoresaiTerucrintnon cfTe confundendam cum 
deli(5io principal! , contraria tamcn Sententia crebriori Do- 
doium calculorecepta eft> quia attenditur finis > quetru 
principaliter Delinquens in incnte habutc > vt m noftris prf- 
cifisterminis Eartol.ini. numquam plura num.j. (^ ibi Ad* 
den. Ittt.C. jf.de priuat. deUa.-i^ ibi Angel. num.Z. cum ad- 
den. litt.B.pofi medium-) Bald in l.Aduerfus num.j. C. defur^ 
tis , Andr. Barbat. de Cardinal legat.^. quaft. num.26. > Maf- 
fil. in l.fi hi Rixa num."). ff. ad leg. Cornel, de Sycar. , d^ In I. 
-vnicanum.^/^.Cod. derapt.Virgiif.-i^in Prax. crim. %.Pro 
complcmentonum.^S. & poftquamplurimos lodoc. in Praff. 
enm. cap.-j-j. num.^. Andr. de I/em. tn Confiit. ft qms altquem 
de Percujf.tUtat.cum Armis tnfin. princfpy verf Jed prim a^ 
opinio videturverior-t Viu^eomm.optn, 'uerb. Stattttumpunienst 

Ber^ 



[cxix] 



Bfrtazzol. cor/, criminal, 510. num. i . Cepbal. conf. 204. ».4 j . 
^feq.ltb.2-F ■irinacc. quaft .it> num.10. Et in punclo , quod 
occidens ex caufa Honoris cum Armis prohibicis mjtius 
adhuc puniatur iudicatum tcftatur Matthteu.de Re crim.di' 
fla conlrou.ii. num.^6. & 47. 

Quod ctiam procedit in fortiori cafu plurium DelivSorum, quat 
pofTuntpatrari commode feparatimj &tenduntad finerru* 
diuerfum > nihilominus fi eodera tempore> & ad eumdem fi- 
ncm commitramur , vna tantum pf na principalis deliCi'i iiu 
mente habiti imponicur> vt volens committerc furtum (i 
tranfcendar muros Ciuitatis > quamuis illud potuiffet com- 
mitterc abfque dcliiflo tranfccnfionis, quod eft grauiffimum 
Tarinacc.qudtfi.zo. num.\:[6. adfauc vnica tantum pfnafci- 
lic^t furti punitur veluti principalircr habiti in mente paulo 
accrbiori pro tranfgreflionc murorum Ciuitatis, non tamen 
grauidima Jofepb, Luiouic. decif. Lucenf.6i. num'^. 'oerf.fi 
tvifofotent par.i.Farinac. quaji.iz. num.i^. 

Nonmcla:cC>quodBannimcnta llluftriflimi Domini mcif^/'.S. 
videintur dirimere qusftioncm difponendo > quod poena-» 
dclacionis Armorum confundi non debeat cum poena dclidi 
cum CIS commifTi » fed vkra , quod Bannimenta non com- 
prjebcndunr aliqucm cx Socijt vri forenfes , & nondediftri- 
<au> cum tamen pafliuamiafcrprftationetn rccipiant a luro 
communi> quoties Arma def^rantur non ad malum ffnem, & 
cleindcaUquoddcJi(5iumcamtniitatur cumeis* quia DeJin- 
qucns non hahuit in mentc ddi^rturr), quod patrauitj tunc dc 
Vtroque punitur,quia diuerfo rcmpore diucrla criminacom- 
snifit* atquando quisaniinooccidcndiarma prohibita de- 
fcrar, & exinde occidat, tunc attenditur principalc delictum 
Homicidijj cuius contemplationc Arma geftauit » & Homi- 
cidij poena imponiJur,non tutem dclationis Armorum, vt in 
puni^o Cic diftinguendocomprobat lo: de Plat, in %. Item lex 
Juliail2,infinever/./edquero Anjialiquislnjiit. de public, 
ludie. 

Suppiicoaduerti,quod Facijusj dequoagitur, redditur con- 
iiderabilc , quia tres nil nwli timeotcs, fed vndcquaqueti- 
mere dcbentctceciderunt , twn ob genus Armorum, quibus 
c«fifunt» & fie corum Humerus non Inftrumentum mortis 
cxcicauit admiratiouem » &idein pro certofivirec H longii^ 

Hmis 



[cxx] 



funis enfibus , vel Biculis, vd Saxis occuhuifTenr » quo circa 
duriffimum e/Tet, quodFifcus excandefcac Homicidi;s»& 
pro illis non potens cxigcre po?nam mortis j exigac cam prq 
delatione Armorum . 

PrjBterea D. Guido ncgac exprefse adhibuiflTe, d^rulifre>aut rcr 
tinuiffc arma reprobate menfur^, & licet a quaiuor eiusSo- 
cijsafleratur tempore Homicidiorum habuiflfe prxmanibus 
hrcuemculrrum J & fimile armorum Genus dedifTeSocijs, 
non tanicn ifti poiTunt ilium conuincere ad poenam ordina-^ 
riam , vtbenedifcutata materia, & confutatis pontrarijs fir*? 
mant Fari». quift- /^^.num.y6. iuaffo num. 69. &/eq. Guaz.' 
zin. defefi/,^2.cap'8. num. 5 . verjic.^ua opmisnssper tat. Angel, 
de cnnfeffilib.^>quaft'i9Jium. 14. 

Non negat penes fc habuifTe Terzarolum vndiquehonufturnL», 
[cdi ilium in occidendo non adliibuic nee ad occidendttni-» 
gcftabat, fed folummodo ad fe defendcndum> quoties in do- 
mo prajdida inuenjlTet extrancos paratos ad vjm inferenda , 
idque fibi petmifTum fuit ftance ampla faculcate deferendi 
hqiufmodi genus Armorum per Srafum Eccicfiafticura » & 
addere audacler poirera etiam in Vrbe,quia de Vrbe ibi nui« 
la fit mentio , quamuis excipiantur nooaulla loca ex verifH- 
mo axiomate, quod exceptio firmac regulam in non exce- 
ptisj Alex, con/.6/^.num.z.lib,^.Surd.con/.^lo>nu,'].lib»^. Gra- 
tian. difcept.forenj, cap.^ii.num.'^ i. 
ue faciliiis (ibi iiccre> prederc poterat , quia in Vrbefexca- 
bant eiiis hiimici , & hie minabantur , ac infidias ftruebant , 
vt ipfe D. Guido dicit> & ideo magis erat neceflaria hie de- 
latio fimilium armofumj quam alibi . 

Nee rekuat., quod ex quo appenfate prstcndituroccidifseei 
fuffiagari non dcberct licencia deferendi Arma , nam vltra^ 
qnod ex iupra dedudis •> & in alia homicidia praediAa ftante 
caufa hpnoris nequcunt dici ex interuallo patrata j Obiedu 
proccderet quoties vfusfuiiTetdidtis Armisad occid€ndura> 
fed ijs non adhibitis non videcur pof se dici non fuffragari fa- 
cultatem. In omnem cafum quamui; de Turn mo rigorclo-> 
quendo poflct dici armatus dd. armis occidifse, non camen 
poena rigorofa mortis efset puniendus CahaU.refol.crimn. 
caf. 90. num. 7. ibi -- Nunquam tamenvidi defaiia in his ca- 
/ibus d. condemnationem vita fxequiy/ed ex gratia in mitiorem 
committari. De- 



[cxnj 



Idq 



DetnJim nee ex qua artitit homicidi/s commiflds per Socios 
cum Arwis prohibicts poceft dici incidiTse in poenam prohi- 
bitioniS) quia huiiifmodi poena j quae locum habct in adhi- 
bcnte dd, Arma , non fe exrcndir ad Socios, & afliftentes ■, vt 
in puivf^o Merlin. Pignaftclt. cuntr.forenf.cap./^'j.n.ii.cent.i. 

Nonloquorde Dominico, & Francifco, quia ifti duo vln'mi 
rcluti forenfcs non ligantur noftris Bannimentis , pro omni- 
bus ramcn militant omnia > & /ingula fundamcnta pro rai- 
norationc poena? , quar militant pro Domino Guido.K jcuna 
acccfToria non iudiccntur ad imparia cum principali > vt in^ 
alia oftendi, non affcrendo fimplicicer Authoritaicm vnius > 
velahcrius Do<^oris » fed Decifioncs Supremorum Magi- 
ftratuum , & banc Senrentiam feruari in Pra(5lici ceftatur 
Clar. §. Homicidiumfub num <i i, 

Cftcrumenixc (upplico, vtllluftriflfimo Domino meo benigna 
frontCj ac fercnis oc«lis perpcndere placeat, quod Dominus 
Guido occidit, vtcius Honor comulatus in infamia refurgc- 
ret . Occidit Vxorcm, quia illi fuit opprobrio ■> & iljius Ge- 
nitores^qui poftpofita omni verecundia filiam repudiarunr> 
& declararenon crnbueruntclTeMeretricis genitam ^ vt ipfe 
dehoncftaretur, cuius mencem pcruertcrunt -, & ad illici- 
tos Amores non pcilcxerunr dnmraxat> Ccd vi obedicntia? fi- 
lialis cogcrunt . Occidit ne fcilicet amplius in dcdecorc vi- 
ucret Confanguineis inuifus , a Nobilibus notarus , relidus 
ab Amici$^ab omnibus dcrifus. Occidit in Vibe nempo, 
qua: alias fuit fpeftata Nobilem Matronam abiucre maculas 
pudicitix proprio faaguine , quas ipfa inuira, & reiudanto 
filius Regis impegit , morte propria alterius culpam , & vio- 
lentiam expiando Valer. Maxim, lib.6. cap.iJtum. t . Tit. Liu. 
lib. I. Htftor. Et quae viditpjtrcm vndcquaquc impuncrnj* 
& non iliaudatuin fe poliucntcm Parricidio filii > ne ra- 
iperctur ad ftupra Valer. Maxim, vbi/npra rtum.z. Tit, Liu. 
ib. $. Hiftor, tanci ilii cordi fuit ammittendi Honoris 
fufpicio » vt potius volucrit orbari filia, quam illaince- 
detet inhonefta , licet non fponte . Occidit in propria^ 
pomo , vr Adultcra » eiufquc Parcntes confci; agnofccrcnt 
nullum locum » nulluraquc afylum eflTe tutum , & impcne- 
trabilem Honori lajfO) neue ibi continuarentur opprobria,& 
Domus quas turpium Tcftis fuit* elTet & pj n«. Occidit, quia 

alio 

fcxxii] 



alio modononpoterat ejus afxifllraatio Ixd tam enormftef 
ducere cicatrices . Occidit vc exemplum prieberer Vxonbus 
Sacra lura Coniugij religiose effe feruanda . Occidic dcni- 
que, vt pro pofle hciieftus viueret, fin minus proprij Hono- 
ris offcnfi commiferancla vi^imti cadcrct . 
Quale &c. 

H. de Archangclis Pauper urn 
Procurator . 



[cxxiii] 



lllujlr'ifi, ^ Reuerendifi. D% 

Vrbis 

GVBERNATORE 

In Criminalihus . 

Romana Homicidiorum . 

PRO 

Domino Guidone Francifchino, &So- 
cijsCarceratis. 

c o 5Y, r i^ A 

Fifcum. 



Noua FaBl^ (^ lurh DominiTrocu- 

rator'n Pauperum , cum Summario . 



ROM^ 5 Typis R. Cam. Apoft. 16^8. 



[cxxiv] 



Romana Homicidiorum. 
Ill'"'' ScReu,'"' Dnc C 0"^^"-"" ^- g-- 

Dominici Gambafftni , Francifci Pafquini , & Alexandri Bai- 
defchicius fociorum func nulla? » proptercajion attcndenda'> 
ciim fcilicet eminaueriiu metu rigorofi Tormcnti Vigilio: 
eifdcm imu(}e dccreti. Bertaz-zol.conf.crtm.^^i.nu.-ii.Giurb.. 
con/.S.ttN.ig.Heff.ftlic.aliegaf. \o6.num,i, Mattheudere 
Crimin, confrou,%j* nu.26. &: id quamujsipfi in eifdem Coa- 
feflionibus forrafsc adhuc pcrfcucrcnc Faul, de Cajir, conJiU 
275. nu.i. vol.1. 
Vt cnim diccbamuf in priccerita ex gratia reaffumcnda , Confli' 
tutio/a. me. P»uli V. cdita fuper Keformatibne TribunaJium 
Vrbjs , qu« eft in ordine /<» 7 1. tit. de tudic. Criminal, qui cji 
S. 10. num.^o. to. ^.Bullari^ n^ui pag. 198. mandat hocTor- 
aieotum non inferri niCi duobus copulatiud concufrencibus, 
alc«ro,quod Reus (it grauatuslndicijs vrgcntidimis . aJcero> 
quod delictum fit atrociffimum » & de praxi tcftantur Doifo- 
res altegati in di^a mtA Informxtiane §. ^uatenus vera 
fifaut. 
Nequevcro fuffragar? poCTunt aflferrae facultates huius Tr/bu- 
ntlis » quia qualefcumque ilia; fine > non habent iocum , nzii 
in deli^is poena mortis puniendis D. Raynnld. -ibferu par.i. 
fap.^. S. r. ad terttum num. 1 2 1. &feq vbi racionem reddiCj 
quia quaiido Reus non eft damrvandus ad mortem » pro ha- 
bendaab eo Confeffione » non eft cxponcndus Tortncnto 
quod porcft iliamcaurarc, proiic fere caufauic Alexaodro, 
qui per duas vices in eodeix) Tormcnto lerhaliter defccir. 
peli(flufn autcni » quod fmt imputarutn Domino Guidoni , &• 
{oci)s » & quod ipli confaffi (bnr non eflTe primi , ncc rtcundi 
generis late faicprobatJoi in prprerita i Er quidem cum Do- 
minus Guidofiieritmocus ad occidendum^fiucoccidi Facic!]~ 
dum Franc ifcam Pompiliam Vxorem , Petrum, & Viobntcm 
Socros excaufa honoris > fcilicet ob Adultciium, quod ditiia 
Francifca Ponipilia commi/it confpiranribusj& adiuuanribuj 
ali/s, ifta releyat a posna mortis non foliim ipfum iuxta Tex- 
tus •> df Do^oref alleg itos rndi^a Informations §. Hocjiante 
Cumfej.iun^is $. prddi&is nuUatenuS:, & %.feq, 

A Veruin 

[cxxv] 



Vcrum & Socios ex lio&oribui pariter allegatis in di&a IttfoV' 
maiiofie %. qu£ dicta funt cum fribut feqq. quibus addj pof^- 
funt Biild.in I. prima itifecunda kflura num.i6. in fine-, Cod. 
vndcvi-y & in cap. deCiCtero^ num.^. verf. fed pone de J'ent. &■ 
re Judic. loanti. de Anatt. in cap. final, nu.i. verf. ijltimo pro 
amplioriide Raptor. Incendiar.^c- Roman-ia I. prima-, %yfa^ 
fru&uariusynum. ^I'jf- deeper, nou. nunciat. Marfil. in lege 
vnica nu.i^. ^ duobusjeqq. C. de Rapt. Virgin . Gabriel, con- 
fil.iyo. »u.3' ibi ; Etmulto minus debent morte hi affidi quia- 
citm infpeHa opmione hominum communi fabritium excufet d 
gr atti or i poena iuftus Dolor. I. graccus » Cod. de Adulter, etiam 
huquiab ipfovocatiiC^ adduBifunttdebentfimiliter excufari: 
^nu.i^. lib. I. Alazzol. confil.'^'j, num.18, Vacchin. conf, 56. 
fium.2 2. lib. 1. Alex. Rauden. var. cap.j.num.s. Grammaiic. 
fuper Conflit. Regni fi Maritus > qua efllih. j. rubr. de pan. 
yxor- in Adulter. depnehenf. num. 1 2 . pag. 1 09. Mattheu de re 
Crimin. contr.ix. i^u./^i.cumfeq. Viu.decifigj, nu.26. 

Ab(qur CO , quod in prajfcnci ampliiis opponi polfit , quod do 
Caufa honoris non conftet* quia decrctura Condemnato- 
rium Canonici Caponfacchi pio dido Adulterio cmanatum 
in hoc Tribunal! die 24. bcptembris proximo prxtcriti^Sc 
quod datur per extenfum in Summario num.S. rem fa^ it cla» 
ram , & manifeftam caf. Vejlra^ S- quibufcumque , verf ctete- 
riitn aliud eft ^t^ cap. qutejttum de Cohabit. Cleric, c^ Mulier, 
dicirur enim ibi: lofeph Maria Caponfacchio de Aretio pra 
Complicifate infuga , c^ deuiatione Francifca Comparing , ^ 
cpgnitione Carnali eiufdem » Relegatus per'triennium in Ciui- 
fate Vetula : Nee ifta verba dici poflunj Titulus Caufae > qui 
ron facitquemquam Reum, vt fupponic Dominus mcusFi- 
fci Aduocatus , fed ipfummet Decrerum , fiquidcm Titulus 
Caufs a me vifus in ProcefTu originali fuit is > qui fcquiiur : 
Aretij in Efruria fug£ a viro . 

Intantumvcro didusCanonicus fuic condemnatus dumtaxac 
in didam poenam , quia ipfe erat forcnfis , & deliquerac ex- 
tra Aatum , quo cafu debuiflet folum dimirti cum exilic. Fa- 
rin, quafl.j. nu.j. verf. fed quid erit faciendum in fine, 

Ncc vcrum eft , quod fuerit recclTum a dido dccrcro , ininufq; 
de mandata illius moderatio ) nil enim aiiud habcmuS) quam 
<Iuod > vtaliqualiter indulgeretur alTerca: adhiic honcftati 
Mulieiis } & decori didi Canonicij pro quibus acriier>& in- 

ccfiTan- 

[cxxvi} 



ccffanter vrgebit D. PrCourator Chariratfs comm defenfor, 
in mandate de cxcarterandoloco vcrborumdi(fti Dccrcti> 
fuerunr adhibita alia — Pro caufa de qua in atlis — q'ja? v(iq; 
non important pra^ccdentiuCorrcdtionerajfed imo viitua>cai 
cmnium Adorum , J!i confequenter etiam eiufdem Decre- 
ti InfcrtJonem vuigata Uaffetotc ff.dc h<tnd.lnjiit.-,cum alijs 
perParif.conf.iot.n.'^'jAiii.i.Rot. coram Priolo decif./^i^.n.^. 

Eoq; magis ciim disflum Decrcrum immurari ntc notuiflct vtra- 
quc Parse non auditaj vt ipfemer memini t\iil>e refponfonu 
cide D. Procurarori Inftanti pro di^a vciodcxzi\u\c per Clojf. 
in l.diuerfa. Cod deT'rafi/jff.BarioLin l.a^averjTertiam^ 
tpinionem > Cod dc Re ludicai. 

Sed ad qnid modo ii.Oilcre in pi a mifHs , diim ex rot Cmtifque 
in praffcnci dcdu'i>is,& optime more folitoponderatisper D. 
cr.cum Procuratorcm Paupcru ( quajqmdcm hie non lepcco 
procuiranda Inutili fuperfluitatej concludenrer adco <:on- 
iiit de dido Adnlrerio , & Vircriori erianv Inhoneftatc i\i:\x 
Mulictis , vr nuUus rcm3neat dubitandi locus de Caufa ho- 
noris 5 qu£ vere impulit D.Guidoncm ad delinqueudunj;Iui- 
ficcretcnim » quod hutuimodi Caufa vcnficareturctianij 
poftquam ipfc Dcli^um commifit > v£ in puntito confuluit 
Bertax,z.ul,ionf. Crifnirs./^i. HO. i.^vtatfcu. deTC crinuconir. i 2» 
num. 1 5 .&feqq.Dend.conJuit.g'j.num.i6 in fine Muta dccSi^ 
eil. 6 i.fiufn. 12. Dexari.decSardifs 5 num.i'y. 

"VlreriiiS non eft opus modo infiikre in pra:miflis,quia D, Gui- 
do Caufam honoris,& quidem refpicicntcm non folum vxo- 
rem, fedipiofmetSocros cxprcfTtt in fua ConfcHlonc praefcr- 
tim fol. 98. ibi — Di pot ejucctfja lafuga cost obbrobriofa fion 
Job alia Ca/a mla , che e Nobile , ma anc . a quella di qual/i-. 
uoglia anche Verfnna Vne , U qaalfugafece di notte umpo col 
Canonico Capofi/accbii e CompagniyU quale in progrejjo , eht^ 
fit accompagriAiii ntUa fuga dal Vntorino in cali[fefu ve- 
duta dal medcmo VisturtUG dare bagi^O' abiira::iamctiti al 
JudettoCunamcOjdi poi ho hauttta noua , che dor/nirno t*sfie\ 
meinVoligtiQ neirojhrla deiiapoJUtdipoi jn Cajislnouo j d 
JegTto tale , she refta conuinta ptr Aduitca nonjolo per quejlo 
ecceffo, md con altrifie»ili , chs hbfetttito di poi habbia facto in 
Are zzo con alt re Perfone — fol. 672. a tcrgo , ibi — £ tichief- 
tolu detto Santi-,fe hdueffe vol/uto accudire difire v» ajfronto 
alit Compariniacaufa dclVbotior mio , e ddl'ln/tdie > che fic;- 

[cxxvn] 



uanofopra all* mia viia ? gU fifpofe H detSo Alefandro > che P 
kauefehbefafiOf ef(f»/p bifognaio qualchgd*'on altro ■> I'haue- 
r.ebhe tronato^ondc dops alquanti giofni mi iapite in Ccfa Bia- 
gto alsre uolts nsmnatoin Compagaia delcimtoSsntiycmi di/" 
/^i cbf ancbe lui baunebbe accudifOi trattandojlfpecialmenic^ 
di materia d'honordy e dimachina di wfar'& fol. 678. ibi — 
* mentrs ci tratuvcjamo mila vignafudett/t 5 cioe nella Qafu 
ditjfa-iji difcorfs di diuerfd coffiB preci/arnenie di queiloy ebz^ 
^ douettafare ' me deWaffronso difar/t alU Csm^arini •, cioe 
Fietrot VwlaAtes e Framefca mia moglie^e di dare alii medemi 
delUferite in riguardo , ebe li medemi mi baueuano tolto i'bo- 
ftofCi ehe e U principale » '^ anccT» mHn/idiauano alia vita — , 
Zc fol.68^. a tcrgo in fine ibi — ^ Bauerei da dir tantt 5 cbeji 
potrebhifcriuerejim a domattinajquando nioUsfi raccorttan.^ 
tutti g"'' aggrauij^efpefsy che ho riceuute da i Comparini/udet- 
ti J fna tmto que/lo non importaua niemte j je mn mi hauejjero 
tociato neWbonoret & Infidiato alia vita -•« & fol.684. ibi — 
Come i ebe Santi difopra nominato era mio Lauoratore nello-* 
mia villa di Vitsiano,i^ irtconfeguenza Jnformato di tutti gli 
aggrauyiCbe haueuo riceuuti dA detti Comparinii& ancora ba^ 
ueua Informations deWjfidisentis/Smafugaprefa/t da mia mo- 
giie fieila forma altremffe detsa-^/ies/Tbl difo di frouarmijcon- 
Jbrme mi trouo it nominato AXeffandro ad ijfettot che niipotejfo 
acsudire in eusntv j che io bauesjivelfuto vendicare il mioho- 
fiore 5 e Vlnfidte 3 the fi foceuano alia mia vita — & fbl. 699. 
ibi— ^y« da me arriaatain Caftelnouo son il Canonico Capon- 
faschi-j douefurono arrejiati dd/birri, epofcia eondotti in que^ 
fis Carceri-i ejjageral piu volte nil Tribunale I'eccejjo del Par- 
te fuppojio -i actio fiveniQe dpunireeoBoro 5 md ionen bauendo 
tnai vedutOi cbefidapyejo ejpediente fopra vn ajfare di tanta 
import ant.a all honor miofonjlato quafinecesjitato a. prender' 
Tie qualcbt refolutione per yicaperare quell' honor e-,cbe con tan- 
ta Infamia li Campari ni medemi haueuano riuerhepata in miL^ 
La loro Ignofmnia ■»& fol.720. ibi— e quello , che disji ad Ale- 
jandro, Biagio^? Domenico , lo dis/f ancora a Vrancefco in oeca~ 
fione-, che il medemofopendo gli aggrauij-^che io haueuo riceuuti 
neirhonore-i ?ni/i ejfibi difore vnfmacco alia ftomindtamia^ 
moglie, & io ali'ora gli r/fpOjS, che non merit aua lofmaccOimd^ 
hen/ila morte . 

Huiuf- 

[cx.xviii I 



Hujufmodienim Confe/Hoaccirpearf debet cufM fua qualitatc, 
quam non poteft Fifcus fcinderc, & ab j|la fcparare ex vuiga- 
ta Theorica Bari, in L Aareiut , § itemquasijt -^ff. de liberty 
leg. Faritt. con/. 6-j. num. §. ^ conf. 1 87. num. 5 . 0' qu^Jl.Z i. 
-num.i^j' Vertnigl. conf. 282. 7:.^. Guazin. def lo. cap.j. «.j. 
Cb" defenf.^i. cap.^^. num.i. -verf. fed cofttrarium , & num. 2. 
Matfheu de Re Crimia. contr. 1 8. num.60. Triuifan. decf. 46. 
?;mot ^i.lib. 2. vbi quod diftindlionts j qua; folentabaliqui- 
busafferri,proceduntin Ciuilibus,nonauteniifi Criminali- 
b\is J Sperel. desf 6^' num. 16.^ decf. toZ. num. ^S.^ d^cf. 
156. num. 27- Rof. coram Merlin, decf. 105. num. 2. c^in re, 
cen.decfiOQ. num.<).par.i ^. i^ decf. ^j. num. •ult.par.ij. 

ladubitanter quando > proiu in prsfcnti ? agitur ad effc(itum pu- 
nicndi pxnaordinaria ^quidquid lecits dici poflTctfecundutn 
aliquos ad cftcctiira infligcndi extiaordinanam, Abb. in cap. 
auditis-, num. ^2. verf.putat tamen^ de prxftript. Vermigl.conJ» 
315. num.6. Bertazzol. conf. crim.zj.n.i.lih, t. ib-con/.n^i^g. 
ztu>n.SQ.& J I. O' corf. d')0. per (of. lib.z. Farm. qu^^.Si.per 
iotam , & prtccipue num iiz. t^ i^j. Gomgf. var. refol. tit. de 
hoii'.ctd. cap.^. Mum.iS. Feller. verL ^ /i conjlfebuntur , n.4.6. 
Ludou. decf. Lucerf. \ 9. per tot am 5 ^ p?acipue num. 1 2. vbi 
Conclulioncm extendit ad omnes quaiificatas Conteffioucs 
in quouis gencre Dclidtorura . 

Frarfcrtlm quando , qualicas aliunde non foliitn admi- 
niculaiur > led concludenter iuftificatur i Vermigl, 
row/. 2 8 2. num.12, conf^^i. num.j. Cmac. contr.S^T. num.j, 
fartnacc. qu<g/}.ioj. num.i$j. Angel, de Confejf. lib,^. quaih 
ri.num. 24. Vltra cnim didum Decrettim >& alia fuperiiis 
animaducria habemus focios Criminis exprefsc deponentcs 
fc fqiife reqnifitos a D. GuidonC ad vna cum ipfo deiinqocn- 
dutn ex prxdicta Caufa ligna liter iJ/^/Jw^ Agojlinelliful.^ 16. 
ibi — quale Sig. Guido mi racconto . cheglifi era fuggj^ta la mo- 
glie con vn'Abbate-, e che gli haueua portate via denarii e gioict 
menandomi nella (ianza ■> doue gli haueua leuate dette gioie , e 
densri^ e mi dijfe , che lui 'Ouleua venire d Roma ad ammazza- 
re la fua mtglie-^ e voleua-, che io , e ditto Aleffandro fojjimo ve- 
nuti con luh&c. &fol.^ ij,ihi--& in tale occu/tone del to Sig. 
Guido mi difje 5 che la fudettafua moglie per fuggire ficura- 
mente con ditto Abbate , (^ accio , che lui non fe nefujfe accor- 
tOf haueua mejfo I' cppionelvint per iaCena per Jar* addar^ 

A 3 meH' 

[cxxix] 



trtenfare hi co7i tutti > e che litigaua con il juo Socero > ^yalt^ 
non JulobMieuAgiurato ■) che detta fua rnogiic nun fojfe di lui 
figlia ,m.i di piii HjaueuA npigliafa in Caja, dopo, chegUfi er* 
tMggitii-,bencbeluil'hJiuefp mejfA »el Munajhro, dupotchfl'ar- 
riuo in Cajldnouo nella fuga , - dr Alix^ndrum Baldcjchi ftl, 
2 J. ibi — detto Sig Gnido alia prefe nz,:t r/jia , com( d: Biagio > 
di France/co > e di L>omenico , <^Cy dijfe , che /i diuiu^ amm^z.- 
zare la /«.» Donna , cioeUfua Moglie , chejiauA qui in Rom* 
Mcaujadi ricomprare I'onore , c^' anchetl Padfe , e la Madre 
dt detta Ju<-i moglie y pen he tenejpro m.ino a det:a fu* moglie 
ai torto y che git face an nell'honore > f cf Al- 6^').ter. ibi -" 
ci diffe anche alia pre/enza del ^^ignaroloxhe /tdoutua amniAz., 
Zire la Mollis , // Suocero-,elii Suucera , perche detti Suocero-, 
e Suocem teneuano mano al mal fjre alia figUa > e gli faceua- 
no It Ruffiani , e perche anco diccua detto Guido^ che detti gen- 
ii J che jidoueu.mo Ammaz.z.are > -voleuano fare ammazz,are.^ 
Itii , cioe ejjo Guido . 
Caulani aut£- honoris cxciudere no valenr atreflationes eorum, 
qui allirtcntia prxbucrunt Francilca: Pompilix vfq; ad obitum 
iuper declararionc ab eadem tada dc numquam vioiata fide 
coniugali ; quia funt fimpiices fides cxtraiudiciales, qu« non 
taciunc fidem ,CyriaCcCofttr.6i. num6. ^ contr.%%^. nu.66. 
Rot.rec.decif zgo. num.z.in fin. par. ^. 
Praslertim cum tucrint cxtortx , & emendicata; pendente Iite,& 
parte non citaia per Harredemciufdem Francifcx Pompilic 
ad cuitaodas vcxationcs Monaftcrij Conuertitarum prstcn- 
dentis fuccelTionero ex caufainhoneftacissquodqucpropterca 
lequcftrari 5& iudicialiccrdelcribi fecit omnia bona h.Krcdi- 
tariaeiufdem , Roland, con/.^o, num.'), lib. i.Ciriac d. contr. 
61. tium.6. Rot. recen. decif.^ 23. num.'\. ptr- 2. <> decif. 2 2 u 
num.\^.par.i6. 
Maximc cutnaiiqiiiexTcftibus vt fupra dcponcntibus fint lu- 
gatarijciufdem Francifca:- Pompilii' , itaiit ipii dcpofuerinc 
ad proprium commodum ; lubliftenre cnim inhoncftate bo- 
na deuoluercntur ad di(Sum Monaftcrium > & conlequcnrcr 
ipli remanercnt cxclufi a fuis legatis , /. nullus jf. de Tcjiib, 
I. omnibus C.eod, Cra<iett.conf.<)g. num.2. & conf.i 12. nu.io, 
Bertaz.zol.co]if.crimin.6o. num.S. lib.i. 
Etquateniis fidem facercnc , huiufmodi dechratio ad nihilum 
delciuirct, quia nemo prxfumiturvelle detegcre propriam 

tur- 

[cxxx] 



turpltudinem) vt in his tcrminis TcPpondin Rot. diuerfpar.^, 
d(ctf. 276, num. 4- Et Cicuti non fujflct credcndum ipfi met 
Francifc^ Pompilia? prsfcrtim extra iudicium ,& fire lura- 
inento dcponenti,F«//fr. inpraSlte.verb. ^ /iconfitebuntur 
in 2. par. ^.partis principalis rtum. g-ili^feqq. cumaiys addu- 
Ois per Farinacc. quaft,^^. num.23, ^^^j & mulco minus cre- 
dcndum vCnir prffdiCtis Tcflibus nc plus fidci adhibeaciir 
cxcmplo, quamoriginali 'vulg.cap.frattrnitatitdeharettc. 
Farinacc. quajl. 69. wftWJ.85 . Cyriae. controu»2i o.num.g* 

Kcc valet dici, quod nemoprje/umaturimmemor falutis arter- 
nx i quia necomnespraerumunturcflc S.Ioannes Baptift3,vt 
dicit Bald, in fit. dePac- Conjlattt. vtrh. Vajfalli il prima iru-t 
iv/ibus feudorum-, prajfertim vbi agiturdcpr^iodicio tcnij ; 
BartoLin l.fiquis %.fi quis morions jf. ad Senat Conful Syllan.y 
Inforrioribus tei minis Mar^l.in pra{}.% "RefiatnHm.iz.,^ 
l6-in fin. Bertazzul.conf ■critnin.i'^^.nu pr.lib'pr. Prat. refpo»f. 
trim- 23.fl. ^T.i^/eqq.^Rouit/uperpragmat.Rf^n.tit de rectpc. 
delinquent pragmat>6.num.').Farinac.d.qute/i./^3.num.2^.cum 
duobjeqq. &quteJi-^6.n.'j2.Hyeromm.Laurent.dec!f.Auemon* 
I'y.num.iC.iunflonum. 8.»e6magis quando agiturad cfFedu 
grauiiis puiiitndi eiufdc declarantis inimicumi Mafcurd.dt-» 
probat Concl. i^^Mum-^-t ^/eqq. 

Sub/iTlcnte itaq; Caufa honoris hjI prorsiis officit, quod d'xStxj 
homicidia fucrint comiflfa ex Interuallo iuxta latifllime fir inn» 
ta in pranerita §. necverum ejl-^ vfqiad § pradi&is nulUtenusy 
vbi oflenfum fuit hanc efl'e communifSmam Dodorumopi- 
nionem •, & iuxta illam pafsim ludicari non i'oliim in Sacra.. 
Conlulta , veriim etia in omnibus alijs Tribunalibus Mundi) 
vtbcDc animaduertit Afattheu allegatus in diifia pra^tcritij 
de Re Crimin.controu. 12. K//W.70 1^ 2 1. 

A qua quidem opinione in pra:rcnti recedi nequitcx eoj quod 
D. Guido vxorem non occiderit in adu dcprahentionis ciuf- 
dem in fuga ciim Amafioi quinimocontentus fuerit illam^ 
dcfcrre ludici vti Adukeram j quia ciim tunc d nonfuerit 
tutum illam occidere (quia ipfe eiat folusj ilia autem in lo- 
cieratc didi Amafi; luuenis fortis , /Ireoui , armis muniti, &: 
delinquere foliti; & quod magis eft prompti, & parati ad rc- 
fiUcndum nc amata Amarillis cidcm rapcretur , quemadmo- 
dum & ipfa prompta fuir , & paraca ad Impedicudum cnfo 

A 4 ctiam 

[cxxxi] 



ctiamcapto, &dcnijclat«j vt diie(fiu«Mittil!usnoaoffendc- 
retrr) non proptcrea ccnfcri debet cidem pepercilTe, & Iniu- 
riam remiiifTc, (ed cO^ ne aufugerct in longmquiores partes* 
fine fpc debits vindidse* iuftus, &repcotinus dolor tunc illi 
confulucrit earn arrcftari facerc per birroarios, vt cum prima 
coromode pofTct iilam occiderct«peruenta poftraodum com- 
tnoda occafioncjfi iilam occiditj reputari debet? ac (i incon- 
tinenti camdem oecidifTcj in pundo Ruin.conf.z, num.7''ver'f. 
ft mart fits oicideris vxorem lib,^ . Giurb.conf^e. num. j g.verf. 
fie maritust& num-z i,i Io.Trans.de p0»i,con/.9S.ffum,2^.i^ 
feqq. 'vfq; ad nu.^$.voLpr. rtpetit.fubtus dectfionem Sanfalic. 
^■^f.num.%i''i&Jeqq'Vfq;adn.^Q»Fraf,refpotif.crim.i').n'-ii.-t 
^Jcqtf. Cabrer. demtt. lib. 2. cap. 45. num. i ^.> verj, Celebris 
fuceedit ^ufjiiot fjf -verf, rcalis eft, Pafchal. de pair, pot eft. par* 
pr. cap. 5 .fub num.^.^ Mattheu de re Crimin. contr. 1 2. «. 28.> 
nouar.. in Sunint.Btillar.par.pr. Commenear.j2.rum.S1 .vertex 
quo Adulteri09P0lic.de Reg.Aad.To^i. tif. 10. cap. 7. num. 29. 
verf.quemadmodum tiinc dicitur incontinentitMarta •vot.'^feu 
decif. to$. num. 7., ^ num. lo.^ pr£ferttm inverf.Jed quand» 
commiftifury Mut. dtcif. %,icil.€i.fub num.x i.GiZzarell.deoif. 
1 8. num. S'l ihfq; Baldax. de Angel, nu 4. & Didac. de Mart 
fub num.']. FanimelLdecif.SS. naw.7 9-, &• duobusfeqq. 
Et gcncraliter » quod ea , qua; fiunt es Interujllo dicantur fieri 
incontincnti, (i ftierunt fada cum prireiim fuit oblata occafio 
ilia faciendi, eft Textus in l.t, %.CtnfejTim, ibi - ConfejUnL^ 
AUttm fie erit accipiendum , vbi primumpotait — jf- ad Sen, 
Confult. Tertullian.,Bellon.de pote/i. eorum^qu<e fiunt mconti- 
nentit lib. pr. cap. 6. num^.-, i^ pluribusfeqq. 
Et rantiim abeft, quod lex prajfumat banc IniuHam h. raarito re- 
mifTam , vt imo credat fcmper in i!Jo durare animum vlci- 
fcendi, ex quo fit, vt vxor teneatur etia Cibi pr^caucre, adc6> 
vt ipfius cxdcs poftea.fequuta numquam dicarur prodiroria 
Maflrill.ad Indult.gfner.cMp.ig.num 6.verJ.fed quid /imari- 
tuTt Nouar.in Summ.BulUr.dibapar.pr.Commenfji. «. S i., 
Donde. confult. ^-r. num. iS.verf alioqutnt ad quod multurtu 
facitetidm MutidiifadeeifSicil. 61. per totam -tvbi cftcafns 
dc maritO) qui fccerat vocari vxorem per filium extra mania 
Ciuitatis , vttutoillam ibioccideret, & tamcn maritus fuit 
damnatus foJuni ad Rcmigatidum per feptennium . 

Et 

[cxxxiij 



Et faciteeidai idy quodalij Dolores eradunt* quod fcilicet ma- 
titus poflit dilfimulare rurpitudinem fox vxoris , vt cuto po- 
ftca de ilia vindidam fumat lo.iiff Af^iC'C&fif4,n».^.y Anonym. 
apud Sanfelic.di&a deaf, -^ii.uiim. 1 7. in fins ^ ^ n. ^. g,Dondo 
fonfult. g-j.num. id.ficuti poteft iliaro dilTitnuiari facerc per 
vxoremj vt fccure fumac vindidam dc iilo , qui vult eins pu- 
dicitiam olFcnderc iuxta faroigcratifSmum Con/ilium Caftr, 

Tanto magis , quod ab ipforaet D. Procuratorc Charitatis de- 
fenfore diifia? Francifcs Pompiliaf, & Canonics Camponfac- 
chi; infua allegatione imprejj'a §. horrfret quidfm Animus 
di<3u$ D.'Guido fuit reprahenfus de huiufmodidelacione ad 
Iudicem>pcrea,qus aduerrunt CaflrenJ> dicio ccnj. xyj.fuh 
num.'^. prope fin.verffed nee Indices, lib.z.t Memch.de Arbitr. 
caf. ^9S,nuM.26., Neuizafi.SHu- nuptial. lib, pr. verf. non ejl 
pubendum nu'^^.i^" ««w.8o., SoeciN.lurs.coft/.^^^.rju.Qjib.i. 
Neuar.ia SammSullar. Comment, jx/ub num. 8 1. verf. vndi 
meritu; quoru plures & nos allegauirr.us in oo{[x^ pr£ierita. 
Jnformatione § ■, ^ bxc noJira-> Afferuns cnim vnanimiicr 
pradidi DD., quod mariti reputantur vales , & Cornuti , fi 
proptijs manibus non furaunc vindiif^am, fed expectant liJam 
fieri per ludices, qui fummoper^ riden£,& cachinanturjvndc 
non mifum, fi laielsx maritus etiam poH: dictum recurfunt^ 
fadumadludiccmyquemtJinc ilii fuggcflit Inconfultus Irx 
Calorjvoluitdcamiiro honore fe vindicarc ; dcliquit enim, 
vt vulgij & Doaorii CdYifuram euiuret, & lic nc amifTo ho- 
nori iftam quoq; Ignominiam fupefadderet . 

J^il auteoj rclcuat, quod D. Guido in di<fla fua ConfcfHone ali- 
quando vlrra Caufam honoris esprelTerit etiam illam Inrt- 
diarum? qua? tendcbanJurfu* vi£«j quia cum ilJa |honoris 
fucrit potiflima in ipfius mcnte, v: ipfemec afTeritd fol.678. 
ibi - In riguardo, che li medemi mi baueuario tolta i'tonorz^ , 
fbeeilPrincipale - non eft curanduai de aiia , qua? tamquaoi 
Debilior, pf^di<5is vcnif poft ponendajve prsucntiuc firma- 
lum fuit} inpr,eteriia,§. & in omnem Cafum , vbi,'pra; caetcris 
addaximDs in his prsci/is tcrnnnis loquentem Mattheu de 
Re Criminxontr. i i.aum.^-].^ duobjeq. 

Ec quatenus banc eriam Caufara artender e velimus* jfta paritcr 
eft fufficicnsjad cuadendam Poenaro ordinariam l.i.Cod.qua- 

do 

[cxxxru] 



do lic.vmcuique^ l-fi "^^ allegas, Cod.ad leg.CorncLdc Stcat, I. 
nee Umarem 'j.'verj.timuit en'm mortemifjT verf.ided iujlusfuit 
fimor-i ff. de eOt quod metus Cauf. , Innoc.in cap. Ji vera %-Juh 
ttum.i.defent.excotr.rn.Reriaz.z.'A.coti/.Crimin.^^^l.num.'^' d^ 
ftqQ'ij' cunj ii('^<\fnum.ix, Thoh.Non. conj\\o^.7iu'iii.6. CepoL 
Crimiti-^ i . num. i c. "vjijue ad fine m , Farifu conj^^ 5 . num.z 2, 
Cyriac.contr.iO'S 'ftum.] ^.(^ feqq. Boer. dec. 169 numa-Granr- 
maficuiec. 5 . per tofamj Baldax.de Angel.in Addit. ad GizzH' 
rel.decy, num.6. 
/^gnofcitfifciisreleuantiani prsdidorum.j idcirco rpcurrit ad 
Circumftantiasdeiiduaaconcornirtantcs , ncmpc Coaduna- 
nationem hominum Armatotum> litem vertenrera inter Do- 
minum Guidonem > & Comparinos »qua!itateni Armorui^ 
prohibltoium > & deniquc ad locum vbi ddiiflutn fuit com- 
midum , cum fcilicct Franci^ca Pompiiia decineretur loco 
Carceris in domo in (jua ftjlr oectfa , fcdfaciiiscft Rcf- 
ponftO) quia huiufmudj cticumft.iacur poffunt quidemali- 
qualitercxafperarepoenam ddidi Pnncipulis , ^cd nulla to- 
nus iilam extolkre ad fummum apicem, adto, vt D. Guido > 
eiufqueSocij vitimo fupplicio veniaitr punicndt ; fie decifum 
intcim'itilsh3hcmMsz^\idmut.d.decif,/icil.xy tpr-afertim /«-» 
itne-i ibi 'facia ergo relatione in vifira ^n'r*ti menfe Martif 
1617 ' coram excellentiajaa , ex quo vi/us fuU waius modus 
earn Decidendi fie vocaia per filium , cb* po/lea eius Cadauer 
quafi repertumfuit^ quod Canes commsdebant extra d. manias 
fuit tpfe Leonardus condemnatus fuper regtjs Trtremihas per 
annosfeptem - Sonfelic.d.decif.^iy. num.i^. ibi - dr quamuis 
aliqui ipforum fuerint damnat't ad relegandum fuit ex caufa 
inci/ionis Genital- um defafio , pro quo deliilo dicebat Fijcits 
effe puniendos leg. Corneliie poena de^tcarjjs - Mattheu de re 
Crimin.d.contr. i i.num. 46. ibi - at re mxturius in Aula per- 
penfa iudicatum fuit Maritum nimis dolosi aperatum fuiJpL.j 
abfentiamfimulando > fratrem fecum ducenda , atque Armis 
prohibitis necando , qwafolnm ex •vfu Armor um i^neorum dC' 
liflum redditurinfidiofum apud nos (jj-c fie decifum fuit prO' 
pter hune excejfum condemnandum fore in panam exilij per 
quadriennium , ^ adfoluendum duos mi lie ducatos &c. qua 
ingradufuppUeaticTiisfuit confirmata • c^ contr. 1 2 fuh «• 2 9» 
ibi - "Etfiic detifum in fpecle propofita condemnando Francifcutn 

Palo- 

[cxxxiv] 



Palomeque in panam Remigy per deceHnium &c. ex quaiitate 
Armorum igneorum pcenam aggrauando ; in J.mile pcenamfuit 
condemuaius Ant<ffiias\Aluiiri'x , qt^i ^xorem appsnfMe occi- 
deratt quia msrefricabatur ^-c. ex co exacerbata poena , quod 
omijfus ludicatusjuittCumnon cunquereretur defimpUci adul, 
tenoijed de-vita mtretncis quod per fici neqmb<nt fine def/du-, 
•vel conuettientia Aiariti . 

Ec ratio eft maaifcfla , quia negari non potcft , quin D. Guido , 
ciulqueSocij pra;dicla omnia geflTcrint ex eadem Caufa ho- 
nosis, pioptcrc* ficuci ifta reputatur fuffic ens ad euaden- 
dam pcenam ordinariaoi homicidi; > de qua/i?r6 tituhff. (^ 
Cod. ad /■ Cortiel. deSicar. ici pariformicer fufficiens reputari 
debet ad etfugicndas alias quaicumque ptsias appo/icas inj 
Conilicutionibus Apo(loiicis contra commictences alia deli- 
<aa in eifdcm expreffa > femper enim artenditur principaleu 
propofitum in Dcllnqaemc i l.fi qui s nee Cau/am fffi cerium 
petaiur; cuius eciaai animus lempcrdiftinguitmaleficaj/.vf- 
ruM ejit et I. qui iniuriaff. defurt. vt in pun>ilo ad efFedumj 
icilicec euitaodi pcenam indiclam in Conjlitutione T^-fa, tne. 
Sixii V. Btillar.nou. 'I'oa.pag,^6Z. contra Coadunantcs ho- 
mines armatos » quotiefcumquc coaftat illos fuifle coaduna- 
tos ad eflpedum comraittendi aiitid Deliaum , iciiicet fran- 
gendi Carceres? SI derentos in eis esimendi refoluerunt tres 
Sacrx Rotx Auditores cckberirai, nempe Coccifj.Bianchsn. 
et Or an. , quorunn vota habentur icnprefKi inter deci/mnes 
colledasp<rr Fariaacc.poji eiufdem eottfil.voL2.dec.61. ibique 
Add.infine-, seftatur C\c i{ii& refoluiutu in plena Camera » in 
qua de mandato fa. me. Clemcntis VIII- Caufa fuit propo/i- 
la, &examinata. 

Nonrefragante> quod poflmodum incontrarium fcripreric fo- 
uendo partes fifcls cuius crat Aduocatus Spitd.coti/.2$. lib.t, 
quiaeius opinio fuit ex profeffocontucata, & folidilfimis ra- 
tionibusi &argumcnt!S teicAa dVermgLcefj/.^^S. per tot. 
et a D.Rainaido obfaru^par.^ cap.Z'S.S-^.dnu^g.vfque ad j^. 
& ante eos idem quoque ienfcrat Doclor Anonymus ime}* 
Cofjfil.farin.con/d'i.d numer.6S.ad i^f,et tpfemst Varinacc. 
qu£li. 11^. num.60. Guazzin. de confifc. ampliafA6, coficLi^, 



nur/i.^. 



Et interminis ad eftedum euitandi paenam bannimcntorum-- , 

feu 

[cxxxv] 



feu Conftitutionum Apoftolicarum delationera Armorumj 
prohibcntium piurcs DoiSores allegaui in praierita §. neque 
t/tyoySi prae ali)s PoUc-de Reg.Aud. Tbsn.i.tit.io.cap.d.nutn.Z. 
^Jequentibust qui late niateriamexaroinat, alios congcnc 
Dominus meus Procurator Pauperum in fua prajenti In^- 
formationcS. remanettandem^ qujbusaddo Caball.re/ol. cri- 
win.caf.Oz.pertotuTntMatthcu de crimin.difla controuerf. 1 1. 
num./^6cumfequentibus > tT di&a controuerf, 1 2 ./ub nunt' 2 9. 
Capyc.latr.decj^.num.-j ,verf.diJct4jJ'o iamen fiegotio^vhi quia^ 
afituspraeparatorius confunduurcum pra?parato, & teftatur 
ita fuifle rcfolutum ^ct Sac.Conf.Neap.^ num.feq. 

Similiter ad effcrtum effugiendi psnam appo(irani contra occt- 
dentes dctentum in Carccribus,& (ic exiftenrem fubcuflodia 
Principis piurcs Dodoresallegauimus /«/?>'^;fW/^ %Jimili' 
ter nee aggrauari , quibus nunc addo Praf. in addit. ad Paf- 
chal.de Patr.potejl, part. 3. cap. 6.verf, ex his quoque D.Ray' 
rald.obfert4.part. i .cap./^,%. \ .ad/^.fium.6^ .^feqq. Mut.deiif* 
SiciL^6. in fine' 

Ncc quidquam facitiquod Potie.loco citato^ & aliqui all; ex Do- 
ftonbus proxime ailcgaris loquantur dc homlcidio com- 
inifro in rixa , fioe ad defcnfionem propria; v\tx ; intantusa-* 
enim circumftantia rixa» reieuat delinquentcm ab ordinaria-* 
pznadclidi, inquantumignofcitur eijqui Voluic vlcifci pro- 
uocacus , vt inquit Vlpianus in I. qui cum natu maior 14. §. 
idem puto-jf- de Bond btrt. & in quantum ipfe tunc iufto do- 
!orc prjeuentus non eft in plenitudine intelletftus > vt poll 
Bald. i ft cap. I. infine^depac.iuram.firman. tradit 3offtit> i<L> 
komic.n'6o.infin.Vermigl.conJ.26.n.'i. 

Vtraque autcm ex his rationibus procuidubio nrsilitat in mari- 
co, & quocuraqucaliohomicidiumcommktentc csCaufa-. 
honoris iuxta firmata f « prteterita §. hocjlunteyiy %.fequentt ; 
ctiamfi idfaciant ex intcruallo ex allcgitisparker/«/'r^/rr<- 
ta %.nec verum efi cum multisfeqq. 

Et in his pr^cifis terminis,quod (cAicQt occidens vxorem adul^ 

ceram ex intcruallo excufetur ob iuftuoj dolorem , qui facit > 

quod ipfe uon fit in plcnitudine inrcllcclus prse c;£teris fir- 

inanc Carer, in pra^.crif/fi».tra^.^> de homicid . §./exto igitur 

fKcaJjitiufius dohri»um,/^.fol. 160, a tergO) Gomez ad I, Tau^ 

[cxxxvi] **' 



ri 80.f7aw.5S. ver/'ifem homo , Mattheu de recrimln.d. Con- 
trou.iz.ft.x4» 
Inquitenim Vlpianus inl.Tnaritl i9'inpri»cip.Jf.adl.Juliam^dc 
adult, ibi : debuif cm m 'uxor i quoqut irafchqua matrimontum 
eius violauit . Iram autcm fieri ex dolore accepts contunjc - 
Mdi , & naturam eo modo infurgere , vt illam a fe depellat > 
quocumque modopoteft,bene aducrcit Zacfb.qq. Medicoleg* 
lib,2jit.i.qua/i.6.»uffs.2S.&/eqq, cum difficilius fit iranx* 
cohibercquam miracula faccre,vt mq\jit D.Gregor.dial.i. & 
aduerdt BoJf.tit.de homic. num.60. Vermr^. conJ.z6.nuui,'j ,{3* 
eottf.^^.Kum,'^. 
Alij vcio Doftorcs loqucnres dc committenfibus homlcidiutn 
pro defenfione propria v'ax cum Armis prokibitis,& in Car* 
ceribus parircr fuffragari dcbent> quia dcfcnfo honoris pro* 
prij a VJris ingenuis praefertim nobilibus nedUn vita «cqui- 
paratur l.iuftaff. de manum.vend.kd ipfimctvivE anfefertuc 
juxta illud Apojlol.epifi.i.ad Cortnih.cap.^* Expeiit mihi ma- 
gis mori , quam vt gloriam meam quh^uacuet. Et D. Amhrqf, 
lih.i.offic.eap.^ ^ujs cnim 'vitium Carports, autPatrimouy 
damnum non leuius ducat , viti& anini > ^ txiftimatienis aif- 
pendio ? MarcTuU.^hilippif,-^. Ad decus > ^ libertatem ftati 
Jumus-> aut h£c tem^mus » aut cum dignitate moriamur . Aie^ 
ttochxon/.ge.num.i'^.O' can/.^8.»um.8, , Vale»z.eonf.gt.fi.t^ 
vfquead 7. , Vrat.refponf.crimin.z^ .numz^*^ pluribus feqq„ 
lojeph Mde in addit. ad Gizzarel.decif. 1 8. num. 6* ^fequen-' 
tibui , in his termini's Bertazzol. eon/. 43. num.6. Bond, can^ 
fult gj.num.S. & 9. Sanfelicdec^^j./eu in allegat. Aduocae^ 
ibidem Jmfrejf.nimi.^^. &/eqq>PanimolL decif So,nump2}. > 
&/eqq' 

Adcoi vt qui honorcm fuum fpernlt,& non curat fccupcrare fo 
vlcifccndo nil diffcrat a Belluis* Gizzarell.diffa deei/.iS. w.j, 
fium.^. Caldero decif.^2.fub num.^ j. ^ aly ex mox cifatis i 
Quinlmo irrationabiiior ipfifmet Bciluis reputetur, fuxu au- 
rca verba Theodorici apud Cafftodor.lib.i.var.cpifi.^'j, , qoac 
nos retulimus inpraterita §. Nee verumefipofi mediumt Bep» 
i^zoi. diBo con/.^i. num. $. vtrf. ^ fi non eji plufquam^ 
Beffid. 

Qnouero ad lltem,qux vcrtebat inter Domlnum Guidonem , ^ 
illos de Comparinis fuper fuppofitione PartuS) vltra mox^i- 

[cxxxvn] 



€la,'rteri!mfupplIco anlmaduerti quod Conftitacio Alcxafi- 
drinanon intrac j vbi c> parte ofFcnfi prsceflfit aliquaprouo- 
cat vt bene HimztT arinaec.conf.6'j.p'er tatum-, fequendo de- 
cifionem Rot^ » quam pcnic injcalce ciufdcm Coniiljj, & nos 
prarucntiuc perpendimus in prxterita 5. abfque eo quod j quae 
quidcm proiiocatio in p«fenti rcfultat ex iniuria;quam didi 
de Comparinis pendente life irrogarunc eidcm D. Giiidoni 
propter comi)Vic\tatcm hjbitam in d. fuga, » in adultcrio pec 
filiam iJiius occafionecommiflTo • 

Altera lis, qus prxtenditur mota per Francifcam PompiJiani 
aduerfusDominum Guidonem fiipcr diuorricpotuifTet omic- 
ti ) quia vltra animaduerfa per Dominum meum Procurato- 
rcm PiupQtumift/ua pric/eriti Ififormatiotie §. qu^ etiam ap- 
iantur-, ea fuirnuUiter intentata , cxequuto fciJiccr, vtmihi 
fupponitur, monitoriodumtaxat contra Dominum Abbatem 
Paulum frat/cm Domini Guidonis> qui nullum ad hoc man- 
darum habcbat>piaecipue nonprobatOi quod idem D. Guido 
habuerit icicntiaoi emfdem litis , vt praecendKur j ioten- 
cata?. 

Quoad Blafium Agoftinclliabund^ fuit fcriptum in prateerita » 
ciim fcilicer ip<c nonfucrirdcnuo conftitutu^, & in prJCCC- 
dentibusfalTusfucrit dumtax.1t adftitiflTe dnilis hemic tdijs « 
non aufem maims appoiuiRci ita , vt ilium nullatcnusaft, 
cere poflit rigorofa opinio Ca^alLrefol. criminal, caf^oo. nu- 
meroTi. dicentis huiufmodi Auxiliatores baud ciTeimmu- 
nesa prena homicidijiquotiefcumque proprijs manibus ali- 
quemoccidanr, quamquam huiusauthons opinio fuericpec 
nos crronca demonftrata /« pr£ferieain %.quidquict in con- 
trarium » 

VoIujflVm etiam aliquid addere didlis in pr;Htcr;ta fuperforenfi- 
tatcj & minori stare Dominici > & Francifci ; Verum quiaj 
nondum bene innotufc , quo iurc Fifcus prxtendat illas cli- 
dcre, ideo fatisfaciam \n Hefponfione, pro ccrto credens h\j 
praefenti noneuenturum } quodDominusmeus Pifci Aduo- 
<atus fuas allegationcs conficiatj &noftris etiam refpondeac 
abfquc eo , quod mihi co/nmunicentur ■> prouc cum ifumma^ 
nc dum mei, fed aliorum admiratione contigit in pra:tcrita_; ; 
ipfecDim,ficut & ego vnice dcbemus qua:rereveritatcm, 
ciufque cflTe Aduocati^ficuci ambo fumusofficiaies Principfs, 

iuxca 

[cxxxvm] 



luxta animaduerfa per Domi»ifmHaffiaU. eh/eru* p. z. cap.ig, 
§.j.a.i56. , qui quidcm nil aliud e£opfar,quarn, quod lufti- 
tia miniHrctur, &cuai agjcur de pmpenbus, carceratis , ia 
eorum caulis pietas triumphare deb;t , quia ipfi funt thefau- 
rus Chrirti J vt bcneadnoflrum ptopofitum inquit Petnu* 
fuper Ri^^M'CVicrif.z ^.nafa.^. cina med. 
Quace &c. 

Dejiderius Sprctus Adii Vaup. 



[cxxxix] 



Jllu/lrifs, €9^ Remrendifs. Dfio 

Vrbis 
GVBERNATORE 

In Crimtnalihus* 
Romana Homicidiorum . 
IP ^^ Q 

D, Guidonc Francifchino , & Socijs 
Catccratis . 

C O N T <^ ^ 

Fifcum . 



Noua luris D. Aduocati 
Paupcrum . 

KOMi^aTypisR. Cam.Apoft.i5p<?» 



[CXL] 



Nouziedi htto , c cfi ragioni per la 
Caufa Francclchini . 

PIctro Comparini ^ Ic di cut fdftanzc non G ftcndeuano ad 
altro* che alia fomma di dieci , in dodici mila fcudi fotco- 
pofliifideicomro>nR> > coo pefo aachcdi molciplicare i fruc- 
ti per vna buona porzione > che percio hauercbhe douuco 
viuere parcamenee per non ridurfi lu (laco di oiiferie » ftancc 
jl vincoJo di tufto iJ capieaie » e di vna pane de inedefitnt 
frutcij e/Tendo troppo indulgence alia gola.c dedicoali'ozioi 
c hauendo prefo mogljc con pochi/fima dote , con efTcrgli 
ropragiunte Ik'h venuta k reduzziane dc frurti de iuoghi di 
Montc> & altre auuer/ka i fi riduflc in ftato aiUi pouero , o 
miferabilcj afegnochc, feguira piti voice ia di lui carcc- 
razionc per debuo ? e fatta I'indicazione de beni > riccue 
dal Palazzo Apoftolicola limoflua fcgrcca d'ogni mcfe . 
Ritrouandoli in talianguHie, premedito maricarc Franccfca^ 
Pompilia fua figliaconqualche perfonaj che fiprendelTo 
cura di lofteticarlo iofierae con Violancc Peruzzi fua Mo- 
gire 3 Donna raoico icaUraj e di gran ioquacica , con il di cui 
parerehaueua iiitrapreroraffiirc> cfuftimatoa propplitoil 
parcJtoconGuido Fraaccfchini , il quale conducendo la« 
Spofa, e i Genirori in Arezzo fua Parria , hauerebbe potuto 
trouare opporjuno ritnedjo alle neceflira dclii mede<imi> me- 
dianccraffiftenza in Roma dell'A bbace Paolo Francefchini 
di lui Frateiloj huorao attiuoi e diiigentc,con dar fefto al pa- 
crimonio di Pierre fequcftrato, e intrigaio dafuoi Credico> 
ri , ondc elTendo ftata eonfticuitd la dote in iuoghi ventifci 
di Monte » coa lafperanza delja futura fucccfllone al rima- 
tience de i beni in vircu del /ideicomosinbi al quale la Spo£u 
era chiamata , fu abbracciato quefio partico » come vtilca^ 
Pietro, e fua moglic per libcrarfi da grincommodi , nc qua- 
il G ticrouauan.o> c altresi vancaggjofo alii Francefchini , che 
attcfa la diltgcnza deli'Abbate , e quakhe difpendio ccmpo- 
ranco dclla Cafa * poreuaoo credere di doucrc guadagnaro 
a fuo tempo ii peculio predctto qua/i incicro> epoco^b nulla 
dcterioraco < 

A Tali 

[CXLI] 



Tali fnrono a puncipio i fcambicuoli oggctn deil'inEiufto nu- 
rrimonioj dal chefi conofce, (]uanco/i.i debole pretefto ri 
dire , chcGuido ncicrartati ingaunafTc Pieti-o, ci.i MoglJo 
nel dar nota di godcre vn'anuua Entrstta di icudi mille fcc- 
tecsnto , trooata po! rnoJto inFcnore-, perche il /?iieprima- 
riO) con cur fu conclufo , poftoia molto ben confeguird > an- 
chi con vn'Entrara di iommz inolta mtnore j fjpcndofi in^ 
ctfctcos die effbndo ftau moftrata da Violmte i'lftefFa notJL, 
a PictroCoQ»psriai » diflenci vederla oh ah mi hs/irrehbc^ 
folccbc fojfelsmsti ■» c farebbc (lata graridiifima balordag- 
ginc di Piccro »che ad voa fcinplicenota di-vn Forcfticro » 
fenza pigiiarc altrc infornsazioni , haueifi daro marito allav 
figlia I ognivoka, che lacaufaimpulfiua foffe proccdura,. 
dalle prcfitppoftc facolta in dctta nota j Anzi ne nicno iru 
grado di ccnucnjcnza » e. diiikl puol cfTere riconuenuto 
Guido 5 perche qtiando da Pieeto fii prodotto in giiidizio 
ladettancta, TAbbats Paolo Fraaceichini ne refto forte- 
mcncc marauigliato , onde Tgridatone con ietjcre jl fratcllo , 
cjucfto rifpofe haner cid fatco a perfuafiooc d{ Violante « ia_» 
quale dcriderando Teffertuatione del matrJraonio»e vedendo 
irrefoluto il Marito > per aftimadc 9 indfiffe Guido d dare la^ 
fudetta nota con alteraEiooe . 
Hebbe dunquffcftetto il mattanionio » c tur ci infieme fi con- 
dufleroaila Citt^ d'Arei:EOj douei Comparini noii furo- 
nomalrra:tati» corae fi preccnde di giuftsficare da vnafede 
cxrragiudiciale 6\ vna Scraa partita di Ca^i con dilgufto » la 
di cui fola Ictcura bafta per faria conofcerc fatca Con animo 
cattiuo , e a iftigacionedi akri saooformeclia mcdefioii iid 
dichiarata coadiucrlc perlbnc , dimoAundolo Con naufca^ 
i'lnnpidaafFetcazioncj con cui c concepica, e fpecialment£j» 
done dice, che vn'Agnellinodilatccfifaccuafefuirepcrali* 
mcnto fufficientcper ferce * 6 otto perfonc in vna fcttimanaj 
intieracon alcrc fimili impropriety ds, noncrederfi, mafu* 
rono trattati con ogni honorcuole3;2a> p dccoro > con(otm^ 
attcftano Montignore Vcfcouo > e il Sigaore Comnaiirario di 
dctta Citti , Soggetti molto qualifieaei » e molto piu degni 
deiia Serua maligna, cfubornata ,cfipuoiehauerc ancora^ 
ratteftatione di vno s die hi feruico [in qucila Cafa per trc- 
dici mcfi) nel tempo, che vi fono ftati li i\xdQtu Pjstfo>e Vio^ 

laiue 

[ex Li I J 



UT\t€,potenio raeconrare rtio!tc particol^rid dci buonicrat* 
tamenci) che riceueuano da i France/cbioi . 

Ben e vcro* che nacqucro diiturbi di coatiderazione in qucUa^ 
Cafa cagionati daila lingua mordacc diPictro, edalia fu- 
perbia di Violantc fua Moglie, mencre bcfFaQdoH di eutci 
graodamenri , che faceuano i Franccfchtni , auuanzandofi 
conattidi fupcriorita t porcarono aila Madre dei Francef- 
chini , c con effi ^ (utti gi'aUri della fansigh'a > crauagli rile- 
uanti/Hmi, diflfimulati pcro all'hora , per non violarcle Icg- 
gi dcirHofpicalita , c cio non oftante » quando Pictro, o 
ia Moglie fi difpolero per il ritorno a Rocna > fubito che 
n'efprcirero i loro volcri , furono proueduti di danaro per 
il viaggip > e in Roma di oiobili per ciordiaare ia Cafa dc- 
relitta . 

Giunti in Roma Pietro, e Violante , fu fpcdito monitorio giu- 
dicialc d iftanza di Pietro , in cui egli efpofc , che Franccfca 
Pompilia realitientc non era fua figlia , c pero non era tenu- 
to fodisfare alia dote promcfTaj e per giuftificarlo porto I'ac- 
teftazione dcli'iftefTa Violantc fua Moglie, quale in foftan- 
za diceua , che ella medcfima per icnere a diecro i Crediro- 
ridcl Maritoin vittii deUifidcicommini > c per goderc anchc 
ilfruttode Luoghidi Monte, haueita Gnro d'effere graui- 
da , c poi d'hauer partorita vna figlia> cioc la dctta Franccfca 
Pompilta hauuia da vna vililfima partoricotc per opera di 
vna O/tetricc . 

Da vu'accoil btafimeuole diuulgato in vn fubito per tucta la^ 
Corte > nacque per neceffita di natura nc i Francefchini vn* 
odio intcufo vcrfo gl'Autori di cflo ; ma poicrono aftcncrfi 
da i douuti rifentimenti con la fperanza, che > fc Franccfca^ 
Pompilia non fofre flata Hglia di Pietro» c Vioiancc > come fi 
era prefuppoAa neili fponfaIi> fi farebbe potuto annullare 
ii macrimonio « e coCi purgarfi di til macchia la loro repuca« 
zione . Te^limonij di que/li loro fcntimenti ibno molti Ooe- 
tori , c Virtuofi > che furono richiefti da i Francefchini , a 
ftudiarne il punro , c dime il loro parere t ma perche queftf 
furono difcordanti , non vollcro allora i Francefchini ci- 
mcntarfi a vna imprefa d'efito dubbiofo > nclla cui pro- 
mozione doucua nccefTariamente confeffarfi t e prefupporfi 
la non filiazionc , daila quale confcflionc poi farcbberore- 

A 2 Aati 

Icxuii] 



^ati pregjadlciri ncirintefcffe ddli doccj epcrciaftirta- 
ronobene il tralafciare pcrall'hora d'efporfi al pericoJo di 
p«rder la doie? £ di non potcr dare di nuilita al marri- 
gnonio • 

S'oppofero bcnsi &l moniforio , c ottennero per Francefcaj 
PompilJa iamanutemione nel quail pofTcfTo dclla fiWazio- 
xitf J e il decrcto per traf fcrire i luoghi di Monre doeali, ma ef- 
fendo^ Piecroappsllaeo da tai Dccreto, nci tiv propone Ja^ 
Caura neiJa Segftatura di Giuflizia s venne a vna copiofi^ 
diftftbutione di Scrittare per Roma » facte dslui ftampart 
di grauJ/Hmo pregiadizio aH'honore dc Franccfchini > per 
non dsie infamatoriej iqual'? hcbbero di nuouo taaca ibr- 
2d da potcr raft'rcnare i gtufti rifeatimend dciranirao loro 
irricaEo su la rJHc/Hoac della fperanza i chc haueuano di po- 
scj- fa? coaofccre alia Cottc , conse fcgui , nofi meno ioi 
itnenEOgne de gi'AuuerfariJ > che il lofo proprio c^ndore » e 
auuiuad daqucfla fperanza, foffdrono fufiegucotcmeme^ 
cun ogni patscnza mokiirime veffationi ordkdi coa diuerfe 
Cabbak. e tcrgjucrrazioni per impedirc retfetcoddlasfaf- 
laiiouc de Juoghi dc Monte dotali k con haucrli fufcitaii i 
CompariRi vari iuoi Credi?ori> 6 foflcro veri?6 purccoi- 
lufiui J f^nde {laa<« le dctfeoppo/igioni > prouarono bcnii 1* 
ineommodo , s la fpelis delia traila^sone •> ma. non gia ilcom- 
modo deS Iruteo? di cui n« pure vn biradlre poterono gii niai 
rifcuotere. 

In sale ftajoerano gsuntigraffsr? dcil'vna, e Taltra partc^quan- 
doGaido leuaiofi vna mattina rrouo mancatfi nel letto ia^ 
woglies onde smmcdJararrrenre Jcuatoil , viddcfualigiatilr 
Scrign? J V f oggita is Donna , non fcnza ibfpetto d'haucr 
<Salo iS fonfiiftffo la fera anrecedense al riiedclimo Guido , o 
asutta bfamigliaj e sula conflderatiorjc d'ciferc ciofiic- 
ctdocoper Jc fuggefriooidi Pictro* c VioUntc » conforme 
n'haucua pi?! voire rcnritclemijuccic, s'lncamino vclocc- 
mente per ia ftrada di Rotjss* cdoppo vn precipitofo viag- 
gio gmnie U fuggitiua ndl'Ollcfia di Caftcl n»ouo accora- 
psgnatadalCenonicoCaponfacchir d'Arezzo, cjpetchcef- 
fen^o folosC diCirmatOjeque!!! armati, c ftjolutis Hconob- 
WinfufScierKc i vendicarc ta!c cccciTo , ftimo opporcuno 
dihrii arreflare con ii ricorfo alh Corte di dctto Luogo > 

la 

[CXLIV] 



la quale hauencfo fattocattutarc ds fool Sbirn tufti duel 
fuggitiui, furonoconfegnati alia Corcedi Monfjgnor Go- 
uernatore di Roma » ecoadocci alle Carceri nuouc. 

E benchc fopra quefto particolarc f.iccia ftrcpito i! Fifco, chc 
il Francefchini douelTc vcndicarc i fuoi ojtracgi ncJJ'atto 
del ritrooatnento ; peradeguata rifpoftafi deuc rifltttercu» 
ali'impofTibilita di efeguire la vendetta per h prccauzione 
di armi , con k quali Icppe i\ Franccfchini per il vsaggio , 
che andauano prcmuniti i f uggitiuija fegno cbe la Donna> 
quando viddc li Marito , hebbe ardimcnro di correrii alia 
vita col ferro nudo » per la qua] cofa fii prudcnte tcmpera- 
mcntoin qucU'iflantc di afficurare la fuga * medranrc I'ar- 
reflio, canto piii che aH'ora non cra.noro I'aduherio deJI^u 
moghe a e forie hcbbe repugnanza dimbraffarfi le mat\i 
ncl langue di colei , chc haueua ceouta piii volfe fra 1*-j» 
fucbracciai nientrc poreua reftarli viua qualche fpcran» 
za di rifarcire la fua rcputazione per airre ftradc > chc del.' 
vccifionc . 

Madoppo , che furono trouatc leetcre delii medeffrai fuggr- 
ciui icambieuolmenfc amorofe, sfacciare,difoncftc, e prc- 
paratorie alia iuga, cdallcfame del Vctfuiino rcHo pa' 
lefe, cheper viaggio in CaJeffc non faccuano alrro , the 
baciarfi impurameiue , e dal dcpofto dcll'Oftc & vcnne 
in cognlzione . che haueuano dorm to ambcdtje nel'a tae- 
dcfima Camera i c fioaJsnenEc dalla fentcnxa , 6 decrc;^ 
to del Tribunalc nclla condannagiont del Canonico Ca- 
ponfacchi aila relcgatione perne inni in Ciuira Vccchi*.* 
perhauerconofciuiocarnalmcme 'Fr^amfjca -^ legui ia note- 
fieta , epublicitadeli'adulterio; Confideri cialcheduoo , 
che ha fenjimcnco Ai honorcj ia quaJi aoguftic ■> c agitazio-* 
ni d''animo ii croiiafle il pouero Guido , meutre Fifidfi «jni-« 
snaliirragioacuoli con iatnaggiof ferocia, chc poflfa fug- 
gerirli f idinco nacurale* detciKino » e abominano ia consa- 
minaztone della fedc coniugalc , vcndicando nonfolamen- 
tc rimpudicitia delie loro Compagnc, con rvcciSoue dell* 
Aduicero, ma ancoragrolcraggi^ci'iogiurie, che a fanno 
alia reputazione dc iloro Padroni , corae racconta Eha- 
no nelhb. u. WJlor. Ansmd. cap. tj. di vn* Elefancc' » 
chevcndicA i'aduherio del fuo Padrone coq la morEe del- 

A J la 

[CXLV] 



U moglie j c dcM'Adultcro trouati dffiemc nelJ'atto dd- 
Tadulrcrio* c vi fono anche altri fimili cfcaipi , como 
rifcrifcc il TtraqutlLin /. conniA. /. i j. glojf. t. num. r. cum 

Ritornando alia fcricdcl fatto, d da fapcrfi , chc doppo la^ 
carccrazioae de i fuggjriui efTcndo vcnoto a Rotna anco- 
raGuido» e ftandoaffIitti(fimo ,equafi dcliraotc pcrl'ec- 
ccffbdella fua moglie i da fuoi buoni Amici fu coni^brtato 
coo la rperanza > che quefto actencato dclla fuga i congiun- 
to con la mancanza delia 61iazione di Franccfca > col di cui 
ruppoflocontraffeJi Tponfali i haucrebbe faciiicaco ildi- 
fcioglimento del Matriinonio > e per quefta (irada fi fareb- 
berocancellare turte le macchie deH'offefa fua reputaz io« 
nc , ondc egli con tale ipcranza fe nc ritorno alia Patriae > 
lafciando la condocta dciraiFare all'Abbate fuo fratello . 
Teftitnonto nc puo elTerc Monf}gaore Segreeario della $#• 
era Congregaztone del CoQcilioi a cui I'Abbace Paolo rap- 
prcfento il Katcocon fuppllcarlo a voler proporrc in quel- 
la Sacra Congrcgazione Tarticolo , fopra Tinualidita del 
Matrimonioa fuo cempo > ciod doppo j che fi foffe ottcnu- 
ca la fenrenza crioainale nel Trib unale di Monngoore Go* 
ucrnatore . 
Fra tan to Pi ftelTo Abbace anefedi propoCtoa follecicare la^ 
cerminaziooe dt detta Caufa cri roinale > c mentre Pompilia 
per non cfTcre conuinra delleletcere amorofe , era ricorfa al 
rcfugio di non faperc (criucrc > in Facile aU'Abbate poterla^ 
conumccrcdi quefta menzogua con rcfibizione de Capito* 
iimacrimonialifottofcrittidipropriopugno anche da cHa » 
C davnCardinalegia dcfontocon la rccognizionede'ca* 
latteri} ma cio non oftanteicflendon diuulgati i merirt della 
caufa da per tuttOrs'accorfc il iredennio Abbate^che in vece 
diefTercompatitO) apoco> apocoogn'vno cominciauai 
beffarlojC deriderlo,conformceglirifcria piuperfone, forfi 
perchc ficome fii tentato io Roma d'introdutre il potcr pec* 
ttrt impuneoientc contro la Legge di Dio con la Dottrina 
del MolinosiC col peccatofilofoficO} ilche f^ impedito con 
Tautorita del S. Vftziojcosi molti hauerebbero dciidcrato» 
chefircanccllafredallatncote degrhuomini reflimazionc/ 
dcll^honore • c della cipurazione per poter peccarc impune* 

mcfue 

[CXLVI] 



meotccontro Icleggi humane* edar luogo agl'adulteri; 
fenza alcun ritengo di vergogna> c di ro/Tore. 

Eperoccrto, che J'Abbate vcdendoproJungare iiprofegui- 
mento della Caufajhcbbe giufto moriuo di portarh' a' piedi 
di No/lro Signore con Memorialc > ndqciale cfponcuadi 
non potere piii rc/iftcrc a tancciC cost varie liti , e vcflationi 
proccdcnti daqucftoinfcliciffimo niatrimonio > fupplican- 
doloadcflinarli vna particolare Congrcgajrioncj per lurrcj 
Ic Caufe,cioe deila fiiiazionc, fuga, aduJtcrio, dote,& altre 
dependenti dal matrimonio > come anchc fopra li di lui re- 
fci<fionc , ma non hauendo ripoVtato altro refci itto , che Ad 
Indices fuosy refto ccn la douuta rafTegnazionc ii Prcncipe , 
afpctcando in primo luogo relito dclla predetta fentenzij 
crimhiale, dalla quale Iperaua porcr(i rifarcirc aimeno in 
parte la riputatione dclla fua Cafa . 

In tanro Pieiro Comparini abbondancc d'l danaro fommini- 
flratoliconlarga niano da perfona rgnota , e forfi amaiuo 
dclla Giooane,irionfaua baldanzofojnci circoIi,e ntllc bot- 
tcghe, luoghi di fua fclita rc/idcnza > encomiando la rifolu- 
tione , e io Ipirito diiua/igha nell'hauer faputo builarci 
Francefchini con la fuga vituperofa > e con la rapina dcllo 
cofepiii prfziofcjC ncU'haucr trouatoripiegodidarc si bel- 
le rifpoftc al Giudicc nei Conftituii col rifcrirne Ic nartico- 
larira,vanrandofi ancor3>chc in breue farcbbe tornata a cafa 
fua al difpetto de i Franccfchini, contro i quali haucrcbbtj 
molTo tante liti,e maianni>che farcbbcro ftati coftixrt i a ta- 
cere,e lafciar correre,dellc quali cofe fe nc potrauno haue- 
re attedacionida molteperfone » quando bifognino > onde 
per tali pungenti iatt>inze, c per tanti ftrapazzi s'andaua^ 
icmpfc piii cfaccrbaDdo i'anin.odi Guido, con tutto che 
hauefTe procuratodi fare ogm, sforzo per raffrenare grim- 
peti del fuo fdegno da caiue ingiuric prouocato . 

Hrallaca Franccfca Pompilia dalle carcerirrafporrara prcucn- 
tiuaniente nel Conferuacorio chiamaro delta Scalctcajouc (i 
trattenneperilcorfod'alcuiii nie(i» nel qual tempo fcoper- 
tafi grauida,e farti mol i ttnraciui per procuiarnc TabortOial 
di cui effcrro le turoiio mandate piii volte polucri , & altri 
•ngredicnti dalla Madrc , ilchc eiftndo riufcito indarno, tii 
conil prctcfto di oppijazionc, e nccc/Hta di purgarfi riman- 

A 4 dara 

[CXLVII] 



data alia Cafa di Pietto>e Violante » douc fcgui U ricegm* 
zione dcllagrauidanza caoi'acceffodeiMedics: ma lave- 
rita fi e>chc crekendo i'vterotaan voilero Ic Monachc* che 
feguilfe lo (grauio di clTo nel loro recinto , c percio Ca tro- 
uaco il ripicgo di faria vCcks i cagioae delU fudetta oppi- 
lazioae, c del bifogno di purga . 

Or qei conuenne romperc i Icgami delU foffercn^a aM'Abba- 
tc>che fc bene reftaiia ofFcio di rifle iTo, cioe nclla pcrfoaSj c. 
ooore di Guide fuo fratcUo, nieatedimcno pareoag!i» cHe k« 
froiitc d'oga'iiuotiio folfe diuentau vno foccchio, m cui ti- 
inirafTs rireiagine del iudibnodi fua Cafa, onde auuilitofi l' 
anicQo fuo per a!tfo virilce coftance, proruppc piii voice id 
lagrimc diroccidime di dolore fiiio a fencir/i fofpinto bco 
fpciraageturSi ncl ffumc, conforrac paleso a tutciifuoi 
Amici» c per fottrar/i di si imfnincnce pericoio , free rifolu* 
none di abbandonar Romaiia Corte>le fpcranzej gl'haucri > 
i faoi amoreuoii , equalsffcaa Padroni » equanro di beno 
htucua accumalaco perlo fpatio ditceat'aani nelia raedc- 
Hma Citca, daila quale partkofi con queliaafaizzioae* chc 
ognuiio puolc iraaginarfi > aadd i ricercare va Clima a£fit- 
to ignoto,e ftraoieiO, oue non giungeHTe il terorc de' fuoi vi- 
cuperi) quancuoqucda siTo, e dalla fua Caiiinots mm» 
taci . 

Ma ToffefadiGuido procedendo da piu acerbe , e piu graui 
puncurcj internandofi neJie fuc vifcere corae Maritoj hebbe 
forza di eccftare Jo fdcgno ffno aiieilretno , e confidcrando 
non cflTer fu/ficicnce ripiego ii punir fe (itiio con va roioa- 
tario'cfiglioperidelicualcfui* mencredal moiido potcua 
cflcre giudicata vna fal rifoiuzionc » argomcnco euidente di 
debolezza , e vilta d'ania3o>e hauendo Heme notizic j chc 
Pompilia fgrauataf; del ojefedi December divn iiglio ma(- 
chio in cafa del Compariai mandaco occulcamencc i balia » 
nonfoIomancencuarinKifnecorrifpondenza col Canoaico 
Caponfacchi)riceuuto (coaforflie e ^aco dsno ) per ofpito 
nella fuderca cafa^ma ancora,che piii d'vno auuoitoio ii rag- 
giraua intornoa queilc mura per giungerecon augum:n- 
to dellelbe vergogned meccereil rofl:ro> egl'artigli nella 
carne bramaca,prouaua gagliardiflifne commozioni nei fan- 
gue> che lo ftimolauano ad appigliarfi a ogni piii di(peraca 
rifolutione . 

In- 

[cxLvm] 



-Ineaneo \roigcndo , c nuolgeado quzft ddieams i faoi fune/li 
pcnfieri,su i n&efTi, chc Ci trouaua aborrito dagrAmici, dii« 
cacciarodaiparcnfijcmoflrato d dito da turn nellaiua 
Patrij, eprcconendola fama . chc in Roma /i vcndeuacoa 
mcrcatoinfamc la fua riputazione, la (^uil co/a doppola 
roorte di Pompilia ha dato motiuo al Fifcale ddie Conuer- 
titedi mandar prc-cctci , e pigharpofie/To , aggiun^cndofi i 
continui rimprouerjs chf riceueua dai perduto fuo hoaorc , 
ebro tutto di furicH parti di Atczzo in compagnia deila. diC- 
perazione , egionco in Roma , porcaroii aila Cafa , chc era 
ra/ilodcluoi yituperij, non pote dubitarc quanco fofic in 
vencrazionc ii Iblo nome dejradultero, mentrc fiogcndo di 
prefcntare vna Jetfcra di fua coramifsione, Jc furono Tubiro 
fpalancatc Ic Porcce pofto a pena il piede ndia fog|Ja,v!d- 
de farfegli incocro il (ao difonorcjchc doue da lunoj nc ri- 
ceueua folamence le imprefsioni in idea,aliora baldanzofcc 
trionfante non hebbcrimore di rinfacciarle con volto fmal- 
cheraro tuttc I'ingmrjc, chc erano ftacc coaifReire in quella 
Cafa contro il /uo dccoro ; oude riinsrando di per »ut£o in- 
croftate le mura dc Tuoi gr auifsimi fcorni , e delle fue infa- 
mierottigl'arginiddhragione, precipico nel miferabiie 
cccidiod'immergerficoa fune^a catj/lrofe ncl Tjngue de- 
groppreflori deliafua rcputazione. 

NepiiolmecreWi indubbiOjcheaFrancefchini habbia com- 
meffo vn'ecccfso da difperato, c chc la mente fua furi- 
bonda toffc cotaimemc deftitura dellVfo dcila ragiono, 
mentrc hauendo perduto la robba, perduto ia moglie , 
perduto I'ooore J alcro nonli rcftaua > chc perderc , To 
non mirerabilmenre la vitdi pcrche, come dice, p.iriando di 
vn'huonnoiraco ildotrifsuno naturaiccgiurifta Paolo Zac- 
4:bia neiiefue quejiisni MehcoUgali lib.z.tii.i.quaijl. 6. dopo 
il numsr9\6. Eft enim impetus tile iaiis.ac tantust vl ommnd 
nihil ab ififania , ^furore differre , apertifflme aff^rmauerit 
G«»/r»«j»fogg!ungcndoal num. 20. ciochede iure e noto , 
cheidelitdcomnsefsi in talcftatoii punifcono con minor 
pena,ancor^he fi frattaflTe del deJittoatrocifsimo; dQ\ parri- 
cidio Calder. dca/.cdm.Catbaloa.^^. num.^ ^. lib i, c molte 
altre cofc «1 noftro propo/ico riferifcc al num. 27. con i le- 
guenti,equeftc;propofltaoni di tcorica ij riconofcono i pna- 

to 

[CXLIX] 



to in atco pratico veri^cace in Guidot poiche , come total- 
mcntc furioJo , c priuodi feano, commife vn'acrentato si 
grande in hora benchc norcurnajfrequenrata molco dal po- 
polcdopodicuinon curandofi di alcuna precauzione, 6 
circofpezione , con la quale ogn'aliro di mente fana hauc* 
rcbbe procuraco gouernarfi , fi pofe m vuggio per la ftrada 
maeftra di fetcanca miglia in circa di confine fcnza prcpara* 
zione dicaualcacurcjcoiiic fef'ofle vn feniplice viandantc di 
ritorno di Romanic qiiali circoflanze come fegni euidenu di 
mente offefa^e delirantc>oflbrua il Calder. rella fopradetta^ 
'iecif. Cathalofj.crim./\.s.nur».i^. vcrificandofiin qucft'attio- 
ne qucllo, chc fcriue San Gieronimo nelle fue Epiftolc . Fbi 
honor non e[i-,ihi contemptus tfl : ihi cantemptus , ibifrequens 
in\uri<t : vbi iniuria , Ibi ^ indi^nafio : vbi indignatio , ibi 
quies nulla : vbi quies nonefii ibi mens a propofito J^epcdeii* 

citur . 

Nc in qucfto cafo cntra la diftinzionc legale , fe dairirato fi 
commcctaildelitro nel primo impeto deli'ira • 6 pure con 
intcruallo di tempo , pcrchcquefta diftinzione pocrebbo 
forfi hauer luogo j quando Tira e nata da vn'ingiuria di fat^ 
CO tranticoriojC noo pcrmancnte^ma quando come nel cafot 
di cui il cracca,ringiuri3 prouocatricedelPira,connftc in at- 
ti Trequenci^e rcireraci , cioe non canto nel pafTaggio dcUa^ 
Donna dal ConferuatorioaJla Cafadi Pietro convn vano» 
c ridicolofo prctefto, m^ di vantaggio neila pcrmanenza in 
detta Cai'a con le circoftanzeaggrauanci d'infamiat come Q 
i detto di fopra>allora > ficomeringiuria h. permanence pec 
li continui aflfroatijcheringiiu-iato riceue> cosila vendetta 
s'incende preia in concinenci, e fenza alcunointertullo> co- 
me i Sigaori Oifenfori dclJa caufa hauno mfficientementc^ 
prouatoneilcloronon meiK>ctudice,chedocte fcritture_«» 
con fortifTimi argomenci>c infuperabiii docctine . 

Ke vale il dire > che re/li aggrauaco il delicto per ia qualiti 
dcUearmijpcrchccome dice Virgilio/«f<?r jf«w miniflratt 
ne per la Tquadrigliato vogliam dire conueoticola* nh per U 
luogo , ccccfTb , 6 altre circoftanze confideratc dal fifco > 
perche in vnfuriofo tuttoefcurabile I eflendo a(noma> e 
principio ccttiflimo > che natura eo modo in/urgit > vt a ft^ 
depellat quocumque modo pottji ^e, m conformicd di qucl- 
lo 



lo dice il Icracajloto feguitato dal Zacebia loca citato n.ij, , 
e in veto vn'animo ingenuo* c chc fa dima del fuo honore> 
edclia fua riputazionc > ogni qual voica rcfta oflFefo atro- 
cemente I'n parte cotanto fen/Ibile, e cotanto delicacaj ogni 
qual volragiungealccrminedel furore, e delia difpera- 
zione, pcrduco ogni lume di ragione « come delirance , e fre- 
neticO) non puole appagar(i , ne tneno fe giugnefTc i fcoo- 
uolgerc) quando U folfc pofsibilc , i Cardioi dcirVniucr- 
fo perannichilare non folameoce gli Aucori , ma ancora il 
luogo,e la memoria de fuoi fcorni) e de fuoi vicuperi > quia 
zelust ^ furor V iri hoh pareet in die vindicfx > nee acquie- 
feet cuiufquam precibus ^ttecfufcipiet pro redemptione dona^ 
plurium , come parla in quc/lo propofito lo Spirito fanto 
perbocca diSalomonc nei Prouerbi al 6. in fine; al cho 
molto bene confcrifce quello , che dottamcnte fcriue Safu» 
Bernardo in Epiftol. ad Robtrt. Nepot.fuum in principt Do- 
lor quippe nimius non deliberat , non -verecundatur , non^ 
eonfulit rationent > non metuit dignitMtis damnum , legi non 
obtemperaty iudieio non acquiefeit j modum igngraf y ^ or- 
dmtm . 
A cai fegno non vi e dubbio > che giungefld Sanfone i quando 
eadde in potefta de fuoi Nemici . SofFri con animo inttc- 
pido la priuazione degli occhi •> e alcre dolenti fciagure^, 
mk quando 11 vidde dcAinaco k feruicc di craflullo ne i luo- 
gbi publici , e che in quclli vdiua le derifioni > e le be£Fo 
del Popolo > s'accefe lo fdegno ncl foo petco > con impcco 
ule , che tutto fmanie > eucto furie moriatar y difTe y anims 
meacumVhilifiijny edacavna fcofla alle Colonne i chefo* 
fiencuano il Palazzo > lo riduflc in ruina « multefque plurer 
interfecit moriens-, quam viuens occiderat , come rifcrifce il 
Sacf o TcOo i e Chrifio medeflmo » aKorche folTe manfue- 
tiffimo> e hauclTe fomna fofferenza ncl riceuere gli obbro* 
brij > e gli flrapazzi fenza mai lamencar/i , niencedimeno % 
quando Ci fenti coccaconell'bonore> rifpofe Honorem meum 
nemini dabo ; & e certo , che chiunque apprezza U reputs* 
ziooe > e I'honore > (lima molto meoo il morire huomo ho* 
nora(o fotto vna mannaia % chc viuere per moici fccoli iiLf 
facciaal roondocon vcrgogna > edishonorc. 

Qucfto 

[CLi] 



Quctlo argomcnto COS! forte ha procuratodebflitarc in fat- 
to va' accorto iailigatore aderenre al Fiilo^ iiaucado 
procuraro, chc c(ca dalJa dociifTmja penna di Monsignoro 
Ftfcalc vfi pcnodo . che dice : VerUm quia prs ^arfe dt^ 
Cemparims ptstendehatur fabmim/lt'.aignem aitmcntonmi 
»i franc ffchtnum \n Confer rjnatona jpsclart ■, ^ proparte.^ 
francefchini dicskAfu? »d Comparinum psrcinere lUufiriJ- 
fimtis-i & Reuersndifiimui D. Guhern.itor ^ habits prius ftf«- 
fenfu Abbalis Paul? germani fratris Gfiid^nis > d^• Procura- 
tsrii in Caufa-, Domum deComparifus etdem Vr:inc'ifc4 pro 
tuto t ^fecuro Curare fuh fidiiuf stone ajsign^iiiit ; ma que- 
fto fatto figiuAifica chiaramcntc , che noa ha alcuna luili- 
llcnza. 

Quando Francffta Pompih'a dalle Career! doueuacondurfi 
al Coiifciuat-orio , ft lichiefj^o TA-bbatc Francefchini a-i 
prouedcfia degli aiimenti , con protcfta , che repugnando, 
farebbe comparfii pesfona terza ? e igaota > che n'haucreb-. 
be adunto il pcfo com fiio dishonore , onde TAbbate volen- 
dodaiiiiK ^vtx voita .iHe occafioni di riceuere nuoue ver- 
gogne, c togliere ogoi attacco di conferuarene meno vn 
minjmo (egno di ittinenza con robbrobriofa Cogndta > ac« 
ccfSo il mezzo tatniine propoftoh co» qucfte circolhnze » 
C!od chc il Lamparelii come Pfocuratore delh Carita ne 
haueffe facco si prouedimento coti io shorfo de propn; da- 
nari per riualcrrenc contro chi di ragione li competeu.i_/> 
ficorne poi fe nc rimborso fcpra il danaroj che era ftaco tro- 
uato apprelTo la fuggiriua rubbato ai Madto, e neiia di lei 
caecura pofto in dcpolko neirVlfizio, oue ne rcifo ancht> 
tanto 5 che in fine d'ogni cah i\i confcgnato ii refiduo al 
mcdcfimo Abbate . 

C^amJo poi da! Confcruatorio derta Francefca Pompilia fu 
trafporrara aJla Cafa di Pictro , e Violamc > tuctc le circo- 
ilaD2caruecedenti, e fuiTeguenri dimofJrano per moko in- 
uefifimilcj che i'Abbatc vi de/Ii il confenfo > anzi che noji 
tt-ouandoti .oegii uti oae fia regiftrsro il detro confenro* 
apparifce chiaratnente « chc non ioC^c date , e ne meno po- 
«Ctt3 legititnamenre darlo > non cflfcndo Psocuratore del 
Fratello in quefto particoiare s ftante che il fuo mandate ff 
teiliingcua foiamcntc alia facoka di potere ricuperare il 

dana- 

[cxii] 



Hanaro » e aUro » che ftaaa m depoHte RclI'Vflfiwo , coma 
icfta gmaificato negli ani ? c dai raccouro » chc fece TAb- 
batc aU'hcra a iuoi Amies' , c conoJcenri , d diftrugge jo- 
lalmcnte I'afTertiua dci Fifco , sr.anre ciiccua elfcrgli ihta 
Hotificato , chc la Giouanc per ncceffij^ di purgadi , in ri- 
guardo airindifpo/izione tcfhfscatadal Medico , doucua.* 
vfcirc dal Conrcruatorio* c portadi alia Ca(a pa£€rna,a! 
che parendoJi d'cfTer burlato » rifpofe * chcfi po«cua cora- 
modamentc adcmpire la purga dVna Donna ncl Conferua- 
torio, fenza efporla a pericoli tanto cuidcnfi di maggior 
vitupcrio , marauigliandofi nioico 3 corae in vn fubiro toffe 
fitornaro I'affeao di Padre in Piccro Comparini verfo Pom- 
pilia.che tame volte I'haucua negaca per figlia in/ieme con 
ia Moglie , c come poreHero i medeiimi cilere, e oon cficre 
Genitori d i detra Donna , fecondo i ioro de/Idcri in pregiu- 
dino della Cafa Francefchina. 
E fe bene Tifiigatore , percolorirc rhonefta 61 detra Donna, 
ha mcr.dicato diiicrfe giufiificationi , eda notar/ij cheiiui 
foilanza juao qtiello, che iidice in queflopropo/Ito^fon- 
dato sa cio, che con la propria bocca in fauore di fe fiefTa, 
c per difcolpa de Iuoi mancaracnei ha proferitcia Donna» 
tanto in quefta congiuntura , quanto in queJla dciJa fuga, 
comenel Proccffo da riuederHjCoftando in facfo cucto il con- 
crariO) con aggiungcrui ic proue cfteriorij chc voleuano tare 
le ConuertitC) dalle quali il aflennero hauuta la nouzia del 
Parto dd figlio mafchio ; e piaccfie a Dio , chc c!Ia haueflTc 
oflcruatc le Leggi della fanu honeila, che da moi capricci 
non farcbbe fucceduroeccidio cosi grande . Auuertcndofl 
in oUre,che Taifcrta dschiarazionc fatta dalla Donna in ar- 
ii«.olo di morte puoie elTcrc equiuoca in fe {lefCi con i! fsn« 
fo } che doppo Ja Confeffione , & AiToluzionc Sacramcntale 
rcIticanccUatoil peccaro jcomefc tnaifoffeftato commcf- 
(o, in modo chc in foro poli non habbia pin bifogno di per- 
dono ; onde da tutte le fopraccennatc circoflanzc j e ragioni 
validiflime » non vie Ja dubirare, chei! Trancefchini da^ 
meritcuolc del comparimenro, chc danno Ic Lcggi, per cau- 
iadcgh eccefli , che traggono I'originc da gli ftimoli dell' 
honorc ; c quando mai folfimo nc i termini , chc quefta cau- 
l"a doueflc cHeregiudicata colVcxpeJif , dourcbbe fenza dif- 

iicolu 

[CLIIlJ 



ficolra eflercpuiiitolcggiermentcil Ffancefchini»p€rfinr» 
cuzzare TorgogUo aU'lmpudictftatC alia SfacciauginCi che 
come Donne non mancandogli fcguaci > trionfano per tuf U 
Bomajio compagnia delTradimentOttanto in publico,quan- 
to in p'riuato > con oppreffione , c derifione dci Mariti > che 
fanno Hi ma dclla loro riputazionC) dando (icolo di freddure 
alle circ^rpezionttche fi deuono haucre per la conrecuazio* 
nc del pi oprio Dccoro . 



fCLIv] 



SVMMARIVM 

Die la. Odobris 1697, 

IN mci &c. D. Francifca Pompilia Vxor D. Guidi Fran- 
ccfchini dc Aretio in eius libcrcatc pofita &c. promifit 
&c, habere banc Domum D. Petri q. Francifci Cotnpafi- 
ni &c. fitam in via Paulina pro tuto, & fccuro Carcerej& 
ab ca non difcederc, neque de die.neque de node, ctiam 
ianuis, & fcneftris aperris, fub quouispraetextu Sec. etiam 
animorcdcundi&c. &fcpr«rcntarc&c. poftquam con- 
ualiierir,actoticsqiiotics&c. ad omne mandatum Ulu- 
fthflimi, & Rcuerendiflimi Domini &c. Aim* Vrbis Gu- 
bernatoris pro cau/a de qua in afiis &c etiam nouis , vel 
non nouis fuperucnien. indicijs fub poena (c, terccnto- 
runi Reu. Cam. Apoftolicar applican. in cafu&c. 
Scquitur fideiulfio in forma . 

Charica^ Notarius . 

Fidcm facie ego infrafcriptus &c. quaUtcr in libro Baptiza- 
torum fbi. 1 5 2. rcperitur infrafcripu partkula vidcJiccc 

Die 2^. £oli/ 1680. Ego Bartholoo)«us Minius Curatus 
Baptizaui infamcm natam 17. huius ex D. Pctro Compa- 
rino &c. & ex D. VicJantc Peruzi ConiugibiM degen. in^ 
hac Parochia,cui nomcn impoficuin fuit Francifca,CamiI- 
la,Vi<aoria, Angela, PompiJia&c. In quorum fidcm &c 
Roma? hac die 9. Februari; 169Z. 

Ita eft PetfUsOtthobonus Curatus S.Laurciic^ m Lu- 
cina. 



Num. I. 

Obligatio emijpt d 
francifca Pompilia 
dehabendo Domii 
fro Careere . 



Num. X. 

Fides Baptifmi 
FranciJ(€ Tompi- 
li<e . 



Cari mici Gcnltori • 

Vi fo fapcrc , come io fono qui in Ca/lel nouo carcerata per 
cfTer fuggita con vn Signorc , che voi non cooofcctc , ma 
e Parente del Beliehimy cbeju a Rpma , che b/tueuo a venire 
con luij ma per ejjere ammalato non bafututo venire , ma o 
venuto quea'altro , & 10 looo venuu con qucfto ^perche 

ia 

[CLV] 



Num. 3. 

EpiJioU Francifcx 
Vompilia fcriptoa 
in Carceribus C.C' 
firi nouifuis Geni^ 
tonbus. 



K^lia Epiflola ctuf^ 
dem in qua obiftr- 
gctur Canenicns ds 
I nhontjl-tte. 



Num.f, 

'PanifuU Tejia- 
menti "Petri Com- 
parini , 



la mia -vitst eraahorc , perche Guido ff^o Marifo mi vele9*i 
vcchierc -, perche haueua ^ertifuoifvfp^Mt nun njerh ffer qite^ 
Jio mi'vohua 'vcaderc , & lo vi maiuiai quelli appofta t o 
voi noncredeui ^chi'fo^e mia tr.ano quelle Jettercchcj 
VI mandaij ma vi dico, che lo ho finito d'iroparare di fcri- 
ucre in Are2?o, pf to vi dico , che Cjusftx) , ch^ ve la porta 
s'e modb a pic£a> c mi hi daso la carta,e qucllo mi hi bi- 
fognaro, pcro voi fubito, che haucte Ictto quefla raia» Ve- 
nice qiu in Callci nouo pef darms quaiche aiutOj che mio 
Marito mi fa cotitro, qijanto puole » pero fe voi volete la 
voftra.^glioia, venire fubitoj e refto perche non ho piii 
tempo ii 5. Maggio. 

Foris — hi S*g. Pietro Comparini mio Padre alia ftrada^ 
Vittoria . Roma . 

RcnJo inlinite graiic deli'ottaue, che mi hauete d.ite» qua- 
il i'ono tutce al contrario deila RoJalifKii^che rancp k ho- 
nefta quell j, tanto c lafciua quefta » e wt marauiglio j che 
voi chejeie tatita tajho ■= l^imtH ccmpojis , i copiatf iofs tanto 
pof,oonefti^c, ma ionon^orrei -, chetioifacejie (oiiin ogni 
■c<s/a y «m« baaett fa^o in quefit UbriiShi ilpfimp ijiuto tan- 
to ««e^p •> e qutfte &n»ui! tuiie it cantraho ■» che ■vox da innto 
»nefit} , eht/e^ , di'ae^tiKfie imit&atdifOi ii cbi ftae cfedv c^T, 

Intottss cflng^limieibtra &c. <«ia Ercd^ vTufruniiciria^. 
^ftitusft^ JaSignom Vio)3i\rel*"^i'ufcji mn Coniorre <5fC. 
Emorendo dettaSignota Vloisiitefeilitujfco t^\ de«o 
vfiifnitrodena nua vniuerJsicFrcdits Fraucefca Pompi- 
i1a-rm)gi-i« dd Sig, Guido i^rancefchini d'Arczzo ■> e que- 
fta ioftituzionc la f^ccio per i'l iuoi btioni coftumi , c per 
hauer'eira vifilito in buona fede per molto tempo, & anni 
d'eficr mia fig) sola, /i come dciia Signora Vioiance niia»r 
Conforte , & io d'effcTgli Padre ? ritrouandod tanto cffaj 
KsedcihTsa .come lo jtt x^\ creduHea wigaanair* mGtch al- 
ia v-xniti ck psnJkri malatneiire efaminati daiia ikrta vnU 
Confottc ocnhauermf fuppofloil l^artodelU mtttema* 
e da detta Signora Vioianr? mia Ccnfortepcx fcrupolo di 
colcitnEa fcopri-comi dopo jiMarita^gio di Francefca 

Pom- 



[oLvrj 



Pompiii.i aiedcfima ■> e da mcnconofcmto clfcr vero Par- 

to fiippofio conic notizle prefenc da pcribne d'lntegra 

fcdc. Con cutidttioHs perb t che delta FrancefiA Pompitit^ 

debba ripairiars > e dimorare in Romafua P Atria <&<:, neUa. 

quale Ottd fptru -vnierix cajiamentt -> &■ onsfiamente , f da^ 

buona Gri/liana ^ e nan ripatrujndoy g ripa^andofntt^ndo sim 

sfacciAiA tjnp-udiatta ( che Dio DOn permerta ) voglio tibs 

dccada daWvfuftuitij d\ duta mi.% EredHa , e {13, htto !uo- 

goaliafoftitiizione a (iuorcdell'tofrafcTstm mio Eredo 

propricrario &c. pcrche cosi &c. c non alcrisnence &c. E 

pcrche potrcbbc darii il ca(o » che riniancfle Vtdoua 3 ^ ii ~^- 

diiToiucifs ii MutriiP.onio » fiance la ike, che vertc auanti 

Monfignorliiurtrifl^mQ Tomad per 1' atti dell' Oliuicri 

deiia fua fUiatione , pero vokodo deeta Franccica Pom- 

pilia rimaritarfi, o f.irii Monica , in cali cah , 6 cafo , vo- 

glio , che fjpcOa fmcnibraredailafr.ia Eredita lino aila 

Ibmma di fcudi miile ttioneta ad cifetco? che \\ poffa ri- 

mantarcs 6 monacarc 5 fe gii piacera , infinuandoia votl- 

rimaritar^ per non foggiaccreaH'econdo , dad akri in- 

ganni, dandoll in olcrc facoifa di peter se/Ure fino alia 

fomma d'altri fc.ducento moncra deiia mia Ersdsta , & 

in cuerjto , che prcmorifTe detto Sig. Guido alia dcrta 

Fraocdca Ponipslia &c. per il che ne veniffe la rcftifutio- 

nc del denaro da effoSig. Gin'do riceuuci in fomma di 

fc.fecteccnto m circa &c*chclD ftimo fe non impoHibilo 

almeno d^fficilinumo per elfer dctco Sig. Guido mifcrabi- 

ii^mo, elt fua Caia affai pouera, voglio non gli fi com- 

punno alia detra Fianceica Pompilia neUi dettj fcoiooo. , 

ne tampoco r.ella facolta di te^aie pcrche cosl &c. 

DiC 7. Odobris 1694. D.Guidusq.Thoinafdc i'rancciem- j^j^g^„^ oreca* 
nis dc ArcEiofpontc &c. fecit-* & conRiruit&c eius ve- j^ ftStim a D.Gui 
rum i^c. ProciK-atorem &€. Ipecialemi 3c genera km &c« jene enncefcbim 
itatamen &c. D, Abb. Pauluni de Francefchiniseius g<fr- inperfoni D,4^b. 
uianum jftaerem Homx dcgtntero &c* ad eius? & nomino i'.mhpius frjtrit » 
difSi D, Conftitu?ntis ? & pro cd agendum » & defenden- 
dum omnes iicfs » & caufas ciuiies ■> & mistas motas ? 5c 
moucndas quaiibet de cnv.i^i^ contra quoicunquc vbi- 
quc locof isinj & lignejiter Rom^ cam ai5iiyej quaiti pa^iud 

coram 

[CI-VIl] 



coram quoeunque D. ludice Mm Ecclcfiaftico , quaiiu 
facculari > Congrcgatione, feu Tribnnaii j & coram eo, vel 
cis libclJum dandum, cxcipiendum , litem contcftandum, 
iurandum dc calumnia , & quodlibct aliud licitum lura- 
iTJcntum praefiandum&c. ac omnia, & (ingula alia ada 
opportuna > & neccfTaria gcrcndum j & procurandum eo 
modo J & forma 5 & prout faccre poffct d. Coftftituens , fi 
prsfens cflTct , & difto Procurator! &c.libci:c videbitur, & 
placcbit &c. pronjittcns &c. rogans &c. 

Ego lofeph &c. dc Riccij Notarius publicus &c. Arc- 
cinus rogacus&c.in /idem Sec. 



Illuflrifu & Reuerendifi. D* 

Vrbis 
GVBERNATORE 

In Criminalibus . 

Romana Homicidiorum . 
cum qualitate» 

PRO 

Fifto . 

C O "H. '^ R A 

D. Guidum Francefchinutn, & Socios . 



Summarium. 



ROMiE jTypisR. Cam. Apoft. 1658. 



[cLvm] 



RomanaExcidlj . 

111."" 6{ Reu."" li'wQ . A °J,f .'»?,"/'"'■ 

X JL '^t^ I" dliputariono 
articuli J an AduJtcriuro , ijiiod prjetenditur ejcaducrfo Co«n- 
miflTiim a Francifca de Comparinis dim Canonico Caponfac- 
ca He fufficientcr iunificarum , dum nos in pdma noftra facii , 
& luris informatione diximus refolutum folum fujfle in Con- 
gregarionc pto poena Rclegadonis In Ciuitatc Vetula aduer- 
siispritfatujn Canonicum, & retentionis io Confcruatorfo 
ciufdem Francifcas ob dcfeaura probationis ^iOtx Adulterj; , 
& lure memo , quia nee ipl'e Canonicus ndc diSa Francifca 
funt confeffi , minu^que conuiiiiij & quia prafumptioacs ex- 
aduerfo defiimpta: funt leues , accquiuocae iquamuis ctiam 
fi efTeiit graucs acque vrgcntKfiina; non fufficercnt ad confti- 
tuendani Concludcnccoi probarionctn , Ted ad furDinomin- 
ducerc poffent animutn iudicis adaliquampoeaam leuem, ac 
afbitrariamimponendam , vcteftatur Farinacc, de Qommuni 

Stride ideo infiftendura foluni vcnir pro parte Fifci non Hcuiflc 
Guidoni Francefchino vxoreoi noo depixheofita in Adulre- 
riojac in a(^ibus venereis , & ex iocerualio occidere abfquc 
incurrupocn«ord<oaria? »'. CermU deStcar. ^toiit Marituin 
occidentem vxarcni ex intcruajlo a dit'ia poena non cxc«»fari 
probauimus ex multorum infignuin DO. auCtoritatc in priori- 
bus fcriptis §. A'ii vera . 

Quo iadio fundaroento diximus lura Fifci controueru' mlnime 
polfe in Cafuj'tje quo agicur.dum DD.citaduccfoalkgati cx- 
cufantcs a p^na ordinariaMaritutn ioquuntur in Cafu fim- 
pli- i,qoi proindcexrcndi nondcbent ad Cafum qaalicatibus, 
at circumftjntijs valde grauarum> ea rarionc i quia non po- 
ttft eadtin cifc poena , quando maius deliv'luas eft ia vno Ca- 
fui quam m alio iuxta Text, in Lftnalff. it Calumniat.Bald in 
l.iitm propofias num. \ 2. Cod. dt Hautkof&nore , quod in ooftris 
pracifisccrmiais etiam comprobauiinus amSorirare Laurent. 
MAibi-udereCrtmiaal.CQiHrouerf. 12. num. 2^, vtrf. £x qui- 
bus. 

Mec ad poficrnendum hocFifci fundamentura obijci valccquod 
omnesqualiratcs , & circumftanci^, qu« pro parce eiufdcnj 

A Fifci 

[CLIX] 



Fifcr curoulatae fucrunt taaqoam «endcDtcs » 8f prayoidinata 
ad fiaero in mcntc propofitom non 6m habenda; in tonfidc- 
ratione cuto finis, & intcnr»o d.Guidonis Franccfcbint teii« 
derec ad occidcodam vxOfefn,& Ad vindicandum eius bono- 
rciquia quantum fallax (it hocargomentufacis comprathea- 
di f oreft «x iam fcrip^is per nos in S.prima <mm tum %.fe<i<.& 
in %.fe(UH<ii sjHalitas^fum $ ^*rg*>vbi prubaMimus,quod ao* 
^oritatcs Oodor. qui pofTcntexaducrro adduct loquunrurr 
& iotcliigi debenti qtiando Aois eft iic(tus,nec a lege pro bi- 
bitu$9vet quando per partijcularcs Con(litutiones,ac Baoni* 
fnentaquaiicas > ac circumJiantia non conftituat delidum 
capitate prorsiis diftinc^uni) & feparatuoii Hud fequaturiHuj^ 
non fcquacur id quodfuit in mcote dcliuquentis ptxordiha- 
tutn. 

In ooftro cafu ex cooccfsis per OD. nieos Defenforcs non eft 
iicitum 1 nee a iure pemiinum marito impund vxorem pro 
Aduiterioex ifttcruailooccidcre, fed (o!um i iure eideo 
peraiitcitur Adiilteroni viictn>& Adulterant vxoreoi inAdul« 
ccria deprxhen(am morri tradere; quumodoergo applicaa* 
dxfunt nof^rocafui DD.audorltatestqua^proceduntjdc jSbi 
locum vIodicaQC in cafu a iure permiflb » in qaibus cerminii 
loquitur Lnureat, Mattben exaduerfe allcgatiis CHifr. 1 1. vbi 
in figuracione cxfus kgitar A<iulterum> 6: Adulceram foiffc 
motci traditot jiu domo roariciiquaatuis in illo cafu maritus^ 
non impunitus eaaferit, eo quia vfus fuerit armis igneis. 

Neque fub/iftit in iure, & in praxf * quod deiatio armoruot 
confundatur cum deii<^o patrato,NoQ in lure, vt iam firma- 
uimus in alia §./ erpo , verfCertius , nee in praxi » quia in^* 
omuibus cribanaiibus totius jdatus Bcclcfianici feruacur, 
quod fecuto homicidioetiamrixofo fi iliud fueric comif* 
fum cum arcois dcferri ptohibicis fub poena capitali) prasfer" 
titn fi di^a atma ad manusCurias petueocrint accipftur^p^njl 
maior > & honaicida qui ob homicldiuro rlxofum in pafnam 
extraordinariam daiuoari deberet io pcenam ordioiriam ob 
diSam armorum deiationemdamnj(ur> proutdc bacpraxi in 
llatu Ecclefiaflico vigore Bannimcntorum teftanrur Farinac, 
^uaR.i o8.«»fw. i6Z,(Jrff^l» Gttazzim. ^efc/)f.2^.ftKm,iS, Ver/1 

Miniis applicantur c«tcr« Dodl. auiSoricates addu^xad clu- 
dcndam dilpofitionem Conftitutionis Alexandtinx;* quia li<' 

cec 

[CLX] 



cet verum fit j quod ad hoe vt fntret po&na ab ipfa confii'tti- 
tione ccmminatatiebcant tn'a concurrae > iicmpt^ dolus cau- 
fa litis, & quod nulla interucneriEproaocario, vt tradit F«- 
rif>a(c.ifj conf6y, num.i.cxtcnquc ab eo citati > attamen in^ 
nof^f o cafu prsdi<fia omnia concuriunt; de dolo enim dubita- 
ri minime poteft , diim ex propria confefllione Reorum ha- 
betnuj pracedentem traftatuas , 8i defibcrationem homici- 
dia committendi , ex quo tra^atu prscedemi dolum uriri 
fitmant Decian^cenf.^i.num fi.f'b.^.^a/tarddepfeiat.lii.i. 
(fi»ch/»^Sl. num.y^. & fe^. Mer,nh.ieprdfumpt. lih, J. />»■<«• 
fitmfU i.num.iio.Varinac.qusft.Zg.infpe^.^.num.^j. 

DeCaufa litis paritdr non eft ambigendumiquia ob prajtcnfiooc 
Petri dc Coojparinis fupcr dote promifTaj quoad fiona Mci- 
commido fubici5ia ad exclufioncm dd. GuidoaisFrancelcbi- 
ni » & Francifcf eius Vxcns , non folum inchoatuis fuit iu- 
dicium, coram A.C. Thomato, fed etiamab ipromecludice 
fuit prolata Sentcntia faoorabilis cidcin Franccfchino . 

Quod autem ptouocatio ex qua motus fuerii Francefcbinus ad 
occidendum propriam vxorcm procefferiiex Caofa practcn- 
{\ Adukcri) habcmus ex confeffione ipfiulmet Franciichini 
foper qua Doomi mci Defcnfores principalitec infiftuni; 

SMzm Caufdmciim negare mioime poffintfuifTeinrrodu^atn 
riminaliter corajxi ludicc ab eodenimct Francifchino, tate- 
ri perneccfse opponet fibi locum vindicate BitlU Alezandri. 
nxdifpofitiontm » qus loquitur tam deCaufts Ciuilibus> 
quaraCriminalibuSjVt videreefl fa § ^»<i^/oeiufdcm Bullaei 
ibi '-•'.Qtioi deinceps perpetuis/Hturis temporihus, omnesy (j ftn- 
guh Bccle/iiififC4itSecularefq;p(r/o»ie cutufcumqne quaUfattSidi' 
gnttatis tftatus ,gradus > erdtnis , & praeminemU fuerint ^qa^e 
turumin dujis-i tam Beneficial: bus. ^uam prof anisiac Crimtna- 
libtts, fiue miXtis indiHa Cuna nunCi ^prh tempore pendeutihus 
Aduerfarlasy'vel illas frtfetjuentes s & procurantcii fine Aduoea' 
tos -iitut Prosuratores ipforu»* &c. & ibi •■^ ft mutttatio rmmhri^ 
'velmorSf ijuhd Deus aiiertat- fuhfequatur ^vitra Caaft , & lu- 
ris amifsionein Uf* Maitjiatis Crimtms fintenuas iacurrant 
ipfofa&o. 
Et hafc currcnti calamo propter anguftiaoi tcmporis trium ho- 
tarunaexaracafufficerc credimus ad clarius demo^raadum 

fun- 

[CLXl] 



fuadamenta Fifci in priorlbus fcrJptisfifmata fub/iHcrenoa 
obftanttbus exaduerfolacd) &ecudita > fiac umen legitinta^ 
probatione dedu^is > 
Quare &c» 

F dc Gambis Fifci, & R* C. A. Proc. 

Gcneralis. 



inujlri/s. ^Rtuetendifs.D 

Vrbis 
GVBERNATOE 

In Criminalihus. 
Romana Exddij . 
9» ^ o 

Fifco . 

C O N T ^ ^ 

D, GuidoQcm Francifchinum , & So* 
Carccratos . 



Rcfponfio Dili Procuratoris Fii 
Gcneralis ► 

ROMi£ , Typis R. Cam.Apoft.i 



[CLXU] 



Romana Homicidiorum. 

ili"^ . & Reu.-"' Dne . R^^,?;;;.^-^^. 

uocatusin princpio ruxnoujelnforniatioaisOccrccumhuius 
lupreraiTribunalisfupcr Tormcnco Vigiliac D.Guidooi Frao- 
ccfchinoi flc locijs infercndo pro hibendj courcflioiic imtnd- 
niiTiffli fcckris ab ipfis pacraei tanquam iii'uftum • exindeque 
contcflioncs iliius mcrucmanacas ,Sc eoceflantcratiticata$,vc 
moriseft jCildcjuoocerc rvon poffe infctn Intudiciam vci6 
diwli Dccrcti defuinercconarur n edu in px defect u qualitatis 
atrociiliaiJe per conftirurioncm fel rec. Pauli V. fupcr rcfor- 
inationc Tribunaliuni Vrbis recjuifirje , fed ctiam c< quo non 
porfecirrogari poena mortis pi o Grimfne, dc quo agitor* dc 
iCa ncccfii'nex facuJtiribus fxtraardinanVs huic Tiibunali 
concelfis decerni Tormeiuuin vjgilijp>ne miior firsfperitas 
in procedendo i quatn in con Jen»nando j vt mo.iec D.Cano- 
DicMsRajti*U^h/eruat.pare.t.cap.s,9,t»atirtrttum nun. isi. 
&feq. 

In fine vcrd didae noux ioforiaationis me qucque redarguic, co 
quod cum futninj ip/ius, & aHoruoi adcnirationc mci tnuoC' 
ris obligacioni , vcritatem ^cllic<^tqlJ£^eadl, defeccrio > con* 
ficiendo alkgarionesprocuendis iurjbus Fifct cideoi noou 
coromunicauS) de quo fatis ipfum orctcnt^s conqusftuin_« 
exidi^nabarr, vt noux querela parcerc potuilTeCy cum mcum 
non (icillascooanfiunicKc > prour mihinuaquaai ab eodenii 
quas ad dcfeafan) conceit, do^^idftma! demorc inforinationcs 
communes ftuot; Quod fojum innucre opera? pretiumduxi > 
nb meo muoecf , & obferuancif $ qua Dominum ffieum pro* 
fcquor.dcfccidc vidcar . 

prarmiflTa proptcrea propria apologia, tranfco ad vindicandatn 
abobiet^a iniutlitia decrctura huius Tribuoalis » & omiiffl^ 
tndaginequaluatis Crijninis:An fcilic^trtputari valeatatro- 
ciiHmuot > de quo id abundanciam difTetui in prxcerita rcf- 
ponfione %Sed fuUfmh ettAm cum feffuett.odcadcade earn^ 
fubdmeri polTe ob qualicaces illudeKafperantes > & Cxtollcn- 
tes ad \x(3s aiaie^ans dcli«f)uini ex dtfpoGtionc Coodicueio- 
num Apodoiicarum ,& Gciieralium. Banntmentorum » fatis 
c0e ccnfeo in pixfenti ofteoderc > quod pro illo poeoa mor- 

A CIS 

[CbXIIl] 



ti$ fft frrogantJa » quodfaclli ncgocio euincerc fpero » duitu 
ex ipfa ians decreta per intcgcrn'mos ludices accrbiorlsTor- 
curjcrpccicjdiadf quoque pjpnaf Jocum cfTc prxfupponea- 
dum cA ) izaut cum nihil noui tam in fa^o , quim in iure de> 
ducatur> quodoon fucrit priiis in relatione Caufae pro dc- 
ccrncnda Tortura examinaturn , Tuperucnta Rcorym confcf- 
Hone ludicam partes fint cxecuttonem pxas pccmeritc ab 
omnibus iam diu etpcid^atx pronunciare > 

DixiniIn<Miiafferriper DD. Dcfenforcs , cuta pr«cipuus co- 
rum conatu« coniiftat in rcpctcnda caul'a honof is ob praetcn- 
fuoi adultcrium pacracunn ab Vxore D.Guidonis i confpirad » 
tibu$)6£ad(isu^ntibu<eius Genicoribus barbardcum ipfc* 
trucidatisadeifcicandiin IlluftfiSimii Domini mei, ac DO.Itj> 
dicuracommireratioiien)} vt miuiis tam ipre,quam Socij pu- 
niendifiiir>e« audotiratibus procoadduifiis in prima infor- 
matiooe §.Uoe Hante cum.Jc^, ^ %, Prsdicits nulUteaus parittr 
tum/e^. & i/iprntfenii $.Fcrum , i^ fnios j fed eadcm recurric 
refponfiO) quad nullum Keis prapHdiutn aiFerre valet exec* 
ptiu piaeten(xcaur« honoris ob ctus infubn^enciara ia fac^Ot 
& irreleuantiim in lure. 

Quid quid coJo) fit an ad excufaodam vindi<fiam iocootineoti 
fumptam d viro contra Vxorem > vel Amaduoi > foLa vehc- 
roens fufpicio adulcerij fufficiat ex quo iUa reprrta (it \n adti* 
bus V^nereis vel pra?paratorijs ad illud> quia cunc ob iacoo- 
fultutn doloieo) ad iram prouocanrem ab ilia exitatum, px« 
naplurtmumcfl tcmperanda iuxta qualitat^m cafus atqucj 
pcrfonarunitcertum efY,quod adefTe^uoi vitandi pxnao) or. 
ainariarolegisCorncIig dc Skar. pro ficcc Vxorisex inicr- 
uallopatrata iloiafufpiciAquaintuniCunque vetieonens noto 
fu^iciX) fedrequiritur eius Uquidiflima probatio>vcl ex con- 
fedione ipfius Vxoris , vel fenrentia condemnatoria rcful- 
taiH » vt practe< addui^os in iftea praeterita refponfione 5. S^- 
lamque /a/pici^em i admittunt per Dominos Defenfores lau- 
dati Mitfcarddt pr$k4U.tani, i .concly.6^'Vfrh.Adultermm Num.Z* 
tt q,B^rtazz.tl.ctn/.i^i.rmm.\,verf^u0<i autem-,Ca{?all. ref»L 
Crimtcaf.ipO.nwjt.iS. Mattb.Satiti'df re Cr$nthCOH(r.l i.numer, 
1 5 . Dex^rt. decif.^ard,^. par iter iMtm»^^. 

Talis autem probariodcficjcomnindincafu noftroj Naminfc- 
lixVxor Adultcriuaa»rqtjc ad extreaium vicas fpiriturocon- 
ftaaiiffime ncgauic, vccon(ht ex atieftationibus iuratis Rc- 

Jigio- 

[CLXIV] 



ligioforuai Virorutti) & aliorunii qui eidem iatthalicer vuU 
neratiBininiflrabaot , vnanimirer afferenciura , ipfam fcmpcc 
atfirmartc, quod nunquam Conitigalcai fidcm vioIaucrat»ncc 
talc peccatom Gbi a Dioina Clcrnentia reniitti cxpofcebat , 
qox profe^oalTcrtiopluriaii facreada eft , cum nemo decs- 
derc prasfumatur imtncmor falutis«tctD^ , vt vltra rclatos 
io prxtcrita informaciooe $. Omiiemque. iraJitnl fiiennch. dzj 
fr*/umpt.iib.S. pr/t/um.$. numer.^. Faria. de hxreHqusft. 196. 
num.lX'Dccian.tra^l Crim.Ub.-y.tttJe defrnf.Kttr (ap.ij.num, 
^•j.Qard,dt Lue.de Re^aUdt/ci ig-aymiJ^'O- dc legal, di/c^ij, 
tmvt. to, 

NoftrelcuancibusrefponGonibus rradiris per DD. Dcfcnforesi 
qood fcilic^thuiufmodj probatio excluiiija adolceri; foluaij 
defumarurexBdibuseKtraiudiciaiibus, lite pendente extor- 
tijab hercdcpro remouendis molcftijs illatis i Mortaftcrio 
Conacrtitarurt* , & quod aliqui fubfcripti in ijfdem (int lega- 
tanj; Cunqne talis affertio teodacad tegencla<n propfi4»«i_, 
turpitudtnem non Gt atccndcoda ; Prarferfim cum non fit iu- 
rata, ic l<cdf nemopraefumaruriniTncmorfaltjfis artcrn«,non 
tamenomnes pratsurnunruf clfe (Qxaiuacf a peccaco > ficuc 
S. loanncs Baptifta, & rnaxtts^ quorids agicurdc prsiudi> 
cio Tcrtij , & dc grauiiis initnicucn declarantis puoiendo. 

Qubniam ofrmcs facli negocio diifoluuntar « InFormitas qoip- 
pc probationis obrtare poCTct. fi Fifcus tcncrerur eatn aflTu' 
mere , & perteaam enhibere i At cum falconos Reo iocuo)* 
bat ex lopra tradicts pro vitanda pa-na tnorris, quotids Vto- 
reoiex intcroallo necauie, fltfalcj actefliriones foliioi addu- 
caatur ad otfufcandumprobarionem prseteafiaduireri/ per il- 
ium addu<3ani , ia hoccerte cafn rperneadx oon funt , prx- 
ferti'D artcnra qoatitatc attcftantiura , cum fine ReligioQ no- 
rat probiratis »quo$ , cedibilenoo cft,meatiri voluiflc , x;^ 
per Text, in cap.Si Tefies^-qud(}.^> cap.ln trti.'ra d< Tefitb, tra- 
dant ^kxctnr-^inum.^.-ooLj. Craue/t.c»»/'.i6y.n»m.z.v«Li, 
Menoch,c»nf.i 2 i.tiuM.^.lti.^ Fariaac.df Teftib, qu^ft.Jo. u»m 
mere /^ji.StUeif.difquifClertf. part. I, tit.de Cierico Tefle%, i. 
num.1. , & fetf. 

Eidcmque replicationc toliiiur cxceptio i qu6d exeortc fuerint 
per h«rcdeai, litepcndcntc pro rctnoucndis molcft'js illatis 
a Monaflerio Coauertitaiuin » quia cum agatur de probauds 
afTercione emiHa in vUirais diebos m^ atqux ioarticulo mor- 

A 2 tis, 

[CLXV] 



tis , non potent, nifi ca fecutj » inftftul prohatio > & luidajt- 
duf eftheres, q >i renetur neccm defua^i '/mdicare , ne in- 
dignus repurctiir, vt per TextMteralem <« leg.x.C.de ijif quibiiS 
Vt indigO!S ibi -- Hsredts, (futs necem Teflatoris tnuUaiUj 
9m'/iD£ cooPittrit J frur7hs integrot tegantur rtiiere o-C. mo* 
neot Angel.ibidem aum.t.B^rtol.num.i. ©• %,CiJSren.nuinsr. i. 
Ia/&».«««.i.(idi(3:as atceftacioncs procurauic? vc fiUcm fa- 
mam Tcftjtricis tacatur , quo poiiiis tendcbit eius ftadiuin > 
quam ad arcendas mokfliis iadcbite illatis, it qua.-unn ipli 
cc/fatio rctorqoeri poteft ad exdufloQcna pr^tcnf* probario- 
nis inhoncftatisinff iicis Vxoris . 

Miaufqtic obftarc vaier > Iquod aJiqui ex fubfcriptis (int legata- 
rij, cum torum incerclTcoon fit adeocoinderabilct vc a tc- 
Oimonio ferendo rcpen.inrur> vc moncnt Hcrculan. sntrac?, 
de Kfg<$t, au9i 215. Lui'Jiiiertex^, de (on:ra&. giof. «o, num. 4. 
Boff. $H tit. de «pi>ojJt. cpntr, Ttff. nam. 1 2 5. cf fcqq. Mafcard* 
dtprol'at.lic'.t.CPnci.^iS, a!fm,4, ^ Ith.^, coBcl. jJJ?. n>6g. 
^Jeq- Ofiif;h.dec'f. l'ede>ne's$.g<). /j«w. tj. (^ 38. prajicitiia 
quori^s agitijr dcpiobanda ic . qu« coiuigu inrra domcih- 
cos p3rictcs, & cuius proprcrca probatio difficsllima rcpu- 
tatur, vt aducreic AUx, conf.tOf. numsro i. l\h.\. FarinaC'dc 
left. qit. 6. nam.yS'&f^'ijq. cutn ibi adduwiisj Ta\ijqne c*-Ce« 
ptio, quafcpus fub/iftcrec 1 fupplcta remanercc e< nomero 
aliorom Teftiiim n dd, atrcftacionibus fuhfcriptoruoi , vt 
trsdtsnt A egf I. i^i L.nui Te/hmrnra Kitnt.^. ffldf Teftgm.Cam' 
peg.'ie TcftiL Tegul.j').tn p''if»,t/al'fn.',Farinac. dicl. qu. 70. 
ntim.6^' Rot. (ora'n Rny.is dfc. J^j.waw, 5. ^ 6. '.<^ dec ^66, 
numtScr loram Buran, dec.i^^, fiumeto ^8. d^* cor.im Merlin, 
dfC.27-j.Ninm. II, 

Exceptio vcro quod affcrtio morjcntisjvt pote ecndens ad pro- 
pnam cxoncraiioncm non fit attcndcnda,quia nemo cogicur 
proprlamiurpitudinern dctegerc, forfan procederc poHct (i 
probatum fuifferAduitcrloin. & rron conftatet> vuJncratam.. 
obijfle comniaximaChriftianjt compuniSionismanifcOatio- 
nc, qu* mcndacij Ju/plcionena cxcludcret > quo cafu ca non 
proccdir, fed Jucccilit alia validiffima pt^fuoaptio, quodoe- 
mQcrcdaiur, vellemori ralufisaftcrnjc iramemor, vt monec 
Mafcard ex adufrfo adduUus defrobat, censUf. 144. num* 2. 
vbi rt'fpondct Balds sk coHtrarium fariter allato in Tit, De 
face (tt>fianti£ verhc Vajfulli in ifh.fcud.ajfcremit quhdnen 

em- 

[CLXVl] 



om^iis^ i^ui t»ayl(ari0S, loanr^cs Eua»gtllf)A^oftindende^ ^uQd 
ipfe (ft fsbt contrariusy dum in (onf.isMff.i. ajt? ConfefTionCwu* 
emifsam in articulo mortis valere . fubditquc , id ad verica- 
tem proprJus accedcrc > adducendo in comprobationcoi^ 
Aiar/fl. canf, ^^numero 14.^ JK.iik 1. ^ Anchor . corif.x<^t. 
affirmantcm, vt fi quis afTerercriConfticutum in articulo mor- 
tis mentJri , diccrct non ver ifimllc , & concludit j hanc opi- 
niofJem eiTe magis a.'quaaJ5& farioni> ^c lurinatorali magis 
coofeotaneam, & licer aliquasaffefatlimiraiiooes .nulla ra- 
iwen cafui noJlro adaptatur , & quaiftio , de :qna ipie agit , 
proceditio afTcrtione vulneraci , an hchi indicium conerss^ 
lnculpatmn» qnae foto coelo a no(hs difpuEacionc diftat, cum 
vt obfcruatum eft. Fifco non incumbat onus probaodi , ncc 
afTertio nortrajmorientisprincipaiitcrtendatad viodii^amj, 
cum ex dd. actcftationibus confter » ipfam ab cadem abhor- 
ruiflcj vE I'emper pfoficefccurfelibetuiffjme viro parcere. 

His potius ad abundantiam, quam pro afferenda luftitia decreti 
huiusTribnnalis, necefficarecxpofccnfspir^notaris , f^^ciio 
crit pr^-tenii Adiiiterij probaEionena per t>0. Deteiifores 
addudam elidere : Nam quarenuseadeftjmitur ex alio Oe- 
crero ciufdefn Tribunalis condenmtorio D. Canonici Ca- 
ponficchi pro fuga ,& cograuone camali Fraacifc^ Pompi- 
Wxt fubfidit rcfponfio tr-jdita, qu6d 000 fie atcendendos Ti- 
tulusjfed probarjo c\ ProccfTu rcfulcaosjSs pcsna per fencca- 
tiara impofiea . Adcr6'.)uc licet in Decrety »vna cum titoio 
compliciratis in fugi , &: deuiationis d. Francifcs Poojpihas 
additusfucrircriam TJtulascogn:£ionis carnalis eiufdeaduj 
Attamen dum in Proceffu non reperitur probafio ilisus ve- 
ri!icat!U3» ciquc pgna triennalis rdegatioois non cocrcfpoa- 
det» remanec proprcrea nudus Tituiui noo atrcndendus ex 
audoritatibusaddusiiisin prstcnra refponfione %.no» rete- 
uaate, 

Eoque minus ex illorefukare valet probatio ,ade6 clara pr:x- 
tenn Adulrerij ,! prout requiritur ad euadendam pocnaaa or~ 
dinariam pro vindi>3a ex interuailo furapra 1 dum id inftati- 
tiam D. Procuratoris Charitatis fuit per DO. ludices, ap- 
probante liluflriiTimo D. meojdecrcta corredro/ubroganrdo 
generaJem Titul-im ad ProcefTum relatiuum j fcil'cet : Pro 
cati/ai de qua in af?ii: qua; corrcitioj lic^t non legator \n 11- 
b«yrculo> in quo adnocanturrefblueJooes vuigo Vacchetf&y 

A 3 ta- 

[CLXVIl] 



tamen d^ta TaJtin fchcduU tnnftnifTioni&ifi reltfgatlonem , 

Ctin decreco aTtgndd'onis Domos loCocatQCtisSiimm.nti.t. 

qux cutn fiiSti&t de confenfu 0*Abbaeis Pauii Francefchini 

eidcm proptercd innoruifred.mutationcaita/firmandamed 

ob notoriam jlliusfollicitudmfni in humfmodi Gaofi pro- 

mouctidajtaut prorsiisinuerifimilc fit » ipfum non ptrlu- 

ftrafTc tale dccrctum,<3c obligaciorKtn faiitaai a PctroK Tub* 

miniftrandi aUnocnta>abrqucfpe ilia rcpetendi* ac fiddnf* 

ftoneni prxRitam de habendodomum procarccrc > exqai- 

bosfcicntiaeiasdenri luficicntcr probata ccnfcri dtbct, vc 

6r<nauit Rtt. coraft Suh* dectfl ^o. num ^o»& ftefq, \^ ceram 

Ctlf, dee 152. o($m.6, & coram Cerr, dce,^^. aum.^o,^ (6rai» 

fa,mem. Alex. VIJLdfc.x69*»»vt'H-&dec,^^S,f$ifm» u. 

p<tf.i8.rer. 

Exiodequecorruicrefpoafios qiK)d aoopoeuiffet mutari De> 

cretum, t traque Farce non aod<tas,Qitia multd minus inau- 

dita Francifca Pompiiia, qax fuas adhuc dcfeonones nori^ 

coofecerac > potcrac ia condemnacionc D. Caoonici adtni« 

(ccti ticuius cogoitionis Caraafis ei aded prxiudicialisioe- 

dum quoad cxiflicnatioaetn , Ifcd etiam qooad amil^oneni^ 

dotis> cut prscipue maritusinbiabstiir^ enim tndcfeafa mu- 

licr condcmnariooem paiTa fuinet,8f quod peius cd^vt oHen' 

diteucntUSr ^xpofita remancbat fucori virr. Ac proiDrdd 

talis corrediof iuflitia diftaocC) mertro impectata » & e%ecu- 

cioDi deoiandaca fuiri& quaccnus etiam noo conf^giffetjnea 

potcrac feateiuia contra D.Csnonicum lata cidcm nocero 

canquam res inter ahos a^a»vt per Text, in L. De vnoquo- 

^/)d^ ifi i* fafi ffy de reittdic, firmAmit Rot. toram Duaox,, 

lun^ det.y^j , ttuvs.^. iif in ree.dee.^gi.fiBm.^.par iS» 

Qood aurem mutatio per relatiooem ad a^a idem imporc££»ac 

cxprcdiocituti cognition is caroalisiigratis omnin6 Aifethan 

cum enim plures ticoli priiis in dccrcco condemnationis ev 

prcfll fuifTcntt fcjlicet complicitas infuga, deoiatio » &co- 

gnitio carnulis , fuper quibus c^aAru^as ^uerat ProcefTus 1 

cxprelTio caufje in eo contentar Qon ctt pottiis dc voa> qaam 

de alia vcrificabilisi He ccrtdaon deomaibuSi quu (i voiuif- 

f^nt omne« in Decreto rcFormatorio comprxhcndi) didam 

fuiffcr — Pre taufii, deqaibta in Pmceffu , cum namerus fm- 

gularisplnribus non cooueniac, vx tradont Surd, conf ^qS* 

frum.^. /i>. J. Pd/w. Nef, alleg. 1 10. num* 6. Ub,%iB.ota stram. 

Greg, 

[cLxvm] 



quia in procefTu noncracvenficatacauia cognjcionfs caroa- 
iiS> vc' proiJla damaarinoo potcrac D,Canonicus,maudir3> 
& iodffcnra Francifca PoropiJia propter mdiuiduiratem cri- 
minis Adultcri;,quod non patitur fcifTurani per coodemna- 
tioncm yoius caufa pendec quoad aiium , & pr^reniinu* 
dutn omoes funr praefentcs > & in xrarceribus conltituti , vt 
moqct Text, in L. denuaciaffe %.fin.ff. dt Aduhtr, , Mhenc. 
ibid. $. efttAtitur num*6, vcr/l fed re/p9»deri poteff ff. ad kg. 
IS dt Adulter. Salicet. iti L Rtos »•/». i. verf. Hie vera , ^ 
num.^»verf.ltem prodtft Cod. eodem lituU , Ciriac. (ontr.^^^f.. 
nam, a i. Crauett.ctttf. 206. num. i . Ori^liit adCarrpan. thferu. 
adrefol.i^^ 25. n»m.^6. &/e<j. exprcffio propterea Cau- 
£e> de qua in ProccHu > folum iniclligi debet de cotnplicita- 
ce in fuga« & deuiadone) qus poterat e^ptdivt abfque con. 
demnatione Fraocifcae Pooipiiix » Don autem de complici' 
tate carnali,€U reiatio fa^a ccafends ficad ea taacum,qaibus 
difpofitiorelatiua congruir,vc Er(rnntCrit»eU'C9af.^^S,a.zi, 
Surd, cottf.^^ I. Bam.6^. Mentch. («af. 420. num. 78- ^ (o^f. 
^gg. num.i^S. Atttgrad {Oitf.^%. nuns. jS, Itb 1. Roccdifput. 
iur.feUcf. tap.^2.Hiim.4o> ^ota dee,ijS.finm.4.par 3. rec, 

Idquc oianifcftucn redditurex leuic3repoens,adquam damna- 
tus fait D.Canonicus , Icilicet triennaiis reiegacionic , quae 
certdnoncorrefpOQder deuiacioni mulierisnuptxd Doroo 
virij ciufquc tiaduitioni ad vrbem!& carnali cognitioni)quo> 
niam circumfcripta ctiam quaiitace Raptus capttali poena 
puniendit ni(ragerctur de perfona Ecclefiaftica » pro folo 
Adulrerio iong^ grauior infligenda fuiflec i (i cius probacio 
ex ProcefTu re fulcaretj vt ex Text, to cap.fi quit Clericus dtli. 
8 1, tradunt Abb. in cap. vt Clericorum aum.Z. de vita j & ho- 
ne ftate Citric . Meooch. de arhttr, caf.^ig. nnm. 60. Diaz, in 
prax. crim. canon. cap. 87» Decian. tracfat. crimJtb.6. cap.z^. 
/>«»!. 14. Bellett. dif^ui/l Clericpar.z, 5« 7- nune-S. 

Agnofcit D. mcus Pauperutn Aduocatus> nimis imparem efTo 
pcenamdeli(aoacerrini^expiando> & pr^fertim poftrcno- 
uaiam Sixtinam Conftiturioncroi sa.me. Innoc.XI.acpro<- 
ptcrea ad euirandumdefcflum probatloniseiufdem exlcui- 
tate poena? line Optimo arguendum > refpondcrc conatur , 
quod mifiiis iOiuw fucrit,cum D.CanonicO) quia ipfe erac 
forenOs ) Scagcbatur de deiid^ocommiflb extra Statum Ec- 

A 4 cle- 



clc(i;ift}cujn, quo €zCo cuta folo esilfo dinnjjicndus crat » dd 
refponSocx pluribus infubfl/Hns dctcg^rur, 
Primd quia ex notorio priuikgio sfrbis HofK^^quK Patria com- 
munis efts poflTiint in ea puftsri ctsatn ij, qui extra Jiatum Ec- 
cicnsfticuQi PonfificJjf poceS^ri fjeculari fubsedum delique- 
raor> & qujdcm non pro roJxcontfe<f|3E!one , qycd cuilibc? 
Princlpi jicct, fed pro Jpfis ddidtis. v t ex Texf. it t. *Romx-» 
ff. ai f»unicip(ii. in lerrrnnitfiritiant QiArad.csnf. 1 1^. per taiat^t 
AiArjU.conf,(^^. nam^t i.Pffr. Birbsf. i/tTtt, dc lui, ad L.ff' 
cundam §. Itgaui nwa. 1 8. &\feqq Ca Haid. ds Imper. efts, 77. 
ftuf».7' (j^ &. Ho/f. is nt.dtfor. iompe$ifi. nkm. 7J. CytilL in 
Sum. erim> tit* vhi de (rimiu, agi epsrf. »«»». iS.vbi teftaiun fe 
ita fcruaffe de anno IS 40. in Foro?Capiruijno, Fariaac, ie 
Iftquifit. qu,j, num, 1 2. "Vii-f, h*i quttfiiSi vbl quod in hac C3- 
dem Curia de unno ijSo. fuie ad triremes condemnacus 
Gcorgius Corfo,qui Florenisar boa>kidiuea comti^irerat}& 
ablaioequoQccifOjEomaffs ycnersf , non obrtantc > qpotl 
accrrtm^ caufd pro Rco fucru {Icfenfa, Boer,dei.2g. /j.7, 
Serunddqqod idfort.o? procedir jquoties agitur depuniendis 
dcliiSiis pairaris a pf r 'bnis HccJetlaflicis. quse Summi Ponti- 
ficislurifdi'^ioni fubsacent, & poHaiu in vrbc de itlis poana 
ordjnaria puniri» \k^t extra dinonem Jemporaicm comtrnffa 
fint» vt aducrtunr Barhofi iuate Tit, de Iudi(. nd L. fesundatn 
^.Ifgaiis Ba«,35. O-feif. fagf}ti». iff faff, laet kuv.j i. de fs/r, 
ttrnpettn- Jbi -- Reasa enimecmmunis cji pAt'tAs 0- idii in R0~ 
ffiaoa CdCW qmhhct Qfrftt^s, vsi Latcus i0ntieniri pos«Jf •> itcit 
ibi n*n delin^uat &i. pariptas. ciiata iju^-^.fulf nufrt.n. 
Terii6qucd cum acceJTu»ad vrbcta , Sc tiadu<3io Visaris td 
estndere fai.^4pr«tendere{yr{ibidinig caufx t & pro matori 
facilitaieeaaicarnalif^rcogcorccndis Vilam (ubiraiicodoau 
Domo viri, viique ex tali deflioiinone £>• Csnonicas fe fab-* 
ieciCTer prfiats> qus delidum £xptare poHcnti eciam n\ Vrbc 
irrogandic, jjcut cjfdenr. obaoxjus rcaiants tra>-*ljns in illaL^ 
deiitf^ucQi quamuis C}(;ra fj^rum perScicndum > vt tradunc 
Altiat, iitif. 1 3 Hi-,']. C/^r. in f>mff. crim. qU' i8,& qn^ji. 3 9, 
C»&*tl. rtfoi. iviffi. SAf.i nut?f,'j.Q' fetiff, vbi quod adtiibucn- 
dam I«rifdi<f>lonei« iudici pio dclidis cofnmiilis;, atcenditur 
poriijs pcrfona otfcndcns.quatpoffcnla , P&if lord. sIhiuH 
(gnttty Vtf/,3. lii.i^. tif.%. num. 194. &fe^. 
Qaacio quod prsreala co^fliiuo camaiis, quatcuiis in Proccffii 

pio- 

[ci.xx] 



ffohita did pofTcf* & per reiadonea? ad ilium dc ipfa verifif- 
cui vaierecdccf crura re fofmatuQfi.contigiffec ia Statu £c- 
cicfiailicojcura eius potiin?s?«sn indiciMfn defumarur ex afT. 
condornnicione in eadcm cclia in Hofpiiio CaHri noui , per 
Ttxt»i/icifp. Uteris depr*fttmps aliafquc auSoritaeesadcJu^as 
per D. Paupenam Procuracorera in %.fei froft^h . Adcoque 
non pro Tola contredatiooe, fed pro Adulterio potuilfet , ac 
debuiffcr D, Canonicus pa?na condigna plcwii, (iprobatum 
fuifTct, qujE cum impofna non fueri£» n'nl ctiatn de Iniuftkia 
redargui vciit d. Oecretuoa mitioreajpajnaai irrogaos,& fo-. 
ium adapcabiieen (itnplici dcuiationi > & cooiplicitati in fuga 
cxcufationibus per D.PfOcuratorcm charicatis addudiis »al- 
d^ tcmperandani) afTerendum proprerea €ft» D. Canonicuna 
nuUarenus fui/Tc pro prxcenfa carnalicognitiooe damnacuen 
nam qualitas p^n^ bene arguie dsUSii quiiieaeeoi > cut cooa- 
roenfurari debet, iuxta jilud Demberm^ (a^.%%. ibi — ?r9 
meafUra peccaii, 'trit j (dr plagAmm ntsim & craduQC> CahtU, 
eaf^ t . »»wj. 19. (1^ ft!/lr45, a.y. Ckarfar. de(. Crim.jo. ««. 5. 
^Hee.jo. num.^.f^ dfCtf.66.»timS6, 

Exciufa ifaqueprxtenfacondemnationcD. CaQQQici pro co- 
guidonc caruaii Fr4acircePoaipili»>corruit quoquc pra>- 
ceofanocoriccas Aduiterijex iila refultaaS) qus tanien ncc 
etiacn pofTcc contra iliam iodcfeafam aliegari > & Hcuti aon 
poifer in eadem licic^ Tundari publics v'mdiStz a ludicc dc 
cerncnda » ica aec|fl3uit6 minus eRcufabilis exiftioiari valec 
priuaca a viro ex inccruallo fumpca cum eiufdeoi necCifoJum 
a poena ordinaria imniunis,iuxtd mitioretn f«nre!}ciaiii>quan- 
do perliquidi/fimasprobationes de Adukerioconftat a O. 
D. cxcoipjigcacas in coofsdlone > vel fcftccatia fupcr ilio 
emaoaea. 

Proutctiam fuperfJuum eflct elidere pwfumprioncs pcrDD- 
Defcnforcsj pra?cipu^ perD. Procuratorcm Paupcrutn ad» 
du^as ad erucndatn ex ipus AduIrerijprobatioQcm, fu^ce- 
ret enim vnica rcfpoofio , quod omnes cinnulats foeraat io 
Proceffo fupcr fuga j & deusacione confcflo ad inftaotiam^ 
D. Guidonis codeai vrgentc pro lucfo dotis propter Adul« 
tcrium, & per D. pro Fifco fcfibentcm tunc acrltcr fupcr il* 
lisfuitinfticum J & tanien in relatione Caufs non hierunc 
aDD.Iudicibus in confiderationc habits ob ipfsrcm irre- 
Icuaauans; vt conflac ex kuitatc pcsnx gootraiprum D. Ca« 

A 5 no- 

[CLXXl] 



nonlcum dccictar. A<?eoBt Dcqucat modo illarom cjtamrjo 
rcfricari poftquam Fifcus fuccubiiit , & adherens fcnrcnti* 
acquieuit > a qua ptouoss^e pocerac $ ft fc grauatum fcocic- 
bat* nee Ikitum ci crat id immaoem fadi vmdi^am conuo- 
iare ; ne taoien aliquid inra<f^um rclmquatnr • & luflitio 
OecretrclariusaiTcnturibreuiteteafdeQi coofutandas aifu' 
mere opcrg prerium duxi. 

Et quoniano prrmo loco confideratur per D. Dcfcnrorcm caufa 
fugjE"? vr iliafs OGinind illicitam*, & adcommodiorcm carna* 
Iciii cognitionem ordinatam fuadcie valeat exciiticnd* funt 
probaiiones ad id aliatjrsqoaruro pr^cipua dcfumirur ex af- 
Icrta Epiftoia Francifca? Poir.piliaf> fcripta D. Abbati Prance- 
fchiao, Geniibres iofiaiulando» quod ipfam adigerent) vi Vi- 
rum, Cognarum^ & Socfam vencno perderet, Domum com^ 
burcrctj & cum Ama^oad vrbcm remearei > cuius profcdd 
mciior confutatio habf ri noo potcft , quam cs ipfo eiufdeai 
Epidolatenoreadcd inuerifimilia , im6|incrcdibilia conti- 
oentc, vtmcrit6fprerafuerit 3 DD. ludicibusjQuis cnim_» 
filialis amoris>& obfcruantisadcdexpers > & immcmor rc- 
pcriri poreriti vt fsbi perfuadeaf , tencrrimam poellaro'j tunc 
dccimum quartucn aetaris annum non e«cedentcm> vt ex fide 
BaprMvoi Summ. Hum. a. esrra Patries Lares nuptam , & dc 
difccflu ParcncumacridolorepercoirafT), &iin dome Virr 
pefiime habitam , vtcoacJs fyerit recutfus habere ad Supe- 
riorcs tarn EccJcCafticoj? qusmLaict^s ade6 itnprobafibi 
ab ipHs tradita aedum conliira » fed impcria iquo anioio 
confcripfifTc Viri Fratri ejfdem notorid infenfo , nifi vi ipfa 
ingenue fareturad eaconfcribenda cosda fuiffeta Viro>cui 
tilts, msximum pcricolnin bare in^peranti relu^ari non po- 
icrat, cum ipfa fola inuerlfimilirudo apt.i iegent'boshorro- 
rcm inijcerc fatij oftcndat, id non fponte, M coaat gclTific, 
iujtCa tradita per JFarinat, tonft i. t>um. 54 ante med.Uh. i. 
& (cnf. 60, mm, 3 1 . m^a. CaUll, rtfolut, crim. laf. \ g^.vftm, 
B^.vbiqu^d non eftadrajrendun) , quod nemo fanus pio- 
barctj Vermigl,corf.3.ni,m.6,& 7. cum alijs ibi relatis.! 

Ac propterea opus non eft cxaminare; an veri/iroilis exifliman- 
dafrt qualitas coofcfljonl 3dfeaa,quod iraritosdcfignaocric 
eleraenta d.Bpiftcke,qi33» fuper indoaosbea calamcfucrinc 
atranaciwo notata , quia ipfa fcribere ncfciebAt . Perhorruit 
cnim for jfaQ ciiam mctu ada^ara k talia fcripfiffe fateri in^ 

per- 



perniciem Pstris* & Matris, qui umcn id miTcrj vxore woe* 
rac ;Etat«s omni auxilio deftitut* cx^ra Patrios Lares, 8c in do- 
Bjo vhi eft oranino prafunsendus > *t tradunt Meaoch, (onfil, 
i^mm^^tgoMh. iXrauett.confi i^.num.^Mb.i.CepoLcaat.iii, 
n»m,^.(jr S-Magolo/tJe metu cap,i.%*7-iua§.i 5. vbi quod c% 
abfcncia confanguineorucn refulcat praefutDpcio mccus , Ca- 
pfe.LarrJee* t ^B»um. 1 6.6c ptsfenita poft inut (liter baHitos 
recurfus ad fupcriores . Contraria probatio fofficicnrer ooiu 
dedocitur ex ipfius Ffancifca; Poaspiliar fubftriptione in ca- 
picuiis fnacrinnoaialibusr&exaffertis Epiftoli&fuccefnue sb 
£2 confcripcis, & D^Caoonico tranfmiffis, aut ifeoeflra pro- 
icdis, vt rcfert Teffis Ft/calis in ?feceff»fug4fol, 108. <Juo- 
niam breuidlnsafubrcripcioexarata inCapiculis raacrimonia- 
libus non prsfefert caieaa peririam fcribeodi , vc cum eadem 
CQOicnodicareadeolongam Epiftclam confcctbere potaerit > 
cum quotidlana experientia doccat, plares repcriri » qui vix 
prcpriutn nomen fcriberc vaJcnf j eaguc multo minus ex af- 
fcrtis Epiftolfs pcobaiadicipotcft > curafuerinc abcadctnj 
conflanter ncgata? nee fatis verificatar dies valcnt e suflertio- 
ne difti Teftis Fifcalis , quod ipfa proiecit c fcncflra cartaoi 
quam DCanonicus coUegic, Si difcefBc> quia vitia quod eft 
vnJcusr & viliffim^ccnditionis fcilJccc in honefta Meretris 
ideoque jnepius ad conuincendumivtmonct TtfCt.in cap.vc' 
niins,cap,lktt vniuerfis deTeJlib''Farin(U.deTcfiib,q.6'\%tt.iZ' 
Vf>'f»igl,S(>njCi<^6'fium^i'. D, Canonicas RaynaldAn f$ntsix.rer» 
tr{mi»,tor>i'\.eap,j^.S.xo.nui9i,ii2.riec affiroMti oec affirmarc » 
potefl , ilJam cfTe Epiftoiam a Francifca Ponjpilia confcri- 
psann. Promalienamsnu confcribi potuiCTeuc Epiftoiae ioj 
CarcercCaftri noui reperts , & quaccnus etiam fuiflTsnc ab 
jpfa exarararjcum Cini pofteriorcs, non argaunt peritiam fcri- 
bendi de pr^tciitOjquia base potuitacqoiri ex port, dcfpera- 
tionc ingenium acuente, vc D^Canonicum allitere poiJct ad 
fugaos cuos ipfa capuodaroi vt ita euadcrct imminentis mor- 
tis pcriculumj Inhiseoimqus variabiliaAinc j& fuperuCQi- 
te ponunc, ^ prajfenri non ben^ arguicurad prxceritum > vt 
tradunt AldatJn tra^.ds prafum.reg.i.prAfum.x^ .0V.2. verf^ 
Et idtm credfy Crafteit,de aatiquit.tempia vlf.fart. ntut.^. MC' 
nitcbMpr/tfumptdtb.i.prdfumpt.^^.tium.'j.ii quod de fadlo in 
Ciuiutc Arstiaa poftdifeeflTuoiParcntum fcriberedidiceric , 

A 6 con- 



ecnfisc ex chifdem Epjflofa fcrlptaia Carce.-e Caflri nouire- 
perra inter dofncHicas Icripturas pofi obitumillius dauiQ 

Verification's quoquc prafit^HplfioIc defuraptac exiittcris 
X)«Pfa:(idJl^> feu CommifTani Arccij? Reuercndifllrai Epifco- 
pt) & D.Bartholocisi Aibergottij tanciim sbeO , vt licitanu 
itig^ caufam ab ipfa Francifca Pompiiia > & D. Canonico in 
ProceflTufugK addu-ftgfn exciudcrc vakanti vrpotiaseam- 
dcfl3 confoucai^ ; Namdumrcdarguont tanquam inconful- 
tosreeurfujab jpfa habsros, farfan ad ie exi»endom ^ cenfu- 
sa»qaod ipfos improuidd rclccerinSjeo caagis credibile eft, 
per illos ixafperatura fuifle aoimum fcrocis viri, &: immitjs» 
ac fcroper^ vtc)tperientiadocct!5T3pJ8cab!lis focros ,qucnu 
wulto magJs exaccibatuo) foifTc quihbct llbi perfuaderc po- 
tericpoil rootam litem fupcr foppofitio rse Parrus jSercfcif- 
Cone ixiftrumenti doralis , & publrcatas fcri^pturas fupcr an- 
gu(Ua rsi faa5ilisrijs5& pefiijuis traclarionibus habicis Aren'i 
andomoceRiygom > &es coDccpta fufpicioRe amoriscrga 
2>> DaAonicam } quao^yisfienulatiad ilium aiiiciendum ex 
qua viri cxafpcfailonecapiralc odium cscitanttj quod ori- 
tur gx jitc fopCE fc airip.nsvalons , & mukotragis de toto 
afle* vt aduerJUnt Grammai,conf.^6'. fum.^. Crauett. conf.fi* 

ViiglicUconf, 3 2 i.tium.'^.FarwaeS' ^tuejf.^g, »om,t, quaiis rc- 
putanda eras coatrouerfia fupcr fuppofitione Paaus j negari 
profe^o non potcric juHus lieioc iuf^licis Jvaoris dc fuae vJts 
difcrimincjadquod euadendum in defperatioocioi ad^a licitc 
potuerit fugam arripere, qood fi iicituro eft ob fimplicss per- 
culGoncs vlcra tes mjnos pcrmi/T? correciionisjVt poft AmBa- 
ran'tonf.^oZ.^TtraqttellAnieg^iuonmh.num.ity.taonciMol- 
ier.fieCtrnrtu»p.$.nuKt,2^.q\izntd inagi$ licitum cxiftimati 
debet, dum vjjor Cihi mortem £erro , auf veneno infcrcndasn 
continuotiflQcbat 9pro qua vttafldaprudet^s conlilium fuit 3 
viro fcccdcre, & ad Patrios Lares rcmcarc , 
SatiuaquidemfuifleJfecuritstemcaprare J recurfum habcndo 
ad Reuercndiilimuni Epilcopuni , v£ ip'am in aliquoMona- 
ftcrio } vcl penes honeflaoi matrouam coliocaret? ve! ad D. 
CcmtniffariutD) qui cJufdetn indemnitati ? & honori familioe 
viri confuluifiet , aat faliem in focieuie cujurdam attiocntis 



fugam 



[OLXXIV] 



fugans arr iperc, fed vltra ♦ quod tlmor imralnemis pericuH 
noil fiuit meiiora confilia fumere * & pfsrerticn tniferrinrJE 
niulicritenerc aeratisomni ausiiiode^irura;) & cjtpo/itje fu- 
rori viri, ac focruSi timcr^ poterac fruftra nouos recurfus ab 
jpfa habeodosjdum primes iaro jnanes espcrtafuerat, nee 
aiiucnapcioceo) asodurr: inueoire valebatadfugam tuc6arri« 
picndam, in quavnicumrcmedimn fibi fupcreflfe cxiftima- 
bat'j quam adbibira ope, ac focietate Doaaini Caoonici 
fjbi ad hunc etfc^uin propofiti k Domino Canonico 
de Cofuitibus , & Domino Gregorio Guiilicchino Viro 
affinitatc coniun<5lis , quos credibilf oon eft iinc maxiraa j 8e» 
vrgeoci caufa, & confidentia deillias hone ftare , atquc mo- 
dcftia in pernicicm bouoris ciufdem confpiraffCT quorunuj 
a!ter» Icilicec Gregorius fefe ctiam eshibuerat Cotnitem iti- 
jjcris> & id quoqnc pix(\ii\Qct, ft eiusinfiroiicas pcrmiiiflfer* 
vc ex d. Epiftola Francifc* Pootpiiiae port obitum repcrta ejc- 
liibua tnprdfenti ^umm.d.>>utn.j.tztR6tm caufacn infirinitarijf 
G(egorij referciireiacqueiinminentisperieulii quodpaflfurn 
nontnit, vtillius conualercentiamexpe^art^ Adeoquccuuu 
ntceflirJte cogentein focicratc D.Caoonici pcffpciaarab jp- 
fa mod ftiac, vt parircr conftat exalia Epiftola Summ.txad' 
nerfo ))(im-7,Efit/I,i2.in qua eumcaftum lofephum appellat> 
& exa'tcta , in qua ipiitis verccundiaiB commeadac> ewu- 
fand^fft, fi ncceffitate cogent c hoc rcmciisUin elcgft , ex 
vulgato JxioiPare, quod necc/Ticas legem nort pat«cuf,tlc quo 

45 i,fjum.i%\.GsiU.obferu.Ui>.i.obf!ri$.\Qi num.^.Ceuail.com, 
(cnir.commJom.i^.qujiil .^n.aum.so.BellettJifefuif. Clfric.til.de 

Dcfumtncia propterea noo cf} caufa \\\k\tm fiiga* propter Jn- 
honcAam amoiem , quo Franciica Pompifia D. Canotiicotn 
prolequebaiurcxeiufUem Epjftoiis* quia lic^t amitorie vi- 
dcacttuf} tamtn vtpoce ordinate adaHicjcndutn eumdem D. 
Canonicum, vr cum ipfafugafn arriperetiquscniioe illo nec 
cxequijHcc tcntire pofle agnofcebaf > nuUuoi pr^bcrcva- 
Icnt indicium (equuci Adoltcrij , quod licit rcfoitet es lice- 
risamatonjs, vtcx auctoricacibus addu<3is per O. Dcfcofo- 
rcm m ^.Hu prdbabnih^imzn illud prorfus elifum rsraaoetj 

A 7 fi 

[CLXXVJ 



vitiK fi'-'tdired«5 Nam ruaclkurj pprmjfTus eAHnis, ifa lid" 
ta exiftiioanda font nsedia. quamuiS rufpicione non carenda , 
QUje non per fe, Ted propter Snsm coofidcra itur, vciraduiU } 
Cratiaft.difcept,for,.csip.%%o num,Z.G^h coafalt. S iqatmmer.jz, 
Et adhucno.iefiadco viole»tt prae/umptio adalterij ex lit- 
tcris amafosiis defunspts nlti rcquurarrornkarionis iaspL'ci- 
tamconfeffioneiBinuciyanCj vtexpUcando OD.ccoCjariuia 
aflereores JradUj atich.de mimm Jib loatt.didtucrt.dtfcurf, 
12 ^u£/I.^.»uw.^S.f(f^e reUto MeUer.de Cornuhiap,"] .nu^z^. 

Vrgcnie prxfertim ad jd Cuadendufn coriljderationcjquod in- 
£dix puclla cxuftmabat D.Caaonfcu«?> niodefte fccum feba- 
buurom in mm ere, dum ipfum alias d« ajodcfris j ac caftita- 
teconiffitndat'Jtn cbiiirgare nos dtfioi? in voa ex EpiUoHs, 
qood cidcm carraiina snhonefta crarsTmirerit Summ.pr &ftntl 
riuffi.^' «bi — £ w/ isi'.rauigliOithe vi?!^ chcfcts t&ntci cafte-i hn- 
uete compopS'. t i^pi&U ieft Ur40pscohpi3?ftt '«■ & Infra ibi — 
Via '0 aen "vorrti ? ihe %ii>if&(tfi€ coii m fgm cofa , cemek*- 
meiejaite h qa^fti l'thri% chs il prmo effatv tanfp honsEci e que- 
J}e sisaue iyfic 4 contratiei (he ■vos da tanso bant^ot ihofntidi' 
ventafii mnfd ardiiOj it che nss credi) - csqua profe^o fincc- 
la cbiurgatione conClatjqyo jnisnocoDrcrJpt« iintEpidolsgj 
isce« blanditias $ & amoris figniJ^cadoncscontincntcs , dum 
ipfa ctiaai sb iDhonenistrareiinibas ftbi nanfmjfljsabhojrc- 
bat. Adeoque ipfe Epiflols fecundumlnteotfonem foribcQ- 
£is,ficuc verba iuxra JnttntJon^proferentis intelhgi debenti 
^t tx Texttin csp,lr4eiligeMi0>^€sp.Ftatefea at vefb'figni' 
fcfTtOiistOldrsd-iOf'/ g,rtum.§*^iirducrrf.<^^i.nam, ^^ . Moiiv. 
de rit. fiuplJtb,^ (]UA(i 8 j .»««» % o, 

X.cuisproprert'ai & itnprobabiiissfxiftim.inda non cft^reduli- 
jasiquodin ifinae aiarroeakjB pudicitia Cfuaiieiiit infafiix 
vxor veloc((?!n3afuga propria iRcolinnstatJ coff/ttlcrr Tara- 
gens , & qt:od ea non Jueris a D^Canonico tcnraw s <^4i«3 
amor inter ipios joserceGens vnscr prchfiiyr €• dd.EpiftoJis 
ad fugam ordi{iatis,5< qtijc prasfcieryot rolHcirt'diDcm nsode- 
iiiaei ac contintofi* , dyci profoia iranfroifisonc adcocoo- 
qijsftj fuir, t mens ne audax euaderct, vt confla? ex partica- 
ia felatar Epiftols-. Ncc defuot exempla feruats comiiscari^ 
ioiop^iorij & fccmsnod/Oi'j isiaere per jftsjsQscs fufcspWy 

acque 

[OLZXVl] 



acqnccomphtosquamuis llche poiTcnt Amoris {limulis in- 
dulgcrc, V'nde inucrtfiinilt nosit ei) , intiiilhos liir^ites io 
rel;giose continuiHe roifcram vxorcra in viis d fs rsrnino 
conHicutamj quod eusdste prajci^'ici fuga piarfloiabatur . 
LongddcbiliOics fL-ot aH« pr«U)ajpracncsp!xienrj Aduhcrij, 
ac proindeoiCfitolpreciE in Jtlaiione C^ufa jaa* iupet fu" 
g3, qusiTi pro deccrrer)dorotn!cntoj,M«tiii)senim Ati'or jfs- 
ter ipfom , & D.Canonicunri nor) fax t« probatns dicj poicfi 
CK pr«fatis Epif^oJis vcpotc lendeutibus sd pr^ordinandam 



fugam 



Ingiciitis, & cgrsfTiistejrporc novfiumo indomum Francifca, 
& ab iila reipfdiue, probatur per vnic um viljilJsTsum TcOesn, 
nee eft ad in.iicm f.ntin ^^tsiun endoSj di>m sccdf bar 3d pff- 
parandam fogan'i Quorifs enisnhabcrr us cau fam cKprfHaoi 
licitara> ad q^ato refcrri pcfefl , non sf} fiiboendus ciufff i!« 
licitdPi & ct'im'iVQi^SiVtpfr Text. in Ug,trerit9ff.p}ofoc, tradit 
In tcrnT'inis Crs«iei!.<:in»j'zo^ .r,uw,7.& 8« 

Adqu^mftiaoi referri dsber faciijcssk (pecJandam cxbibcndi 
in fcneftij adfibilunj diu » jjoduqae iignuoo pr^bcntcnij 
traoieunEis pr^cenfi ^raafij , qusa cujs atnor Umularectir ad 
iiliifiT! allicicndum } vrfugx opens fcrfet » fe iocium tuneris 
pr^bendoj nil tarsgjsoperari vsleai iiW Aniorii ffgnificatio- 
Bcs } quimspfc prsteofus Amor » quo jirsquasn ftraiagem- 
mate infeljs Vxof vfa hi% > y? propria iniolumitats confole- 
ret; Etit* rffcufrst rcfponfio* qyod diroliciro fine daionan- 
da non funt suediasd jllum afsequetidufn oidinata . 

Pf rtenfus qtioque modus iViSdiofu? » quo fuga/uit prEparata, 
& egecyrioni dcmandara per fosaaiifcrtini V^ros & Domedi' 
CIS pr'^fpiuatusa , qaanentis probarejai. prout sitsllo mo- 
de tuij m Pryceffo probarus , prober ce qusdcra fag* indi- 
cium, Ud non guars Aduiterii j duta fascaonfiJiE ad sHu4 
prsordina^a* kd ad efTugiffsdum ykae psridultiin , cui nioJl* 
iniprooiJ^ fc vxQT eommsfincJ »»ul iaceotem fccum snlct^o 
Virum fopore oppreiTuia nSiSa ciTcj, vciciiaaatrleoi cosn- 
rooditatcinprocuraiTes . 

Zclotipia in ahqoibus Epillolis pafefaiflJi , e0 qistdeni fignomj 
Am oris » iuxrl dlud PdciiB*-- S^ (# fdikiii pl^ss iimoris 
Amor .- fcdquotiesj vj diwluOTcitj AcTior fuitadjiiCitUfla fi- 

A 2 ncm 

[CLXXVIl] 



nemfimulatus, potuifctiam ad illoni fingenddm admirceri 
oftcntauo zelotipiae ad eumdcm fincm tendensf caprandas 
bcneuoIentiS) vr voti compos euaderet ; Ex quo proprerea 
fimularo Annore I & confidis cius figais argji non ^reft > 
quod difccffusfiniuStaneusa doeno Viri»& alloc latio per Ion- 
gum iter pr«tcnn Adulccfsj probationeoj inducar , cuolj 
ctiaftiincafu intercedcntis vcri rcjiproci Aniofis fcruata^ 
fucrit coDtinentis, quod ccrte msgisditf!ci!e eft. 

Ne applicantur addodafaaiSoritatcs per D. Dcfenforcm in §. 
Accedtt (]»od'. Quia Texfut va L.Confcnru §. Vir quocjUi C. dg 
rc/iMdfroccdir in mulicrcabfcjtie iufla,& prohabili caufaper- 
nodante extra domum Viri co inuitOi vt condat ex vcrbif 
ciufdemqusB dirpofKiocafuinoftronon adaptatur, dum mi- 
ferima Vxor difccfTtf a dorao Viri, & ad Parries Lares {c con- 
tulit 5 Vf vit£ pcricuium , quod jjbi imoiincrc timebar , < ffu- 
geret , & itadutnex iufla,& probabiiicaii fa idcgif , prarfHti 
Textuscenlurapotius rctorqucri)r5& itactiam fuam altertio- 
neaa explicat Farm. it> iofitranum addu&us queft. ij6. nam^ 
l82-fbi -'^ccui fi cum canfafubde'n^ ejuodjala ptraofhlio noa 
prodai Jluprtim 5 qutapcteft dart cajus , quod Vxor perno!fauerit 
etiatft cum Virit , ^ tamtis Matrimonii fidtm non hfcrtt^ ^ ep* 
time Crauett. lit, conf. coj.nwfa. ii.verf.i.prtncipaliter c»ft' 
ftdcro, quae poffibilitas cum trcrificetui in cafjj qooquc noftro 
non potcfl ex fuga , & aflTociatione in itinerc ad finem cou- 
fulendi propria indeninicaii dcfumi pra'Tumptio fequuti 
Adulteri). 

Maiua dcofculatjo in itinere non leueni pra»bej-et violatp pudi 
cJtiiC prajfuinptionemjquatenus probaretur , fed osinis fluxj 
cA probatio cefuitans ex dii^o vnius vilnfTimi Tei^is proifus 
inuerifimilia dcponentis > quod fciiiccr duai Currocn volan* 
tern vulgd' CaUJJi ciitnio curfu ducebat , vidcrit Francifcam^ 
Pompiliam 1 & Canonicuno fc inoiccajdeofculantcs; Quain 
animofa fit hfc dcpofitio, ex coconf}ar> quod refpicitfadum 
no<fturnum> & quideni momentaneum, fietran/itoriutn nulla 
reddita caufa fcienti^ , quod Luoa iucerct , vcl aitud ariifi- 
ciale lumen cooi mod 'tJ tern praebuerir illud videndi » vt tra- 
dunt Bur/at (ofif. 34. aunt. 6. Farinac. de Te3ii>, q. 66. num. 
^S.Gitirb.tffff. C>-im. ^-^.num. 41. i^oUdor.Rtp.Jc adii. tfnp, 

capi 



cap. 5 7. num. 7. D. Canomc. RayttaL tonu i. cop. 1 1. §• %,ad 
1 5. num. 8. 

Augcturque inueri(i(niii£iHlO)reu potiusincredibiltt3s,quoddu 
Teftis intcntus cratducendoCurriculocum c.\jniia veloci- 
Ute voJoiJuns imitante»vc deponit alius Tcftis potucnt rctio- 
fpicerCj & motoffdeorculatiooisat^um viderc,qu£ inuenfi- 
militudo fidern adimif nedum vnijfcd plutibus teftibus, vt 
in €c!ebii Perufina Laudi relara per Vermtgl. eonfi ^.ntim.^, 
confidcrau iofuper pojTlbilirate , quod ex velocifl'imo curfu 
pocuctit contig^re coilifio inanentium in Curriculo> & ex ea 
crcdidcric Tcfti* niraiscuriofus.quod ipfi k inuicem dco- 
fcularentur • cum re vera mere cafuaiis cdiet approximatio 
vtriufque capicis « vel faciei non ad impudica ofcuJa jibanda 
prxordinatai quoties aucem a^us trahi pocefl ad bonum> vc 1 
malum fucrendal fetnpcr ell prsfuoipciomali cxcioHua , vt 
monct Al<M,conf, 118. lib. 4. Lrauett.c'uata cenf, 205. «»/». 9. 
d? y^^f • Acquc idco njcrjto hxc prsefun ptio ex difcifiu 
probacionis fprera fuit in diSa relatione Caulaj iupcrfuga> 
qux Citero quin iperncnda non erat. 

Nullumque fomcncum reciperc valec nimis inuerifimilis , & 
animofi diJiiTc/lis dcpo/idoes pratenHs Epiftohs , in qui- 
bus Francifca gratias agit deofculiscransmiins >qu£ cariora 
fibiforeproficcEur, fi ver6 a Canonico tradita fuifreut,& dc- 
ci^s centres millies ciJem frasmitti(> non enim cxinde inTer- 
tur,q;iodarrept3 commoditaiemutua dcofculatio coniigeric 
cum ifla Hnt verba ofliciofa, &cap(acoria prolata ad finem-* 
alliciendi, qus obligacioncm non pariunt » vt firmac Deciau. 
conf. 5 s.aam, 1^. Paris con/.Sg. num. ij.Cfns.can/.iig, num. 
3- & y^f?« Laderc. conf. to I. num. 1.^2. Qtn. df/ertpt. pri- 
uat.lib. _j. de Epifi. num. 15. (^ 14. ci jfquc proptciea cxc- 
cutionispriiWutppEioncon noii inducunEjOiaxicne cum cadcm 
Francifca pluncs Canonicutn monueric $ vt mcdcftiaoiLj 
feruaicr, & dumcius fines ipfom transgrclTumfuiflecorope- 
rit fibi rranfmirrcndo Cannma parum honcfta » eumdcm ob- 
iurgauit , ne in pofJcrom audax euadcrcc fuum defiderium_« 
infinuando, quod longe difJacab impura cupidkatc illius 
ofcularccipicndiin divfta Epiflola olBciosd, dccitraiocentio- 
nemmatronalcm pudorem tcmcrandi expoHta^ 

Vfus quoque veftuim Laicaliura , quibus rcpcrtus fuit indutus 

[CLXXIX 1 



Canonkus nullum pr*hete vsiet fndtciumj quia cum aott^ 
effet Sacerdos ^ vciifusdici non poterat in iiinere , fisitqucj 
adbonum finem forfaa ordinarus fe cctandi $3^ auericndi 
ftandalum jquodconccpi poruifTct videndo perfonani Ec- 
clcfsafu'cam cummu'icrc fjorida> apeatis", & vi audiui nojij 
Ipcincnds fam* iter facJentcm abfqsic ahctins famjna? , vtl 
ftm-ili comitatu, Adcoquc nonapplicarur au^oritas Martb, 
Sattf<.dcre ertmiv^ teas.ii. »am. ^i^ qisis in eius cafu null«_» 
toncorrcbat caufa, propter qusm Clcrirusivefjibus indecco- 
tibus } & armisinOrodus snccdcfef,& rcperius fuerara Vi- 
ro>ve! inipfa turpJEudinCi yci in pr«p3ra:orsis id illanj» & 
ilijcd intcrfeftus foer;ir ^quocafu Adukeri; prxfomptioncj* 
bene admittuntuf'id minuendai® pfr.am,& ad hunc cffesftom 
ab eodem honors ciimulanrur , 

Condormisio tandem in codism Ic^o, vcl ulremsn eodem Cq* 
btcuio in Hofpitio Caftri neiil non Cm in cofi/ideratione h«- 
biiaindidarclAiione Caufs I'upcr fttgacs dettauprobatio- 
nis oegaia quippe tVit ^ Francifca Pompiii^s & iolum Cano- 
nitus ingenue hifus eft, qaodparunopfirquicuit in aliolccTto 
in eodem Cobiculo mancsuc » nee breuis icora as eodem ert 
ad deij.(fium rrahead3,dun! tr»baj debet c^Hodiaj rulccpti? d, 
Francifc* jcai ffeciORs itinfrts ft pr«buiti& pioprcrca renc- 
bator cam cuftodirs jiftcaSiquid Hisliip/i eneoireri Qoottei 
aotem a^us ex caufa licita gcOosdici potcft, ccRh ftifptcia 
malij vtirt pr^ci/is terjRfsiJs monet Cr&vat d, ccttf. 205 r «, 
9. <^/tf^. a;^^»««5. /5, aj^qood ad humaniortm parteftijf 
feoipercft habenda jntcrpetfstiojqu^muisrigorofa v'deator 
forcior fubdens »«w,26.cr a (4 non fufSceie ad pienam piO- 
batianem AduherH }quod qyis vifus fucrir foius com foU 
6e ntidus cum n^ds ^ Sc quod luuenis fucrtf inuentus in cuhi' 
<uiacia»rocum muiierc diTpe^onrust 8f caMgis MutiS} 
quiahttcpoflToncetTcmera pnrparatoria) quone&> crifnina li- 
ter agisuri. Adcdqueinuicd asieuf eius prxiuaipcio snfufgc* 
re potiiAct brC&ti nsot'a in codsm Cubiculo cuf}odt£ cau» 
la.' 

Ncquc prohatioCoMormtctoni^iri eodem W(\^ defunsi portft 
ex depclitJone Cub*cu{*fii eiBfdtro Hofpiwi a(fcrcntis ynuos 
Mntiioi kdiutn infttci (Jbidsmandarum fuifTe^noncnimeKm*^ 

dc 

[CLXXX] 



de rrqasfUf tmbos in jllocubaife , idanfeni iflurofuir, qtHs 
fola Francjfca parumper quiefcere voiebar , vr Vircs" rcti c- 
ret cclcritace perstfii irincns proftutas* Ganoni, oad eius 
cuOodiatn cxcuhante,&prorecutioni e'mfdem itincris parm. 
dae incurobentc » prout dc eesnpore ? <Juo maritus fupcf uenits 
id cxcquebaturprxftolando aprari Curricuium. Atqoeideo 
nulla ex tali depofitione refulrare vakc probaric ondormi- 
lionis ,caquc mefito per DD. /udjcfis rejetfla fait , wltciip- 
f i coorusacioriC noii irid'geat. 

EiqudDJuis Francifca Pooipilia in fao examine occuUarc affe- 
daucrit iongioretnnioram m d'do Hofpitioaffertodo ad 
iltud pcrufnilfe in Aurorai nullum cameo ex di^q mendiicio 
aigui valct indicium pra^tenfiAduIcerijjquia idforfan afie- 
ruit ad magisaiiertendam rurpuionesn vichts pudjcltisB , 
quae potuifTctex iongiori mora)& maiori commodiraEc con, 
cipij Vndecurofiea fanafuifTetcum circunsftantiis f ruatacn 
modcrtiam fuadentibus , nihil eidcmobeffctconfelliot ica^ 
nee obc/Tc vaiet ineadacium> vara dunt /^/<j^//. confilio t^* 
nunt' 15. Bertaz&el. conj\ 59. num. 7. Uh.i, VermiglioL tonf, 
45, »»*«. 20. d^ con^i, 275. »»«»• 7. FarsHac. conf. 192- »«. 
11. ad med.vir/ mm criara i^ conf. zit» num. 14 df f»^>^. 
52 «ftw 14. & ffqi' 

Ex his cum exclufa, & p^oitiis.elifa r emancar probatio prxtenfi 
Adulteri;, curandum nooeflsquod D.Guido in confefliono 
qoaiitatemappofoerijcaunE honoris relpicientis oon foluat^ 
Vsorem, fed iprofmetrocrossqu^confeffio jcindioon poreft, 
faUeia adcffcdumirrogandi p^nam ordinariatn i vltra quod 
enimnon defuntmagni nominis Doe'torcsctiamad hoc qua« 
litatcm coafcflGoni adiedarai reiKieodsfn cflearfirmanrcs > & 
pra alijs Bartei- in L»Auretiiis § /<^fw ^H^feitff.df Hher cau- » 
^Btrnfecud funt Bald.qm plurihus haflc probat conciufio- 
nem, & refponder contrarijs ii L, i.Mum. 44. c^/?^. Cod. dz^ 
CeffeJftSf vbi quod iudcs non debet admitrcre haoc qualiff- 
catam coofcfliorscns BtreuJf^cap, Atj^Utrictfium.T^, de lu- 
dtf. vbi shjs relads de magisconnmuni reftarur Afsgtl. de ma- 
lef. verb.Comfiarueringt d-.dA^quifid O'c.^utn.p^imo , Fotler.in 
fra&.Crim.verL &fi confitthuntur par,\.n/tmer,/^6, Bs(f.traB« 
Crtm,titJe iQiifs£lttism,i$,^bi quod m hoc Bartolus eft com- 



LOLXXXIJ 



muniter approbatos> Mtttock, de arhi$y.caf.g^.Hum,^-j,vi>i de 
(ommum ciar. iaprafi.S'fia. ^r*-*/?. 5 5* verf. PofTet quoquo 
reus, vbi rcprobacis contrarijs, hanc dicit magis commu ncfn 
opioioncm, S^ abea in iudicaodo non cfFe recedcndum , fa- 
c'tartJe prohst.ltb.primo Cip^i$,a$im. l^Xiuiser.^UitJi. ig.numer. 
?5'«^ l^ Sp»'i-^'>nf.iog.9um»tz.iib i.ComioL vcrL confeffore' 
fel.z^.Bunf'primti &/eq.Vermiglul.conJiL%iZ. num. 6.&c9iif'> 

Huiulmodihonorsscaufanon fempcr prodefJ pro yitanda vlti- 
nii fupplici; poena, ied nuic foliim , qu.iodo vindidla lumitur 
incoQtinencii ve! luxra mitiorem opinionesn etiam exinter- 
uallo legitinjc- ramen probato Adultctio per fcotentiam con- 
demnatoriam, vciconfcflfioncm . 

Nimisauf^"^ laKaremuf habenaf priuatas vindit>«in pernicicm 
Rcipubiicsi (\ dcficiente probatione Adulterij pro loinoenda-. 
poena, ftandum effcc qualicati per Reum confcffioni adiCiSae, 
quia ficeuadeiet Tcfiis \n caufa propria > quod ncroini per- 

codem tit >K6( A anJtisf.g ^.num-primo^^ in recdear. 26 1. »«w. 
^.par.i*& decif.i'jz.num.ig.par. 17. & onus probationls ci- 
dena incumbcfis procffugicnda pceoa ordinaria impletum-» 
rcmancrec e}< ipfa fola Rci affcrd'onCj quo nihil abfurdiws ex- 
cogitari potcft. 
Cxieriioi noo eftadniittenda opinio»quod probato eeiam Adul- 
terioliceatMarito vxorem Adulreram ex inrcruallo interti- 
cerc abfque inc urfu poenae Capiralis» cum cam rcprobcnt pra- 
ui^Ttmi Ai)doreS}Vr prater addudtos m Infoiroacione %Xj*Kr» 
•vftfMt tta §. Selumujutt (jr in ftfponjhfie §. in l»re videri pojfunt 
Bariot. in I. i.S- Cum ignur jf, de vii & vi armata t vbi di(tin- 
gueodo inter iniuriam realcm, & perfonalem Hrmac , qu6d 
quandoloiuriacn pcrfotialis> debet propulfari incooiincnti > 
fi vcro fit reajis, poTcft propulfari ex ioteruallo > Gomfz.. ad 
Itg.Taurt Sz.num.^S.^. Itegp 0uia verf. Scd htsntn chjiaiitl-' 
bus - ibi— eg9 teneocontrariam fentcitiiim 5 tmb tjaoi MariiMS 
puiiatur ptpna ordi»aria deliffi tastquam Homicida. > nee pro- 
pter hoc alique modo excufetur , quiet vere commifii Horni- 
(idiuM J ftec pottji compeufiire deli&it»i » vet ejfenfam prs- 
ttrifam > nifi in e^ cafu > quo ccciderit in flagranti Crimine^^z* 

& 



[CLXXXll] 



9e fubfcqueatibus numeris refpondet conrrari/s fund-tmentis 
Siilofj. dci^htjua^uai ineintiKeniicap.6f.n»m.i-].Gaill, praif, 
^fermJib.x. o^/eru.ioi.mim.'$. vbi poflquiin £rma(iit» quod 
Hoojicidiiiflj caufa honoris comraifluoifrc licJtum ait- iyjtdU' 
g<i autem hane falleaiiam precedere ^ inconttmmi Imuriiu* 
rttorei^Mtur , feciis ft ex int(rmti» hoc fiat , qub taju talis 
ret^rfto ntagis ad ittdi^am j guam h»oris defesfam fpelfa' 
ret 5 & pfoind^ ratiooc Iniuriarum jcnetuf« 'RoJ.tit, de Homi- 
tid»ftttm,Z7.MAriJV0S.^o6,nstrf2.%i^ 6, 

llitultoque minus pra^tendi valet) quod vlndiSs, futtk incontU 
semlAitDptai quia Maritus (h(im?acpotuc£>Ci(B fuic execu« 
tusj CI audoritacibiw addudis per Dominum ipeutf^ Paupc- 
xona Aduocatum §. A^qua qmdem tamffq.^h'x oftendere cona- 
tW) quod cum effcE inermis } vci imparibus ar»is > fcilic^C 
Eafe taoaen viatorio inArudlus> aggredi aonpouit v^oreia^ 
aflbciatam a Canonico viro HrenuO} & audsci < «c folico in fi. 
iniiibus delinquercj & arma fulphurea ge(iante> & qui fc pro- 
ptumobmleracpro defenfioiic Aiaafi* niori.agoifo infuper > 
qo6d V^cor flfiif^o in ipfuntgladioirrupiCi Decern iliatura^ nifl 
coercka fuifTet a fiirruitrijs « Quoniam comiPodJras otcidtn- 
diAduIreramnoacflua fumenda* vt nex iili valei^r inferri 
cum otnni fcccritase* & abfquc vil» Uifcuruincj At* hoc coim 
omnis abhorret luris Ccafura e^ccufationccRpritbeRs pro lai- 
naenda posna $ Q ea fcquatur ex impetu icconfultt doloi (s,qui 
Marltum cogitad negJigendum propriae vii»pcriculam ■> vt 
illatam (ibi ex AdulEcrio sniuriam vicifcatijr . Prima itaqucj 
consmodUas a Do^onbuscooGderatajVC Homictdfuai dica- 
tur incontioenti patratuci. infeliigl debet cum pritnum fefo 
obt^litocca{iO}& in didam futtscndijcxcufando illius dila- 
Uone(n,vcI propter abrcntiam, vcl propter aliaai iuflao) cao- 
faasj VI in csfu, fijper qoo fci split Maitb.Sanfcofitr. 12. In co 
eoim Adojrcrium coiT.mifTum ^ueratabfente vJro , & vxor 
aofugcrac, itaut puus spit fe vicifci non potuer it > vt con(^t 
ex feric fadi reiara fium. i, cb- num.^S. conclufionem ita fta«» 
tuic . Zm«; excufentur , frAftr%t»t fi {iatim , <if fsfstnc j vw- 
dinatn fumpferini 5 £■»»» /»«f ineofal»et$ti estidijje videa— 
tur 

Quis autem aSirmare valeatj Mantuis in cafu ooftro primarily 

occa« 



[CLXXXIIl] 



oecsOengm tiimpat^c^ium reperfs vxsre In ipfo s^iu fugat ;{? 
Hofpitio CaOri Nouiabfliouitavsndi^ta fa5ti, -Sc ad iiUm_* 
luris contiolauK>qu«m Temper profequutus nilc , niaiiaque 
profeclo ignauiifi fc acctifacj afTcrendo » quod impar eflct pro 
C3 perficicnda ob ferocesa Canoiici natiarviinjquiadunrs ipfc 
rcpenebatur arreOa^usi poierat in Vsorem irrusre , nee qus- 
Iitas artfjorumiplam fcrrere debebar $ quia cs defcripriono 
iiSts. ifi Proceflu appsief>qudd Enfem ranriim gefcabae-iadeo- 
^u^ paribus arsni? crant inRruiJiJ, nee adeo propri;e incolumi- 
rati «onfulurlfe».1ftimulisbojicfis reparandi fulAct adaifjus ad 
vindi^am fumcwdamcuajaliquoetiam iilius difcrinin^ iu- 
fius cnita dolor otodum nefcir, fibiquc Imputare debers S fo- 
lus, & ioiparibus Sfmis vxorem cum Amafio valido • & rae- 
liiis atmato vr tiraere poeerac fugkntc Jnfccutus fuk > iHeque 
asodusinfequutionis potius arguit cius animum fuiffe con- 
ucrfum ad vittdidam loris pro lucro dods captando , qu^m^ 
Si^ vindiiftamfaiSi pro reparando honorc. FatJIucn eaim opii- 
tak oftendic, quails facrJ? ansmus? vj per T^.^; <» /-. i .S. /^-^^ 
(i(doLtrad9»i Gt&mmat-i6nf.i2,nitm,i,f^ ^^ deaf, ^j^aum, 
6,M»fi&rd<,ii fn h&iJth prim$ concl, 9 f =»«*». i . ©i' 2 . B&tinii cc» 
infragmo Qrm» parH prima laiera B« %jtrh. Aaimus tsumsro 

S28- 

DUatiopariter^Jndldspoflredttum I'xons ad domura pn^t- 
aamexciudic praftenfara quaiirateroj quod fuerii: incondncu- 
^ futnpta quia prius esequudoni mandari non pof ucrit rsaafuj 
Mlecondgrtdie la.Odobrisanni preterkj ,^ nes ^idenu 
libra full ftctHSda Imuarij prarfentss 3an{,& pocius affjrmsn- 
dusxicRexpeSatumfuiiTs illJu? pirtum fcquutum die 18. 
Decigbrisj vefacceffioadquamMaritus tnhiabar in tucc po- 
fieretur dito) ffatirapcfllitjuoi confilium yxorem ciufquc ge- 
nitores iasmant-esicidiopcrdendifuir exccutioni tfadrrum) vc 
ex combi^atione tcmpotum facile tiit dignofcere csiadeq.uc 
eliacn conflac qao animo illad pcrpcrratuns fueri? 3 & '^i pro 
afscrsareparSEfonc lefi honorb vindi^a dici valear jncojisiea- 
tlfijfcepta ideftcaas pr«ammcons®odi?3S ^Sc occafio l«ob- 
fuiiciusia ia contrariuir.adde^asaurharit^tes ► 

E/ciSa proindi viftdi,ai luris per Garcerationeiri Vs£0!:is,& pr»- 
tenfi Acaafij) & profecutioacrn c^afe Cdininaiiss iiciasoi aoa 

fuic 

[CLXxxrvJ 



faifad.vindidamfa^^ircgrediscamfjse Aiegendo dsci notu 
potefii qudd iucontincnti vkionem fufceperiri 8e pubHcam^ 
iudictj) ianofupremi Pnncipjs Maieftarcsij vsolaaitj qua fola 
circumftantia valdd poenaro exafpefat ,& ddi^Ilura esrollit , 
vt mouet Text.in L ^aod ait lex $,fi»,f.Ad ifgJuL dc Adulter. 
Angtl. de male/, verf, Che hat aduit^rato la mia Donna s num^ 
>i. i» ///tfcuos alijs relatis in prxcefita informatione §. Ss' 
lemmas , 

i{b{<\i&? eOi quod appljcari valeant conctvCiones per D. meumj 
Paupeium Aduocacum addn&x inSEtiantum ubifi cnm feq~ 
&auvSoritai;es iliascomprobasueS) q«6d Iniuria nonfprsfu- 
matur a Msriro retniff^j fed potius con; inuado an iml fe vlci- 
Iccndiproditionisexclufiua 5 licet Maritas diffim ulatlonc/ 
vfas fucrU pro vindiiS* fumendai Qwia qujefiio «n prafenei.!.. 
no© eft fupcr qualjrate Heinicidjjj ex quo illad vcre prodfro- 
riam prscrendatur, nee Mar irus loiuf iam d^Ofitnulauitj fed fjo- 
iius e;ii!i propaiauir^conuolandoad vi^di^lain /ufis; quse ii- 
cc£foif«nficaiinii$hoacfta5cafneadi}£Bei placuiti^ vtDoteai 
lucraretur, nonpofuitfua fpe frsiftfaiaa, ob non purobstamu^ 
AdukeriufBjreafiutnere vindiS:am fa-Si, dslKsonJsexcufiitio- 
neni prstcndendo, qudd fcilicct illaia priijs cx^qul noo po» 
tucrir, Cum cnitn diiatjo, feiajpedimentunfi prouencrir ek fa- 
fto proprio* non potcS ex iSJo prasfidiBin cscufationis capra- 
rCj Justi rcgiUam r^^f. i^ cap. Damnusridi- reguli lur. in (S, 
'RetJecif.^^'i.numefO i^.parte ij.&d^i/si^g 6o^,ntif)>€r»ii» 
par.iB»yec. 

Sed vtcunquc cjccuftnda cfTct Barbara f^« fnff#itlnta? vsori fab 
ludice maRCnu'i viro toOanse, ac ilhm dcferente, slki^j ccrS^ 
profsus ioexcufabile rcpBtari debet Exeidiusn Pefrr? & Vio- 
laQtisjquibus lic^ adaptarc quoqac in cohktft&rK afFcdaoc- 
th caufaes hoDoris ob prsrenfam coaspieglc^tecs lam ififua* 
(denda fuga* qu^m in aflVrta Vxorb inhooel^ate, nulla taeeea 
huias quaiifstis probatioafTerri pore0>raec Hlias vmbra j^ei 
tBieima r^fyhatex Procdfy fags^. Ac prorfo^ joBertGrailiS s 
iaidinciedibills dctcgitur ex fola conndcratione $ quod nul- 
lacenitsconfenfifTer D. AisbasFfanctrchinoslnquifidjSi: Rei 
confcfsi Frajer corum cul^odi^ committi vxorem eiiifdem jfi 

aii— 

[CLXXXV] 



aJiquam vcl etiant IcuiTsimam fufpkionera d» co»p!iciuti 
habulfTcf, ducD adco 3Cn't«r honoris repnrationi anhclabat » 
qui plane conicnfus infcrlptaralfalico idiomace prd nosicia 
fadli cxarata nimis animosg ncgaius per D. Pauperum Pro* 
curaforcm pro fua eximiaingenuJfaic admicritur > ncgando 
foliimjcum ad noti(!am Maiici pcrucniffc , vcl Tolam fcicn* 
tiara prajfuropiam eiufdeia k Fifco prxsendi pofic infcrcn* 
do 

Qux tamcn viiri, qu6d cfl vald^ probabiIis,& ex vfolcnea ptar- 
iumptionededu<Sia, cum nirois vcrifimik (it >qu6d i Fratro 
fucrie ccrtior rcddirus dc Vxoris egrclTu ^ Mooaftcfio, ciuf* 
que coUocationein d.domo cum obligatione fufcepta per 
eius Genitores alimenra fubmioiftrandi , 6c maxio*.^ dcte^o 
pffgnancia) vt tradunc Gratian.di/ctft.fir.cap.796- numcr.iS* 
Crauett.sonfiLiii.oum.^rimo (ff a. Rot Jets f, ^/^i.nnm 6.f*rtc 
X i.rece»t.\w pcxfenci autetn oon agifur dc fcientiaMariti pro- 
banda} fed de inferenda c>j didio coofcnru pr«ruraptiooo 
exciofiuaprftenfiecomplicJtatis Petri, ac Violantis in Vxo- 
ris inhoncftate oulJo modo probata . 

Tantumquc abeft vt ea probata dici vaJeat rcrpc(5io Petri >¥t 
contrariufTsomnino conftct czcius Teftamentocondjro do 
anno 1595. poft(n!roduda«j litem fuper foppofiiionc Par» 
tuS) in quoj canon obltanteprimo loco reliquit hjtredea-* 
vfufrui5iuariam Violanrem vxorem, 8e pofi ci<js obicum Fran- 
cifcam Pompiljam cum onerehabirandi in Vrbc » & hor»efl4 
viucndiiVt apparct ck parricula di<Sj Tellamenti data in pras- 
fttiixSummarfo num.'i inquoeiiam affefir> ipfaro honcOe ba- 
Aenus fc gcfsiffc, & ob eius bonos n-.ores Icgatum rclinquc- 
rc vfusfruftus prcfitctur. Adeourprorfus Incredibiledetcga- 
tur> qood ipfe viiicns cotjlpirare voluerit in eius inhoacfta- 
teni) a qua mortuus quoque abhorrisjC) earn in cafu j quo in- 
hooeflam vitam ducercti reiido vruFrudupfiuando» & hor- 
tando iocafu difTolurionisMarrlmonij ad rengiofum babituia 
aflumcodum . reliclo etiacn ad huoc etfcaum pingai le- 
gato 

PrxCcnf^ vcro complicitatis nullam prsbere valet praefum- 
piioocm confideratso , quod fimulata prsBfentationc* 
cpifiolsex Domino Canoaico traofniina; ftatita per Vioian- 

lem 

[CLXXXVl] 



rem pitxfiCtx fucn'nt fores occiforibus, ex qua ficWiatc , ^c 
crcdulitarc arguere conantur DomiaJ OeCcaforcs , qi^od ipfi 
noo cfTet ir.vifum notncn Am3fij,& iu nee eius conucrfatio 
cum Francifca Pompilis. Quoniara cum ipfc fuerit Author li- 
bcracioniseiufdctn^ pericuia mottis eamk Oomo Viri ad 
Patiios lares traduccadonegleifioproprio difcriminc mirum 
vidcri non debet} quod gradanicrd fignificationem pro col- 
late fiiiabcnchcioconferuaret,&paicfacerct ncc egindeJQ- 
fcrri valet coofcnfus inhoncftati qua immuQiscrat pra;teriu 
corrcfpondcntia , muJtoquc magis dc seraporc quo iple ab- 
fens rtperiebatur > & in Ciuiiacc Vetula rclcgatus . 
Vera iguurCaufa> propter quara ipfi$quo(|ue ncx iliata fuits 
alia cfTe nonpotuit) qu^nj odium, quo MantJS cxarferat ob 
iatcntatam litem (uppo(itionisPariu$ Tpeineludentis pinguem 
dotcni5& KJCccfsioneiT) afTequcndj, & defhieriuni vltioo'S pio 
fcripturis promiilgatis occaiioned. Litis protnouendje lupec 
anguf^iarei famiitj(i$,& pefsimis tra'^Jtionibus iadomo vi<- 
ri reccptis,qa2 nullatenus excufat a pcQoa prarmeditaci Ex- 
cidijiquininio illaiii esalpcratjvtpot^ ipfufn cxtoUcns ad Cri- 
men \£i'x M<ijertat!$, ex nota difpofitione Conftitutioo i$ Aic- 
jandrins, vc probatum fujt in praricriia informationc §. M» 
tedit ad exafperandam . 
Pro cuius (anclionis, & difpofirionis Bannimcntalis eideco con- 
forrnis ccnfura cffugicnd.i,fruilra recurritur ad excufationem 
dclumptam ex fuperucnta prouQcationC) iuxta dccifionenxj 
SacRotoerel^tim pofl ionf.6i'BArinA\ quoquc admicteotis i 
Eaquippequatcniis rcfultare prjetenditurcx confilio praeAi- 
to pro fuga , & complicitatc in eadem •, vltra quod efu$ pro- 
batio vnicc dcfumifur ex affcrta Epiftola per Francifcara^ 
Porapiliam fcripta D.AbbatiFrancelchino toiics reicda , Sc 
ab ipfoquoquc fprefa , dum in ProccfUi fuper fuga fabrica- 
te nulla reperitur iuftantia , vi contra Petrum, 5c Violantem 
proccderetur pro prxtenla inltiguione, longc pra:cc(nt li- 
teoB motam fuper fuppofltione Partus > & refciffione inftru- 
mcnti doralis » adcoquc prouocationeta cxclufiuam caufae li- 
\\\ parcre non vaict , quf vlterius debet efle vera , & noio 
afFciaarai & delivlo patrato corrcfpondens. vt firmant Blame, 
it Udic.ftam.z^ j . dr fc^uc//. Fulfill. conf,gg, numz. Fari/iac, 

[cLxxxvir] 



duncur ex complicitate if? sHtrfCa In honeflatCjprorrus exciti- 
fa remanet ex defetiSu pyobadonis iats inhoneftatis, quarru 
cotjniueariaf 5 itsu? proycMiio ex ijla defumpti dctsgatur 
omnindirrelci.'ans, vt poifc afFe^S^ti 
Aljaquoquehsiorentata nofRineFrancifcx PompiliiE faperfe- 
pararione Thori , frailM esieari prxrendira*" ob affcf faro nul • 
iirateai sconirorij, qaiaeseqisistum fuerir contra D. /Ibba- 
tcm FraoceJcbinam m^ndud Procurs carenfcm ; nam illud 
era? ampii^'T.um 3d litesivr ex eisistenore rchro i« prxfcn- 
t\ SvwM.Kuw.6, cofiftar j & if5 sndoSa Iscc per n>onitorium_j» 
vt p(r Glo/l iff Clem(tf.i,vcfk?iefs^ , vi lU. penden.,^rmai. Rota 
CPira'K Buriitl.decif-.iO'^.iium \.^ 5 , vcrfacnur \ti fcrmiois A^Zi- 
sandfiHf ConllijunonisjSf difpofirionis Bann mentaiis edit? 
contra oifcadenscses ciufa Urisj Nonrcleuaats rerponlionc 
iradita per D.P'Ocorajorcm Pauperom 'm%Qae eti/tm aptaa 
fgr. quod > confliro dc jnhoiicf?ate Vsjons* pcrmittcnd*^ 
non Gtimpunitas ab Ira csafiii foam tniuriafn vicifccoeis»per 
intfodtiifisoacm [iris fuper feparasione Thori j ncc dici vsleat 
Homicidium pro repafatsone hosoris cooiminiint » in odium 
litis parratum, Quoni^m fupponk, id qued eft in qo^ftionej 
probsiasn fciiic^t Vnoii$ iahoncftarem > cIjjuj prob^sfio prot' 
ius deficit , & ad fummum procedere poflee j (i f^afim pafra- 
foaduitCfioVxor mQiiu^rst Itsditaun (bper fcparationcTKo- 
fiffectis duas siiud irstenjstsit poftc'tdama mariro vhw^ 
v'w4i&e larss , criniinaisjcr agcado pra prctenfo adi>Jte(io,& 
prolycrodotis > &' poftquass? elus fpe fruOratus remanftc* 
dam €% ProcefTu nalh refuiunr iilius indicia j itaur pnsl ex 
afperaeum virsanimufn propri* Incchjeoirati confs^lerc iici- 
tumcs cffedebcbat, refnediusTifcparatiooisTbor! insploraa- 
do jquoiudicio peadentenex eideia ilbja poenis per Ale- 
ziuduoim , & BatiiJimentaiem Janilioncs ioSt^tsfic omnina 
expianda cuius ctism diTpaddo appHcsfur dutn Vsori ncx 
iHata fuicpcndetireadhuccaufa Grinainaii contra ipfam per 
raariciiat Inftrudla fuper prsrcnfo adulter!© cum di'^ia Con- 
ftitutio lit?s tins Ciuiics qtslm Criminalcs camprajheodat ve 
conftaj C5f eius i? aars . 

Cca- 

[CLXXXVIIlJ 



a/o pro fecurius patrldo fotius Fasr.lHc cgcidio dcli^um ex- 

roliitgd L^is Maieftatjs crifacn* & poena cufpefandamfua* 

dcE.yr nrmstum fuit io prater iraieaqjDOD coitatur ex rcrpon* 

fioR!bu3 trsditisj leu porids rcpetijis per DD.Dcfenroies, & 

pr*fe?ti'aj quod cum dsliftusa principsleperpetratum »«crie 

ex csuOj hoQOrlis Hcufi propter jliam jocuoi json habet ofdi- 

©i-dinarJg poena leg'a Csrnilt>$ de Sicar^s , na oec irrogar« va- 

Jear pa?aa procosdunadonepcf Cois(}»ta?iones Apoftoiicaf, 

& generals'* Bion»Si«nEa ioHs^a » qaia confundiiur cum poe- 

B-ad.°Jii«i prmcipaltSj quod eft yniceitfendendum , cumaoi* 

musj ajque propoilrafn mjlcScia diftinguat » vt. firosatur ia* 

voto ?fium Sac.Rotaf Auditorutn Biascbe$tf, Oram i^Ccaai 

tclxto pQ&fecui$dfsm vol. conf, tiLrint^cAicS t. Quoniacn fru- 

Srsnea cuadsfcr dsTpolisio di<S£ Conilicunonss , & Bmni- 

saentofum fi pcsna coadunaliooss csCTarers quoties fa^a elfet 

ad patrancfamaliquod deliVlurn micioripcena pUnicnduesj Si 

e»if«> viaducrtit fiS^i^f.^a.i^i.we.sdO' &€g eo repetii Sp«i, 

f<»#/j5,»?s ^<},lsh,ir i Bsilla habct locum esiarn jquandocosi- 

uoca.Ttur homJnc* ad arma in cafu Ikit03& ad boauo) fioeto, 

quia psr iUaaiSummu^Pontifei conHjIere volujt publics fe- 

sariras:s,& f cfr«narc audacia fibi dc fa<5o Ior4iccnciurn,quaQ- 

fomagss lot a hihebirsquoeies coadunatlonfad maju Snefcs- 

ikcf ad deJinqucndu^ » quamuisdeiii^issipossiataordinaria 

ijon merearur, {'lludqjfueric fcquiicusVS argbit %pad.d.£onf.%%, 

9um.$9' ^bi in §. £» f/>^?i^o; adduck rarioncraj quod Pontifcx 

in hac Gooftiruuonc condtnds conCidctnuk folusn rumulsass 

& asia a)?.h , qtiaf c:< coouocadonc Afmatoramcooringercj 

folent in pernicism publics Eranquslliraris , Bt licet eius 

opinio faeris rcprobara per Dociores a D. sneo Pauperum 

Aduocato addu^os in §.»i?,is refragaati ; confutacio noa ca- 

dii fiuper coadunatione Atmatoruosad tsalucQ fjacm » quam* 

uss non ade6cria)inofum» yc pLcraa raarti? isxiponi valcat.fed 

in cafu licitOj fciiiccr pro recupcraoda iQconcinenei poffeSio- 

ne vm vs recundendo . in quo ctiam csfu difpoficioni Bull* 

locum enccoRfuluic Spada 3 & ideo fedarguiia conefficir, 

quo tTiinus prrefaiffi ConilJfutioni« difpofidcnc cafui noftro 

applicabilisj tiutn coadunatio fulf pr^ordinata ad Excidium 

iniegra? faailis tcmeisno sufu cxecu:i@ni staditura e 

QuJa 

fCLXXXIx] 



Quiti obdarc valcint vota d<f. Sac. Ro{« Audicorumrcquiren- 
tiam > coadunatronemcffeordinacainaduersus PriacipCTtj, 
vei Rcmpublicann,non ex caufs patrandi aliud dcli<aum,quia 
fidiftaqualiras verificarcEUf,fruflr3 cdica f-uifTec Conftttutio 
illaaocxcolleas ad Crimea LgCs Maicftatis , & Rcbellionis 
fatis refultans ex ipfo faiJo i & animo turbandi (latum Pnn- 
cipis> & Reipublictj & quateniis etiatn coaclufio in iliis fir- 
iDaca fubfifteret»ea procederc poHTec , infpc^i difpoGtionc 
Conftitutioais, non cciam Banataicncaii poftea craaoata,qnae 
fane inutili«j & fruflranea euadercr, fi poena capitals per il- 
latn iopofita coflcra Coadunantes hofnincs Armatos fo- 
liim habere poffct locuni) qiando delid^iim, ad quod pacraa- 
dum fa'5la fait Coadonatio, Cn eadcoi poeiii pleAendu m , & 
adhuchac neccffitate adnaiira non po(T"cc cuicari appiicatio 
Confticuriooissdum nulh honoris caufa proexcufanda nccc 
Petri, acViobntis efl3lieg3bilis,& rcfpeilj Francifcae Pooi- 
piliy nullaccnus probata ioit, 

Pr»paratio paritcr armoru'U probibicoruni,eorurnque vfus poe- 
na capital! plcifJendus, infpe(3adirpofjiionc Baitnimentoruni) 
&Gonftit!jrioni$sa.mc(n.Alc3t.5ndri Vllf. , fjiiicicnrer noii_» 
euitaturrefponHone tradira per D-D. De^'eaforesl quod con- 
fundirur cwfn delicto principdi.adcouc ma or poena ncqueac 
pro jISo imponi» quam ipfufn deii^lurn prome'-earnr j Naou* 
vltra qu6d ra!i confufioni poenao) bannimenralem abforben- 
14 repugnant fupra tradita re pedtu Coadunacionis , «5: con- 
trariom firmant Dodtores addudi in pr^tenta rsfponfione 
$. Nee deUtioms^ & in contrarium aliati procedere poffunc 
quotics agttir de snfultu, vel hom'cidio \n rixi pitrato , vci 
ad proprfamdcfen(ionen[t>aut ex caofa honoris inconrinenti 
rcparandi,in quibus rermujis loquitur Matth.Snit.. de re^ 
Crim.difi.ctntroH. I i.uum.^G, Cedar in ca(u nortro diilicultas 
cxclaradifpofitione Bannimentoruai explicit^ declarantium» 
&iubentium) quod poena deiacioois aroBoruo) non confun- 
datur cum poena delj^i cum illis cotnmiin i pro qua vtcanda 
non yidecur lufficiens refponfio tradita per O. Pauperuni 
Procuratorcra jqoodcum ii!a rccipiant intcrpr^ratione n_« 
padiuami iure communis cuiu? fan(aionc infpSvla vnicuin_» 
delidum confldcratur pr^paiatfo , & deUtio armorum ad ef- 
tedum patrandi cum ipGs hooiicidiuai , fecus C\ arma defe- 

raniur 



[cxc] 



rmtinnon ad malum finpmi&cfclticfdflJtn ilfis allqnod dcH- 
• dum commirtatun Quoniam nimis afpe-rum ioret, quod 
maiorem pccnara paterctur arma defeicns non ad maluin fi- 
nem > & dciadc cuai illis delinquens i quirn csdcm prtpa- 
taos addelinquendum, & ctijTi adhunc effedufn deterens* 
Itaitt nanquam tako interpraca:iopcfn rccipcre vak-anc 
Bannimcora, quibus, dum vctira fmt delario ar moruni vtpO' 
te pcrniciofa , & occafionctn deimquendi prjcbcns, multo 
magi$ prQhibita,& rigorofa poena plcif^enda txi(iimari deber 
deiacioad delinquenduin ordai/ci maximc attcnca dccla- 
rationc, quod dclifia non confundaijtur . 

Supercft candem alia qualiras fummoperc dclldum aggrauans. 
vtolacio fcilicet domus afftgnara: proCarccrecuntj conlenlu 
D. Abbatis Franccfchini . Ablque to quod ailegac valc^JC 
jgnorantia huiuscircumOantir, duaiindi(fia fcriqtijra Itali- 
coidiomarc^exarata pro rradeiida fiiiccra nocirra fidi a.\T<id- 
tur>qu6deid-em fuit a Fratrc fcIi-SaiBc commina omoimoda 
foIbcJtudo huiDS Caur«p,dum ab Vrbedikeflir, itaut prorsiis 
incrcdibile (it,qu6d oon fucrit ab eo ic re tarn releuanti ccr- 
tier rcdditusj & quoad difcriojcn intsr vioiarioncm publici 
CarccriS) & fimplicis cuflodiaf in domo (ub fi jeiu(Tbribusi& 
licicam in co quoqac oflFenfinnefn ex caufa bo nons, (atis tiiit 
in prartcrita rcfpoofum §. j^u:buj accedit (um/e(]uent. ■, qaod 
eadcm vrriufqjcftratiojcuni in vrroquc deren tus mancat fub 
proie(Sione Principis cuius proindd maicftas locdiiur* Sc 
quod cxcufatio procedcrcr , fi agatur de propullanda iniurii 
incarcerejllaca , &in his tcrminis loquuncur authoritaccs 
per D.D.Defcofores addutfis , vt conflarc poreft ex illarum 
lecognttionc. 

CuTi ergo /n prsfcnti tot grauififimr concurrant qualitatcs de- 
lictum cxtollentcs, propter qtias D. meus Paupct una Aduo- 
catus poena exafperandaoi e(Te admittit in §. Agoofcit PifcHSt 
& talis exafperationon nili de poena Capitab vcnficari pof^ 
fifjnam alias folum Homicidu Vxoris cjc intcruallo patratij 
quatenus etia probacu fuiflTet Aduheriu.qnod in cafu noftro 
nullatcniis fuit probatura,iu xra mitiorctn fententia vnica ex- 
pofccte poflet minorationS fatis aflcrca,* k contrarijs vindi- 
uu dici debet luftitiaDccrcti proTormsnto vigiji2,i(autac- 

cedcntc 

[cxcil 



eedchte confeiHorie protansifacinoris e»piatIone coadigna 
poena inf creoda (emancae . 
Quare &c. 

o:Baptifta Bottinius Fifci,& R.C.A* 
Aduocatus * 



[cxcii] 



JUuJfrifs. ^Reuerendi/s,Dno 

Vrbis 
GVBERNATORE 

In Crimimlihus 

Romana Homicidiorum 
cum qualitate . 

?* ^ a 

Filco« 

C O N T 'It ti^ 

O.Guidum Francefchinuni) 
& Socios > 



^(epllcaiio lurh D,/iduocati Fifcalh, 

■ 1 II II I I a 

ROMit J Typis R. Cam. Apoft.id^S. 



[cxciv] 



Romana Homicidiorum cum 
qualitatc. 

Ill "^ Dnr TN^*^"'^^?'^ ^- •"«"•" PauperuiTiAduo- 

***• l.-'llC. J^ catumaddcfcnfamDGuidonisFran- 
cefchini inquiHti de tribus homJcidijscum gr^uiflimts qua- 
licatibus cadem extollentibus fuadcrc non valent, IpAjm non 
cfle ordinaria poena tegis Cornelia: dc Sicar. pledlcndum > 
quaienus de illis confcfCiis repcriretur ? & habenda fuper ijs 
veritatc reliolo tortnento vigilia? > fimpl/cem torturam cfTo 
irrogandam, vc Hngulis refpondcndo^quantum maxima rcm- 
poris anguftia patirur, Fifci partes, vt mci muncris ratio po- 
ftulati & criminis atrocicas , & immanicas expofcic ) cucndo* 
oftenderc conabor . 

Prafcipuum itaque Domini mei afTtimpfum confirtit'io parifi- 
candocafu vindi^x incontinenti per Maritum fumpt* cum 
nece Adultera: in turpitudinc deprfhcnHe , ac cQ intcruallo 
capta;, quotics de adulterio Vxor conuifta reperirur , vt ve- 
rificari pr^cendit in cafu noftro, fed ilhid ram in fa<So,quiin 
in lure corruit, ctidco illatiocx eadem parirate defumpta 
pro modcrationc poena: paritcrinfub/Irtens dctegitur. 

In i'iClo fiquidem prorsiis deficit probario prxfcnfi adulccrijcx 
late deduiflis in alia mca Informatione > in qua fingulas cius 
prjefumptionesj fcii pocius fu'picioncsex ProceflTu > ad queni 
felatiue fe hjbct D. mens , reliiltanres confurauii oftcnden- 
do } fugam arrcptam per vxorem in focictate D» Canonici 
Caponfacchi prastenfi Amafij ex legirima canfa > imminens 
vita? periculum, quod ipfa rimebat , non ex illicito libidinis 
impulfu proccllifle, quod vtique (bade: c debet participatio> 
ctcomplicrtas in eadem promoucnda D. Canonici dc Co- 
mitibus,et D.Grcgorij Guillichini affinium Inquifiti^quod 
vtique non priftitiHent » ii malum ffnem violands fidci con- 
iugaiis in ipforunvqnoque dcdccus ccffinct j fed quia bene 
agnofccbant rcmcdij ncccffitatem , illudquc periculo vaca- 
rc , vt d«ponit Tcftis fikalis dc auditu a D. Grcgorio in eo- 
dem Ptoceifu fuper fuga , ei quoquead cxecutioncm-pcrdu- 
cenda fuam oper^jm admifcueiunt'- 
Non rcleuante ? quod in Decrcto condcmnationis eiufdcciL* 

A D. Ca- 

Ccxcv] 



D. Canonicj 3id relcgatiorero in Ciukiti vetula Jnff rlpius 
fuerit titulos carnalis cognirionis , cjflia » vt ftiit praeucntiud 
rcfponfum , dcmandata fuit illrusmoderatio > et fubrogatio 
gcncrali: tituli ad Proceffum rciatiuij cecum ex ProcelTu 
cius indicia non refultent j vcl ex defonfionibus »quas infc- 
lix Vxoi- cum iimplicj cautione de habendo Domum pro 
Carcere dimiffa, faccre potuifTet , nifi adeo immanirer neca- 
ta fuifTcr, cum d. dccretam fuerjt emanatum ea non vocata > 
neque audita 5 prorsus clifa rctnanfiiTer , [iofcriptio £ada per 
ludicem poetics ada dc tituio deliifij cius ream cfficcre non-. 
valtsicj fed veriras fadi ex probacionibus relultans eft atcen- 
denda» vr per Tex.in I famo/i §. hoc autem nr'imenff.ad i ltd. 
M^iiji' tradunt MaJirsH. deindulf gefter*cap> ?-9. num, 19. 
verf.^. confirmatur Franc, deci/.^^o. ftum.6. tbtqae Vtfcont, 
in addit. Reufftendifsy cruUn-ad Statut.Tauentm.lib.^.rubr, 
14, num.i/^. 

Faceor quidem aliqua excufatione dignum exiftimandura fore 
D. Inquifiturri) (i Vxorem in adiu depritheniianis eiufdem \\\ 
fuga cum pritenfo Ansailo necarter j cum ad hunc effct^um 
ncdum Veritas » isdetiam fufpicio parrati adulterij fufficiat , 
vt exglo/Jn l.Dluut Adriatnts in figuratione Cafus ff. adltg. 
Pompon. deParictd.tr&dkD.n\^us , fed dum negledo prx- 
lenfo lureprioatafvindidtafj pablicam implorauit ,iUan> ar« 
reftari faciendo , vciqueamplius non p0tcr.1t eamancntcj 
fub publics ludicis poteftatc priuaram vindidam fumcrei!- 
Jam trucidando nil cale timentem, fufpicio fiquidem iufti do- 
loris cxcitaciua, qucm tcmperare difficile eft, cxcufat i 
quanco, finona toto> quoties exinccnfulto impcju ifcC Ma- 
fjcus vltionem inconrinenti fumic j non etiam quarsdo ex in- 
teruaiio , ec caufa Tub ludicc minenre , atc^ue Vxore ad ip- 
fius inftanciam carcerata id prajftat > ve infra probabitur > 
Oi^cndcndo irrcleuantiam principalis alTurapti . 

Neque obftat GLiffJnalUg. Text. inl.Diuus Adfianusi qui,ij 
loquitur de filio in flagranti adisitceio cum Nouerca per Pu- 
trem deprshenio , et non ck interuallo per Pacrem interfc- 
do, vt quamplurimis tclitis 6vmit Farirtacccon/.i^i. a. 16. 
Sclongediuerla eil ratio inter Patreraj ec Maritumex inttf- 
uallo occidentem-t quia vt fubdic ibiFarifiacc.fium 17. Pa- 
ter lubet in filium maximam poteftatem , etantiquolnjo 
poccrac eciam illmn occldefc 1 quam cerce non habct M.ui- 

(US 

fcxcvij 



fos J a<:etiam lex facilius Pitreiis cxojfats quia fempet 
pijefumicur, quod capiac bonum coafiiium pro fiiio ex'in- 
ftin(5lu Patcrni amorij 5 qusm conndentiam non habctde 
Vivo, qui facilior eflerokt ad concipiendam iniuilam (uf- 
picioneni de Vsore J arque ideo pcrmititendum non eft, 
qnod foia fufpicione poiSt illanjcx inceru^llo necarc ,nec 
cil ob cam nullo modo excufandus , vt connderata latio- 
ne addufta per Tex. in L nee in eaf- ad leg. IhL de Adul- 
ter. — quia pit'tas Paterni amoris pleruwquf Can/ilium pro 
liberis capit > Mariii •vera cahr » ^ impssus facile f^men- 
ttsftfit refrenandus — jradunt Cmarr. in tit. de i>pQnfal. 
t^ matrim. 7.^ par. %.-j,num. %. vtrf. licuit , Decian,tra&, 
erimin.cap.i^.nuhi.^^, in fin>Cab:iU.ref»L crimift. ia/.^oo, 
r.um 2 T. 

Quod adeo veriim efl, vt non alias Pater cxcufetur ni/i vna_» 
cum adultero ipfa /ilia occidarur , vel istfiaiiter vuinere- 
retur ; vt fatopotiusscjuam paterni indulgentix moricm 
effugiiTe 5 tribuenduns Cit •> idque non alia rationc per Le- 
gislatorcs induclufti e'l > nifi quia talis dolor ad iratn^ 
inconfuitam proiiocans ad excufandutn Patrem requiri- 
tiir vt propriae Hits non parcat 5 qcsod cum Srsiarum npi"L- 
icgaturper leges dc Maritoloquerrtes; manifcfts deregi- 
£ur difparitas inter vrrumque ob nimism facilitatem iuipi- 
cioncmconcipiendi, 5i contra Vxorcm iiiljL'uicndi . 

Solansque fufpicionem non fufficerc s.d hoc vt sninuatur poe- 
na Marito ex interualio Vxor<rra Occident! c0nfJ.1t ex ipi^s 
aiithorkatibus iilum m tali cafu cxculantihus » qaatenus 
adukerjum (ii probatum J vel per confe/Hcncs Vxofis > 
veialijs probatfonlbus , Iraut dcUiocoiiuidadicivalear, 
vttr.ldiJnc MaJiant.depr&bari'oricl.o^^.nuf^.S. O'-^. Ber- 
tazz. conf.crim* ^i.num.io. C^baiL rcJ'oL crim^ d vaf. ^00. 
num, %6- ibi — P^idt in ccngingentiafacJi ohjifuari , ^ sx- 
{ttfari maritum qui Vxoremtnterficeral adulter am > non^ 
tamen In ailibus •venfreis repertam 5 fid tahm •ver'c , tr 
realits? exiflent?m , c^ ^oc apemffim^ prvhato » Vnde aia- 
mfcfrum reddJrurcx ipljs aurfcorisacibus pet D. nieuftu 
addudss>non e>:cufari Mariram ex inrcrualloyxoremoc* 
cidcntem ex foJa {ufpic!one> ex Caufa fuper aciulter io ad- 
liuc lub ludicci qucm jofe adiuerat. mancfue . 

A ' In 



[cxG\^IJ 



lolurequoque infubHrtcns detcgicur alfumptum parlficans 
vtndidam fumpcam incontiacntij in adlu fcilicet depr^E- 
heafionis in adulterio i vcl in praeparatorijs proximis Ic- 
gicimam fufpicionem eiufdem inducentibus , & ex inter- 
uallo , quoties de ilio conftat > & eo quidem probationum 
gcnere , quod adiilteriutn apcrriflSmum rcddat . Liccc 
cnim not! define quamplures Dodiores pjcaara mmucn- 
dam fuadenccs ex addufta pcripfos ratione » quod Cau- 
fa honoris ferapcr vrget, & ad vindi(5l3ra prouocat, & 
quod fan's dicitur in adulterio dcpr^ehenfa Mulierde illo 
confedaj vcl conuida, plena manu congefti per D.meuaij 
& quorum aliquo moxipfe indicaui; Tamcn contraria_» 
opinio eft verior , & in praxi rccepta > de qua ceftantur 
infignes prav5lici noftri temporis > & in re criminali Peri- 
tiffimi, fcilicet VarinuccdiEixonf.infin. , vbi concludit fe 
ita indubicantcr de iurecredere > confulcns ita tenendum 
cfie nifi errare vclimiis , difertc pritis refpondendoratio- 
mbus> &auchoricatibusin confrariuin addutftis , & D. 
Canon. Rainald. qui cciam Procuratorfs Paupcrum mu- 
nus fucnma cum iaude cxpleuit , de ideo credi poteft quod 
ad pietaterai & commiTerationc fucrit fumnoopere procli- 
uis t & ex folo veritajis kiaandje ftudio huic opinion! ad- 
bxferie) quaaivcrioranappciiat, & magis Reipublics 
proficuaoi, nee ab ea in iudicando recedendum efTciVC cra- 
dic infmi ob/eruat.crimn.cap.Z'S.'^'num. 155.^ eap.-j. in 
rubr.num. 118. &feqq. 
Sed quacenus ctiam confliclus auttioricatum polfet aliquo 
modo loquinco fuffragare pro minuenda poena * fi folus 
cxcefliis in tempore concorrercr j prorsiis tamen in excu- 
fabilis exiftimandus e(l « tcaut non valear pcEnam ordina- 
riam effugere , dum tot qualicares delidum extollentes 
concurrunt •, quarum vnaqusque de perfe poena mortis 
plc«Senda eflTer . 
In primisquippeconfidcrari ad hunccfFeaumraerctur coa- 
dunatio Armatorum perniciofiflfimum publicae quieti de- 
Ii(^tum conuenriculxconfticuens, in fiannim£n£iscap*82« 
damnatum pcena vltimi Aipplicii refpedu authoris cutn^ 
dcclaratione, quod fufficiatquatuor Armatosfuifle con- 
gregates ad illam conftitucndam > quae priiis fucrat fub 

eadcm 

[cxcvin] 



eadcm poena prohibita per Confiit.y^. faJ.rcc.Sixti V. 
ca extolkndoad criincn rcbeIIionis>exquacutnque cau- 
ia ficret, vt late pvobatSpad.conJ.i^.pirrtotJih.prifno, af- 
iercns ilJam clTe gcneralirer inteiligcndam in omnibus 
cafibu$> in quibus prohibita coadunatio ficret . 

Pro quo cfTugicndo, vcl capitali poena euadcnda > non rdc- 
uat cxcufacio ] quodltcitumiitMaritoetiain coadunaris 
Atmatis adulccram Vxorem occidcre. Quidquid cnim-> 
fitquotids Maritus vult occidcre Vxorem in Adultcrio 
dcpr^hcnfam, quia timere poceU > quod Adulter armatus 
ei re^ftcre valeacj &forfarihabeac in fui auxilium fimu- 
iosi quo caiu cum aliccr 7indi(5tam cxequi non valcac> 
quamauxiliatorcs conuocando> vc monci Caball.difi.caf. 
Soo,ttum.^S.(^ $9. vtiqucincafu vindi^a? ruroprxexin- 
tcruallo) manence Vxorc/ub porcOate ludicis t & vigcfi' 
te foia fufpicione adultcriji pcrmiHa nuliatcnus dici po- 
tcfi conuocacio artnarorumcum Cortftit. fxl. tec. Sixci V. 
inter ipfius imprcHas 7 j. calcm coadunationem prohibeac 
etiam in cafu iiciio , vrpot^ publico quietis turbatiuam > 
vrdiflerteprobatS^<»<^.:c#«/ is.perfof. lib. x. Adcoquo 
muitomagjsprofiibiU) & poena ordinana ram d« Confli* 
tutionis, quam difpofitionisBannimencaiis expianda)dura 
adfinem illicttum* acque damnatum fadla fuit * fciliccc 
occidcndi Vxorem) & cum ea Socerumi & Soccramjquod 
mauifef^um reddicur cv afTcrtionc Po(5lorum excuian- 
tium a poena ordinaria Marituroeximeruallo fevlcifcn- 
tem; & lane nimisampla/lruercrur via priuats vindida; 
Jegibusej^ofjet (i poftquam Maritus elegic viam vinditfta; 
Iurii> & neglexit praiteafam iniuriam vlcifci in adu de- 
praehenlionis Vxorisin fugacum praftenfo Amalio} excu- 
fundus elfcc illam coadunaris Armatis cum omni fccuri- 
tate ex ioccruallo fumendo > incautam occidendo Tub po- 
teftate ludicis manentem abfque vilo proprio periculo « 

Ablquc CO quod fuffiragari pofllitrerponno > quod in tantum 
neglexit priuatam vindi^ani fumere, quia erac inermis>& 
Vxor rcpcricbarur in Socictitc D.Canonici Viri audacis. 
& validi ; Quoniam /ibi imgutarc debet Maritus li Vxo- 
rem cum Amafio fugient^ folus> & inermis fuir perfcquu- 
tus ; Tunc enim porerac meliori iure Socios alTumcre, & 

A 3 arma- 

[cxcix] 



armar us earn perfequi > & in tali cafu coaditnitio forfan elTet 
aiiquo modo excufabilis, non etiarn ad fuoicndamex int^r- 
uallo adeo immancm vindidam ; Quinimo coniiderata ra- 
tione , propter quam Maritusadulterufn* vel Vxorem occi- 
dens mitiori pxna punitur iuxta qualifateoi perfonarum > fi 
vitro in ipfo adlu fcquatur* fcilicct JQConfuhi dolom> qui 
tempcrari non valcat , iilicica decegitur coadunatio armato- 
yuni ad id ex interuallo praeftandura > quia inconfiiUus dolor 
cfficic j[ vt ipfe cxponac difcrimioi rcfiftcntis per Adultetam 
facicnd«,qui non folerincrmisaccedere,ratioae cuius peri- 
culi poena minuicur, cum illud oftendat Maritum incatiti fo 
flli cxpofuiffe ex impetudoloria ilium excecante, quod ve- 
rificaturin vcndida ex interualb cum omnimoda pMemedi- 
tatione fumpta coadunaris Armacis , ye nihil mali marirus 
jimerc pofFet fibi eueniurum cxillius executione i qus pra;- 
paratio nimis rcpugnat inconfuko dolori> qui temperari non 
valeatj a quodcrumsturcxcurisio, vc ponderando verba_. 
Tcxtuum iu contrarium addu<fiorum rcfpondec FavinJ.conf. 
1 4 1. warn 9. ^feq. 

Secunda qualitas delidum extoikns refultat ex gcnerc armo- 
rum> qufbus homicidia pairata fuerunt > cum fint prohibita^ 
in nota Conftiturionc fan. me. Alexandri Vi 11. nedum quo- 
ad dclajionem j fed eriam quoad retentionem > introduilio- 
nera > & fabricariouem ex quacumque Caufa etiam Tub prs- 
tcxtu militiae»& executionis luftitia: ,adcoquemuItd magis 
ad effedum adeo impiam) & immanem vindi<^am fumendi , 
pcrdendo intcgram famiiiani . 

Nccdclatsonisarmorum dcli<flurniiualic3ru confunditur cum 
principali criffline homjcidij » quia cum maior poena (it pro 
ilia impouta j quacenus fub/iftcret excuCicio deCumpta ex 
caufa honoris , punicndsvenitdclatioarmorum prohibito- 
rum ordinariapana , viUAA\x\\x.Giurh.conJ,%6.num. i,& 
cofif.Zi.num.^i, Caball.cuJ.ioo^nu.i^. rarin.quieji.ii.n.zz. 
& qual}.io%.fiutK 166, Safifelic.dec.iJ^^t num.2,& J. Non at- 
tcntis authoritaribus in contrariuraaddudis ? quia procc- 
dunt in rerminis hoiRicidii radi ad dcfenilonemi vel prouo- 
catione in rixa, vc declarat Paikurd' dc prahemin. Reg. And, 
tom.i.cap.e.num. 11.0- 12. Ejque vkcrius Qon applicanrufj 
quianoa loauumur in tcroainis Conftttutionis adcodiltri- 

[CO] 



0.i prohibentis taif genus armorum j nam d. Policardus 
loquicur dc Reg. Pcagm. pr^fumenre ex qualitare armo- 
morum qualitsrcmdclidi proditorij-, cuius difpofsdonern 
cefTare aflcritin honiicidio ad defenfam , vel ad prouoca- 
Lionem in rixa cnra diftisarmis patrato, quae dirpofuio to- 
to cxlod'iditk noftrK Confticutionis San^Siione i -quia:^ 
cditafuitad omniaocxiern^inandijmadcd pernicioibtrij. 
gcniis srmorum. 

Tcrtia quahtas parsrer deli^um extoilens eft homicfum pa- 
tratun) ex caufa litis , quod ex ?ofa Conflicucione fel.rcc. 
Alex.ViL ciatum fuit ad erimer.rebcliionisj & laefe maie- 
(iiitis vJrinio fupplicio, & bonorum confifcationepled^en- 
dum , que quaiitas rcfpe^u necis Petri Cocnparini , & 
Violantis eius Vxoris concrouetti ncquic esc eo , quod In- 
quiCnvs in lite vicloiiam rcporr.^et » adeoque dici debeac 
patfara ob iuftum dolorem iniurise ipfi iilatae per fuppofi- 
tionuni Partus detcdam pofc cckDrarum marrimonium-', 
vt dotaie inftrumentum inFringsrentj <k perpublicacio- 
cem fcripturarum magnam dctradioncm corstinenrium s 
ac per cojiipirarionem in fiiga Vxoiis in perniciem hono- 
ris loquifjci 5 & totius fan^iha: ? o^z caufa vlcifcendi iniu- 
riam cum ilierauior, quairt caufa litis potiusilli rtibuen- 
dun) fit homicidiom , tanquam iii'i magis propoitionac*. 

Qnpniam vi(floria obtenea refPicicbat folum pofTcdorium.^ 
iiteadhticin pctitorio niaaenre* quam Pareiues rrofe- 
quti Usidcrst , adcoque iilius cauia adl'uc durabat , & ex- 
tindla dici non poterai ; Iniufia vero ex qua diucria caufa-! 
defumi pfjctendrtur prouenit ex cadcm lite, tarn ckcst dc- 
isdtar?! fuppo/itioncm Partus ? quasi? cjrca dctradliones i« 
fcriprurjE conrenras refplcentes angufiiam rei faniiJiaris 
contra iat'taras dsuitias •, i\ib quarum Tpe contraciutn tucrat 
matrimonium> & pefiifnas trsiftiones, quas experri lucrunr 
Parentis Sponfitin Domo Inquiliti ? quibus ex coijutn- 
iione docaJi (ubminiftfanda erant alsmcofa , cuai alias dt-» 
ccnaViiratione in fuga, minufqus de coEJpliclcacc iaprs- 
lerjfoadukerio vlls probatio habcatur . Adcoque lem- 
pcr vrgcbat caufa odii cx lice conccpci ? qu^ non esisBita 
pcnaper Alcxandrinam Gonnieiitioncfn ir.RU&a. cx quo 
lis ininriofa fueritInqui(ico> vei isi fubftantia s vd cir- 
ca modum, quiaha?c arguit quidem Caufara s qax in ho- 

irici- 

feci] 



micidijspr^medirarii femper rcqulritor, non aufeni qua. 
licatem litis excludic )im6 camconfirmac> dumcxpliciee 
ortamfuiffe iniuflitiriamfupponicur ) alias permirrcretiu' 
aditus vidi(5ia^l priuatam fumcndi ijquod omni lurc veti- 
riim eft, & prjefertim inrercedcutc Ike, quia tunc Ixdirur 
Maieftas Principis> vc probatUm fait in alia informatione 
§. Accedct ad exa/perattdam'. 

Quarta , & quidem graui^ma qoalicas defnmitnr excircuin-. 
ftantialociiin qHopatrarumfuirdeIi(ftun3 ifciiscec m do- 
mo propria corum s quibus mors illata fuic , & quiderru 
niodo infidlofo , conffn^ndo coniignationem Epiftoio: 
^ D. CanonicoCaponfaccho trarifmiirar. Domu'; eiiitn^ 
propria tuti/Timum ciiili «£ rcfugium efle dcbec , vc in^ 
alia probatum fuit %'Plurt/nttm quoque . Qui faae modus 
prodifionem fapit »'qu«verificatur nedum patrato homi- 
cidio fub fpecie amicitia:, {^A etiam quotiesccfTac \ti Oc- 
cifo pr^ecaucndi potcnria vcj obligacio , vc tradunt hart, 
in l.re/pirf<ndum§. Deliaquunt ff de pan. Matth. SanzJe 
recrimin.controu. ^o. nam. 57. Crauetf.in Anathom. tjecis 
prodit §. 10. num. 5. qu6 procu! dubio deffciebat in cafu 
noftroj cum mifcri Parwtcs nil tale timcre poflenc ab in- 
quifiro in Patria commoranrc . 

Quibus acccditqu/nragrauiffimaqnaiitas parirerdcfumpta 
ex circumftantia loci rerpc(5iu mifcrrimie Vxoris» qux fue- 
rat ad inftantiam Inquifiti Carcerata j & cum confenfa D. 
Abhar is eius fratris dcccnta in domo P.ircntum loco Car- 
ccfis, &ita manebatjfub fajcurirarepublica: quam Inqui- 
fito violate ncfas erat abfque incurfu pcTnael^He Maicfta- 
tis,vt monent lodoc.inprax. crinicap.iS. num.z. Bonifat. 
Vitnl. dc Malefic, rubr. dt career, priuat. num. 8. Matth, 
Sanz.contr.i 7. num. 1 2. &/eqq. 
aquc graui/iima qualira* delidum cxtollens euitarinooj 

Iftpoteft exduplici rcrponMoneper D. mexim tradita: Pri- 
ma quodagaturdecarcercimproprio ; fecunda quod ex 
iuftacaufra caufa honoris excufecuroffcndcre, vet occi- 
dens cciamincarccre. Ncutra /iquidem qualitatcm ex* 
cludit , nam improprietas Carceris forfan eflfet confide- 
rabilis fi ageretur de violationeillius faAa per Carcera- 
lum » & ita de vitando eius prsiudicio , feciis dum agitur 
de illius fauorc ad vindicandam iniuriim eidem in domo 

loco 

[ecu] 



loco Careens affirnata illatam, caufa ver6 honoris foliini 
prodefTc poflTec , h ad ilium defendendum in ipfo impcm 
inconfulti doloris icquetctur ofFen/io in Carccre , in qui- 
bus tcrminis procederepodunt authoritatcs perD.meum 
sdduStx-, nonetiantadexcufandam vindi<5tamcx jnterual- 
lo rumptam contra Carccratam , Sc quidem ad inftantiam 
OcciforJs I tunc enim qualitas loci fumroopeid aggrauat 
delitaura , vt pote iadetis publicam fccuritatem , & inuo- 
lutns proditioncm , vt in fimilibus lerminis tradit Mattfr. 
Sanz. de re cuntin cotttr. s^.Piam.j^- 15. & 16. Caball. 
eaf.i^.num.XQ. Carpzou. pan t . inprax,qu.^o nam, 11. 
cum/eqq. ^ntilian. dedam 274. num.i. &feqq. 

Hx his cum abundeconftet liomicidia per Inquifitura patra* 
ta habere adinixtas tot qualiiatcs ilia extollentcs, quatc 
nus ctiam prfponderaret opinio fuadens minue ndara cfTe 
poenam Occidcnti Adulceramex interualJo, 6c probatum 
d?ci poffet adultcrium prjctcnTum eo mode > qui ad talem 
minorationem obtinendamrcquiriturab omnibus mitio- 
ris opinionis Se<aatoribus,adhuc eadem propter dd.qua- 
litates exafpcranda cflTct, &ordinaria poena legis Cor ae- 
li4 deSicgr.omaiad irroganda. Ac propterealuperfluum 
videtur agere de qualitate torronti, cum ex notis faculta- 
tibusIliluftri(?imo f). Gubcrnjtoriconcefljs, concurren* 
tibus vrgcntiflfimis indicijs , de quibus,vt audio, non du- 
biratur , fufficiat dcli(aumordinaria patna plctacndum fo- 
re, licet qualitas atrociffiminonconcurratj iiautproeo 
non fit cxafperanda pf na . 

Caeterum nee ctiam huiufmodi qualitas deficit , vt poidrc* 
fultans ex modo proditorio , & ex titulo lafte Maieftaris 
ex triplici Capite in cafu noflro veriitcabili , fcilicet of- 
fenfione excaufa litis . coadunatione Armarorum , & vio- 
latione publica! fccuriratis propter afljgnationem domus 
pro carcere ; Cum enim per Conftitutiones Apoftoiicas 
fuperprimo ,&fecundoad talem rpecicrodelidum da- 
tum fit ) & de poteftate Priocipis id facicndi non /it ambi- 
gcndum , vt moncnt Refiaur.Caftald. de Imperat. qu, 1 lo. 
w/. 291. & defimilibusConftitotionibus ipad. ctnfil. i. 
ir»m.54. ^flerens in tali cafu iilud quoad omnes luris efFc- 
fiustale reputari non eft incontrouerfiam reuocanda qua- 
litas atroclffimi tail delicto conucnicnS} vt in prxcifis cer- 

roi- 
[cciii] 



mis proirrogando termeoto Vigiliie ttldhStrad.con/.n^, 

Qualicas verd perfons noo pertnitcens penam mortis exafpe- 

rari » vt in criminibas acrocinHmis contingere f<:>{ec ob no- 

bilitacem , non densgrandam ex cali exafperatiotie infa- 

miam irrogance, quatenus etiamverilicaretiir, nori obfla- 

ret » quo minus ad vigilix tornsentum inferendum dsuc- 

niripolfct. cumad hunccfJe^um folacriminis ratio ha- 

beasur non attcnta qaaiicate pcrfonat pgnf infamiatu infe- 

reiuis exequutionem impcdiente , alias Nobiics nunquam 

exponi poiTene tormento yigiliaf » nee Sacerdotes , & Re- 

ligiofijquibus infamies pa:ra non infligitiir. Nobilitas au- 

tcm nullum priuiiegiunn tvibuic in gcnere eofnneniofum 

prsiertimincriminibus atrcciRimis, vtmonztGarz. dt^ 

Nobilit.ghJf.i.»'i7-^ de coofuctudinc ccftatur F««rw^ff. 

Quare &c. 

lo. Baptifta Bottinius 
Fifci > & Camera A poftolics Adu. 



[ccivl 



GVBERNATORE 

In Crimindihus* 

Romana Homicidiorum 
cumqualitate, 

f '^ O 

Fifto. 
C O N r *^ eyf 

D. Guidonem Franclfchinum, 
& alios . 

"J^ejponjto D. %/fduocati Fifcalii. 
Roni« ,TypisReu. Cani.Apoft.idy8. 



fc.vij 



R I S P O S T A. 

t 

AJle notizie di fattcedi ragioni 
nclla Caufa Francefchini . 




Addcia belliffima Starua di Nabocdono- 
/or pstche pedii>us atn regebatur' cosi a pun- 
to precipitarono II figurari cftorri foppofti 
co'quali lo fcricroreanonirtjo in fogli ioi- 
preffi ccrcn d'infinuire nel rozzo incellerto 
del volgo Torigiije dcil'ciTecrJQdo eccidiO 
commefi'odcnrro Koma dicrd mircri inuo- 
ccntidaGuido Ffanccfchini a^siftito d4_f 
quactro huomini armaci d'arnai prohibite a carcflFetto cot dc- 
nari condotti, & a fucfpcfeper piii giorni laanccnuti con_» 
prcparate infid'C prouenire dai giufto dolorc concepito » allo- 
rachc fi vidde perotco mcfi aaanti mancarfi nella propriiui 
Cafa in Arezzo Ftancefca Pompilia fua Mog!ie> e fuggita in_» 
Compagnia del Canonico C^ponfaccbi dai medcrao luogo 
per ricouerar/i in Roma focto il patrocinio di Pietro » c Vio- 
laDtecooiugideComparinij che come figiia I'iiaueuano al- 
JeuatajC dai fofpetto crefciutogli,cIie nel viaggio prccipito- 
fohaueffcconcfsorotteie leggi maritiii per cilerglifi trouate 
apptefTo alcunclcftcre amofofe> dalle quali nededuceua ir- 
ragioftcuolaienteradulteriodi qucI!a>ecori ptc/upporc. clic 
coiue aduUcro ne foflTc detro Oponi'acchi condannaro allij 
relegazione di trd anni in Giniri Vecchiaj per potere cooj 
cjueflo mafchcraco titolod'onore render men graue il delit- 
10, e d'eccitarc ia compafsionc non meno ncllc perfone idio- 
tCjChe neH'aniaio de ReligiofiTifni Giudici per difporli ad 
vnapcna piu mitC) cnon cornfpondentc fecondo la leggcj 
alia qualitai forme? ccircoftanzc del deljtto ,e qacfto in I'o- 
ftanzat dtuttocioche^ prerende daH'aurorede Fogli ftampt- 
ti intitolati notizie di fatto, c di ragioni nella Caufa Francef- 
chini, ma perd troppo mancheuoli ne) racconto dclla tragica 
Iftoria, che ha diucrfo principio,ecag!one independence dai 
colorico ticolo d'onore> che in e.li vien troppo animofamente 

A * liip- 



[covii] 



fuppoHo cfTerli (into tolto dalla Moglie, menfre qucDa. ha sc- 
pre intajfa confcrD^ra la (ua pudicizia, e bencufiodite leleg- 
gidcH'oncft^ coniugakjcotnccuidcntetnentc /jcnoftra in ap- 
prcfio. 
Chela 'iolorofi C-raftrofs deli'eccidlo di <|uefta intiera Fami- 
gjia non fia procedutacome rAnoni.iJoScriftorediuuIga nel- 
ic fue ftarope daliafigurafa caufa d'onore . ma da vn danoa- 
to iiucrefTc ben puo dimourarfi co! riflcflbjche a queft'ogget- 
to s'incrodufse dal Ffancefchtno i'jofaufto trattafo de Spon- 
fali, con detca Franccfca Pompiiia, acccrratofi , che doppo la 
aiortc dc (t»oi Cfedati Genitori g!i douefsc rcftare vn'molto 
copJidfrabile vaUcnie, e pia toSo deue crederfj commefsa in 
odiodi rre liti peader>ticiocdus Ciuili vna lopra la figlio- 
Janza legitimadi fua Moglie» e nuilitadicoflituzione di Do- 
te, nel Tribunaie della Sacra Roea iarrodocta da Pierro j Tal- 
trafopra la rcparazionedci Toroauanci Monfigoor ViceGe- 
icntc introdocfa da derta Francefca Pompilia, c la jcrza Cri- 
nsinale in decifs pendente nclTfibuoaie di Monfignor l!lu- 
ftridrnio Goucrnatorc ifsordinc al pretefo adukeno mofja^ 
coll'iflefso ftimolo dell'snterefseper gaadagnare i'inticrjij 
dofC» quandoquciio fofseftaco concludcntemcnfc prouato 
in efso introdotfa da detjo Ffancefchini, la tjual Ipcranza ef- 
iendo rimafta deiufa per roancanza delic prouc , che farfano 
deltuctofuanirecoliedifercche poteuanof<ir/i dalla MogiiC 
proruppe ia vn eccefso cosi tragico » e dcplorabile > che ben 
fcopcric ie frodisC i'ingani adoprati per far fortire il dettoma- 
trisnonio e che cio fia il vcro eccone proncc Ic diaiofirazioni, 
Se oe ftaua oziofo in Roma Guido Franccfchini fuori del 
feruizio di vn porporato » co! foldo da{ quale foroonint. 
iiraeoli fino sliora Ci era mantcnufo , & il fuo piu frcqucntc 
iDantcnioicnto era in vna Bottega dialcune Donne Peruc- 
chiere>douc piu volte latto(i mtcndcrcefsercia foa incentio- 
ne d'accafsarfi con quaiche buona dore vanfando Ie grandcz- 
ac dcila fua Patria , de fuoi natalijc dei/e Cue Toftanzc difpofc 
la mcdefieaa con promefsc a proccaciarnc i'occa/ione , e fco- 
pertodseiscroi quefta di detra Franccfca Pompijia alloraj 
(limara figlia Icgitimaie naturale di Pictro.e Vioiante Ccniu- 
gi dc Comparini fe nc accinfe efso mede^jnio coll'aiuro dell' 
Abhatc Paolo fuo FrateJ}oairi{nprcra,& viandol'aflutapru- 
dci3Z3)dclia quale fiferui ii maligno Scrpcnte allorchcnel 

Para* 



[ccviii] 



ParadiTo Terreflre per foriicrtire Adamo i tfafgredire J] Pft>» 
cct:o>c raangiarc del Porno viceato faccodoinuQiconnS le 
io v6 dircttamcntc ad afsalfarc i'Vamo, cgli come sfsai fortCi 
alsairifoiuto mi verri a dardi ficuroia ripuHi) mcglio don- 
que d> che io temi prins la Denna,chc e ds naeara raobiic, e 
di cuore molle, e pero dfeJe ?! pri.no afsaito ad Sua* perche 
poiguadagnatsj chc haucfsc quel la p^r mezzo di cfss U (a- 
rcbbe (latopiii fucilc VacqalCto di Adama' primam t»i«itwi- 
ntumffxus moUioris eggrejfus cji, fono parole iogegojofe di »?• 
Ilario . 

Cosi I punso d\\i\{o W def ro Guido coirinrclligcnia deil'Abba* 
re Paolo Aio fracello, e cosi 3 punio gii riuid » ?nentre rraU" 
/cJaodo di dilcofrcre diderto M«ffs0sonio c6 Pictro* dal qui* 
leprobabiloicnrehaueuahauuta la ncgadua>volie prima sefi- 
nreViolantcfua moglic, perche coiFacqui^o 4.% efsahsue- 
rcbbe poi con piii faciiit?. rouuersicoii Marito a preflarui \\ 
confcnfo^ nc §11 fu diHrcile rorprcnidefc la Donoa , pcroch&j 
fcppe cosi bene impricnergli ncH aoimo le grandezic della-» 
fua Patriaj la nobijii primaria de fuoinaj;ili> c le grofsc rcndi- 
£e dc fuoi beni parrimoniali finoaiia forBmadi fcudi 1700., 
con lafciarglicoc nota icritta di proprio pugno; chc ^itA no 
tzikh incaatara, e feoza prcndcre z\Xf% ictorniazione fi pefe i 
I'conuoJgere ii Marito coa ricauarnc d« lui ii cocirenfoi auuc- 
rando quello fi iegge fcric£0 ne Proaerbij» »}«/ay Vieifreiic- 
fam afsti»itmciipite,q^&adQfid\hc diMardoccbeOjChefi va- 
icfsc d'E(tcr, ^uando egji volie placare Io fdcgao d^Afsuero 
cor. il Popolo 1 e di Giabbc j chc fi fcrusfse della TecuJsta ; 
GVi3SidG egli yollc addoicire I'jra ds Dauidde col figliolo.e de 
Fiiilleidella Tafjaatele, qaandoeidi voJkroricaaafe da San« 
fone iofciogiiaieutode! problemada Juspropoilo nci Coa- 
uitonuzziak « 

Lacreduiajma ingsnnata Donna tsnro adoproili coi {aar!;o» 
cUe SQ finelo rsdudea fotcafcriucre llcgpicoli aiarrifaosiall 
coa h codieuiioae della dofe di luoghi 36. di Qionci> & alia 
morts di detti Coniugi Coitipariai di imto '\\ ioro hauerej 
afccadcJire, come coafeila rartoiiimQScru?orej(inD ailarocno 
roa di fc. la. milajc perrsnJerfi li dd. Fraacefchini Psdg-o 
ancora in Ioro vita di decto vah'enre fi fcccro ccdere i'v^^j 
fiuctod'efToconnrrcnte jutro in corpi frutti feci di cafe po 
inoitimo /ItOi& in iuoghidi moaji .col pefopefo di co*' 

El' 

[ccix] 



durre dciti Con»ug« Comparioi alia Cittk d'Arczzo » 6e «oi 
alimentarli . veftirii . c fouuentrii di fcriiitio in cioche fuffc 
Qato loro dibifogtiOjia qua! promefTj non era difgiunta dal* 
U fperan7.a,che con difgufti, c patitneiiti,chc faria loro con* 
uenuto di fotfrire reftartc aceelcrata la morte , & cffb diuc- 
niJTe Padrone affbluto del loro hauere. 

E quantunque Pietro doppo fottofcritti li detti Capitoli , for- 
tcmente ricufaifc di venire aU'effettuatiooc del matrimonio 
di detta Franeefca Pompjlia con d fodcero 6u<do>'di cui po- 
chc btione relation! baueua haute afTai differenti dalle pre- 
fuppof^e ricchez36,e dalle vancacequalitariguardeuoii, on- 
defi potcua ben dircdilui cio jChc condufc Pcrfio nclia4. 
Satjra i Refpicf^ued non t(i toilat faa muttrn Cerdo > Ttcum^ 
babita , (ir noris quimftt tihi cur ufuppf Ilex. 

Ad ogni modo il fudetto Guido \m-jfofi con detta V'lolante im- 
beuta dellc fue lufinghc , ecarezze, fprezzando ogn'alrro 
confcnfo di Pictrodi nafcoflo del mcdemo > e (cnza foa fa- 
pctaconrraffe il Matrimonio in facicm Ecclcfia? con dctta_. 
Franeefca Pompilia , fcoprcndo fempre piii con dctto aito 
pocoriucrcnte vcrfo^il Proouflbredella dote la (ua auidita 
non folo 3 quella quantita jchegl'era ftataaflcgnatam dd* 
Capi{oii>ma anco al reftodebeni, che Picrropofledcua, te- 
ncndo per ccrro , che doppo U di luri mortc neceffarjamenre 
doueuano per Sdei commilTo d'Antenaci colare in decto 
Franeefca Pompilia ,gia facta fua Spofa. 

RifapiitoH doppo qualche giorno da Piecro lo Spofahio feguito 
ancorche vigorofaanenre riprouaffeloperatoi tutraiiia •, per- 
thcfii^um in fedum fieri imnpoteftfCt le lulinghe di Violan-" 
tefuaMogliC) epcrrinterpofitione d'altro Porponto , al 
quale fcru^ua I'Abbarc Fratello di Guido . ih il poucro Vec- 
chio coftretto a beuerc il Calice dclle fue amarczze venen* 
do quafi forzatatnenre dopo molti MeH alia ftipiylacione dcU' 
loftromenro Dotalc,& in vn fubito comincio a prouare gl'cf- 
fetti dciringannodcl Francelchinii mtntre nc anco per fare 
|c prime fpcfc dello Spofalitio haueua vn'foldo del proprio« 
in modo , che per fupplire alle medcme, fii di mefticre con- 
trola vogliadi Pjetroliberarc dal vincolodclfideicommiffo 
cinque luoghijc piii di Monti, con mandarodel Signor Au- 
ditorc di Moofignor lUufttifs. Goucrnarorc , e vcndcrli per 

coo»- 

[ccx] 



conipjre[alIc mcdeme , oode chiaramcnte G vede, che II pn* 
mirio oggetto , chc fi d ha auto dal Francefchini sii qucft*-, 
prattica c ftatod'ingannar > tanto Pictro,comc Viohatt^ 
fua Moglic > c la Pouera Figlia per farfi ricco con la robba-» 
alcruf. 

Ncpuo pill negarff la fraudolcnta fuppofitione dcJle vanrato 
ricche?2C del Franccfchini con dctta nota di fua mano fcrit* 
ta ,e confcgnata ai Comparini , percheoltrcche lo confcds 
apercatneatc lo fcriitoreanonimo,nienfrcpec faluare i<Lc 
coenplicitinell' inganooancodcir Abbate Paolo, fjgura, 
chc qucfto riprcndelTe arpramcnrc Guido fuo frate lo dell* 
alteratioac di dctta noca , ben prefto la fperimenitarono decci 
Coniugi Comparini,airhor che trasfcrstifi allaOtca d' ^tcz 
zo, rirrouarono efTcr molco anguflo Thaucrc dclia Cafa_* 
Francefchini, c furono cjli le mifcriejchc conucfsne Joro fof- 
frire, ell ftrapazzi/ine! vitcoicomeocirafpre pocedurc con 
c(Ji vfate.econfiringerliancocoR ferrarli tuori di Cafajri- 
courarfi ndl' Ofteria per albergo , con oggetto d'abbreuiarc 
loro la vita , 6 per li patimenti > 6 per !a rabbia di effi cagio- 
nata , chc furono coftretti doppo pochi mcd a ritornare ijju 
Roma , c pibcuidentcmcnte refta prouaso dalle fedi de Ca- 
taftri eflrattc da publici libri dcUj Gitti d' Arczzojdalle qua- 
li rifulta , che dctto Guido non poitiede ne pure vn'foldo de 
beni ftabili efprcffi in dctta nota , come pure non cfTer vero 
godcr efIo» ela fua famiglia il primario ordine della nobiiti 
della fua Patria> at£efo> che da shrc Partite cftrattc di publi- 
ci libri di detta Citti > fi vedc > chc la fua f^miglja c ripofts 
nel fccondo ordine • 

le fudettc forme dolofe , c fraudolcnti di rrattare > pofte in lu- 
ce molto prima, chefcgui(rei'cccidio,e publicate in qtfct1« 
Cortc , & in Arezzo , poffono ben dirfi effcr ftara i'originc^ 
della premcditata ftragc con modi cosi dcteftabilij com'^ 
notoriO) e non il colorato titolo d'onorc ', mcntre dcKC loro 
frodi J come fopra diuolgate > operarono nel cornmun* con- 
cctro d'efler non meno TAbbate Paolo j che il detto Guido 
fuo fratcllo s Oimati per huomfni di raggiro, c d'inganno , 
cheadcffifirendeua piu fcnfibile, che ogn'aftracofa > atte- 
fo, che non poteuano piu vantarc quelle grandezze di nobil- 
tk , e quelle affiucnze di ricchezza , che eHI diffeminatc ha- 
ueuano nelle bocche del volgo, & ogn'vao (i guardau^ dal 
trattar con loro corae foggetti di fcde non fincera > c cooic^ 

A 3 vfur. 

[ccxi] 



vfofpatondi quelle glofiis che per nlua' dfitto crano loro 

doou?e . 

Mag=»ioraieote s'-icccfe ia cupidigia dell' intereiTe all' hora > 
cbefi vidde .it'ueurfine fratcili Francefchini rafHoma com- 
mune <ifi d^iudttur arte , cioe 3 dire* che ftimolata dal rimor- 
fodcHa confcicnza Viol3nte,c dalli ftrapazzi , & ingiuricj 
rJceUoce in !oroGara,conftreeta per commando dclConfeJfo- 
r^inoccaiJoncdel Giijbileo d riuclare a Pietro fuo roarito 
noociTer derta FrancefcaPompilii loro figliajmi d'cffcrcva* 
p.irtofijppQfto.il chell fcuoprim inoho verifimile $i per Teti 
d'anini 48. che corrcu* V^olaate quando C\ finf? di lui graui- 
425 si perche in ^nnl 14. 5 che haweoa viffaro in legitimo ma- 
trimonio can effo » mai haueua Iiaiiti figlioli ; fi anco pcrchc 
da Teftjoiontj all'hora viucncs d poteua hauerc la proua con- 
cludentc della (uppafstjofie d\ decco parto , e di ci6 djiaat* 
oocicia al medertmoPaolo per ve^^ire a qualche aggiu^^oaca- 
50 Topra ia resrattlone dcUa co«iiicutione delia dote di tutro 
ii fuo valfertte patrimooiale, egii fpiezzanda l'a<nJcheooli 
offcae face per reiezxo ds petfoite amoreiioli, ricus6 ogrri 
partico d'4ccofdo jonde ineimatogUu di Pierro il monJEorio 
fopra ta fuppoSflorse ^i defto pariO; e nulljti dj caa^itutso. 
ne df dote auaqti Nfoii^g Tonsitijc fatta coaciqdente prous 
coa fci T^fiitnonij cftri^snatt con gJ*iQtcrrogitorij dati per 
parte diderrj Francefchini, faenchc il •medefima Giudiccj 
fuftc dr pjircre fpedire ia Caufa nel folo fommariifsimo oof- 
/cflbri0sconco!icedercl3inaoutcn£!one | dcrta Franccfca^ 
Pompjita in qnajt pe^fjieuf /fi/flrj<7««> tii?ticcdicne?K> iii dal- 
Iad> !u! fciifenzainterpoda rappellatione ,ecoai«Uc{fi aljdj 
Sac Roi^ Pooenjc Monfjgtjor Molincs j oue anco pcnde in- 
dccifj fopra ii principaie punto detia fi^ppoAa HglioiaQZ«^» 
c ouliiei di con/lltut^one di Dote » dai rcai^ no giudicio di 
Canro Tribonalcfcnza dubio artefeleco«iclodentillinae prouC 
fadcrec dclia ruppofitjonic del parto s filjrebbc dcciU non-» 
loeno la aulltta delia cosfiijiuticne d| d^^rca Oote , che ^ai-c$ 
d ichiaratione eCfcr dctra Ffsncefca Pompsha dtioro %Ua_j 
iappofla,con cheveniua a ceifirc quel vancaggfo* checoa^ 
lanto toganno Ii FMncefcftifSi hiaeuano procarato alora 
coremodo. 

Sjcomproqatuttocid con il rifteflfb ,cbepub!fC3Cofinofi meno 
in K<3mii che in Arezzo i'ing^nao dci fraacekhini, dclufo 

con 

[ccxii] 



con fitnilc vii&clo per leproucgia httc ndU pcndenzadt 
di det!Ogiuditio,che dctta Frssoccfca Pompilsa non era figlia 
Jegitim3,e naturaledi derci CooiugiCompan'ni (oiio mca- 
dicati fofpctri aflTcttaua Guido la caufa di mairrawarla coio 
ingiuriCj & pcrcolTc) epiii d'vna voUa s'accinfc con ferrO}& 
arm! da fuoco per toglserli la vira per vindicarS contro di 
cfsa deU'inganno propfio . dal quale reftaoa delufo ■> ondo 
conucnne alia poucra moglic in eta reoera all'hora di fcdeci 
anni, in Pacfc ftranicro,per cuirare la ficrczza del cnarito in 
diucrfi tempi foggirfeneairAfilo dlMonfignor Vcfcouo, c 
del Goucrnatcre > oComtniflariodelia Citta-, perehcponcf- 
fero frenoalii ftrapazzi j che foffriiia jC benche U mcdciiroi 
con il lore zelo per ali'tioraprocurafTerOjchefoflre data qua T 
che tregua alie minaccie tuttauia la pouer2Moglie intimori- 
ra pafTdua li fuoi giorni racchiufa dcntfo voa fianza , e cnag- 
giortncDce crebbe il timore ^pcrchc il auuidde > che il detco 
Guide haueua fatto preparationed'acquetta coo la quaIc-» 
pretcndeua toglierli !a vira fenza ftrfpitod'armi,& effer piu 
iicuro di far nmanere impunito il deiitto. Hor fe donque in 
queflo tcmpcoue no cadcua aicun'ombra lii fofpetfo d'ho- 
nore>ii Marito machinaua IamortedellaMog!ic>poteua aftc- 
ncrfi I' Anonimo Scrittore d';mbrattare Ic carte a fine di per- 
I'uadcre , che laftrage deH'Occifi habbia hauta la fua origj- 
nc dallo ftimolo di riparare i'offefo honore - Mcglio affai 
pill bauerebbc fondatc le fue ftatcpe , fc fifoffeconfultata 
con li vcro, che qucfta fia nroceduta dali' Jntctefse de- 
lufo. 
Agiiata dalle racconrarc anguflie fe ne fiaua la poucra moglie 
ineditando di raccoglicrc lo rcampo dclla tcmuta morcc i & 
■pcrfofegli rintelletto da'la vcffationejfiracconiando al Si- 
gner Canonico Conii ftrettifjimocongiontodej Franccfchi- 
ni cfponcndogli Ic fue miferic) li fuoi peticoli , It Tuoi giufti 
timofij ancor che ad clTo non igooci t perchc procuraCTc di 
confolarlacon oiejreria in faiuo dcHa fua vifa,& egli tocca- 
to da viua compaffionej e mofTo a picra per lo ftato Fagtime- 
uole, ncl quale elia n trouaua per efimcrla , da! quale bca 
conofceua non effcrui aicro fcampojclie la fuga dalia Cafi^ 
del mafito, appigliandofj al detto del Pocta Heii fugt trude- 
Its terras, fuge littus auarunj^ raa non porcndo in cid cgli mc- 
dcfimo darle aiuto, ic fuggcri^ che non vi era per cid ercgui- 

A 4 re 

[ccxiii] 



rc peifona pin al propofiro del Sig.Canonico Giufcppe Ca- 
ponzacchirooaniico, & anco attinentci] dicui fpirito hauc- 
rebbe fupcraro ogoi cicnen to , e con cffo parlacone il Conti, 
coo lutto che trouaHl' diificoita in fccondare il deftderio 
dcih gjouinc, per non incorrere i'lodigaarioae de'France- 
fchinij tuttauia prcualfe in iui io ftjmoio deIJa cirica} c picta 
di fottrarre dalla ojorte vn.i innocence Donna , e riteriialo 
da! Conti I'appiicationc di quclio aWimprtfi aon onanco la 
mcdemi infiatnmarlocon piu iuc itnbirciate , lectcre con- 
lenctniaoche vezzJailetcatiuiali'cfFetfuation deJ fuo fcato- 
po , confcruando pero ancbe inclVi ta co/hate voloota di 
non violare !a fedc maritaicjincntre in alcunc loda i! medc- 
fimo.Canonico per !a fua caftica , & in altrc lo rimproucfij. 
per haucrlc mandate alcunc otraue poco onc[?e , auuertcn- 
dolodi non degenerate diiconcegrjo, del quale li prcgiaua* 
c coacertauali eon quello la fugi, asenrre il maritOjC jutti di 
i^ua cafa dormiuanojfipoleioambedtit con ralfiflenza di d. 
Caoonico Conti a vn prccipiiofo viaggio per ie pofte fcnza 
perdcic VQ momensodi tcn>po»ic nonquanrooccoTcua per 
la mutationc de' C^iuaiii) & arriuati di nocte a Catleinouo » 
ancorche I'Ofte haueiTc preparajo vnlctto da ripofo ,Dicnrc 
dimenod'effo non {e oereruirono, pcrche ii Caponzacchi 
accudj fempre in foliecitare ii Vetturino d prcpsrarc aim" 
Cauaili pcrpioreguiroc icrroinare j1 viaggio, nc- i'Oilc dld^ 
luogo efaminjco ncl Procedo ibpra ia fuga Ci fogno mai di 
dcporre ,che nel Icttoapparecchidto doraidllro mlicme Ij^ 
Donna > & iI C^ponzacchi , bcnche con fuo dishonorc il 
Franccfchini habbia pubiicalo il contrario , per tolorircj 
colla iappoHa caufj delJ'onore la vera cagionc della ftrago 
da iui commcfla. 
Sopragiunfc in tarsto i! marito Francefchini , e vedurod dalla^ 
moglie» for(5 qucfja timidaj Ci ficir6,fj nafcofe comer rca d'al- 
cunmaocarnenco commeiroj d'alcun torto fjftogii nei cu« 
ftodire il candore della fua pudiciria ? no ; ma ardira ancor- 
che in ctatenera gia nferiia d'anni i6. gii rimprouero l.u. 
cooftanza del luo honorogl'inganni, e ftiapazzijche gli ha- 
oeua v(ati, Ic minaccieaccompagnajecoHcpercofrtspiu vol- 
te daicliili vckni, & jcqtictrc prcparatepcrtoglierJa di vi- 
ta»e che pcrciocra ftaiaconOrctca i quc-lla rc(oliicione di 
procuxare colla tuga lo rcanipo da maggioj i pcrict li , coo,' 

ricor- 
[ccxiv] 



ricorfere ails pku di dd. conlogt Compar«n?» chc corne fo^ 
rofiglJai'hauetianoailcuat3,cu(iodcado pcr6 fempr'-iiitat- 
te !e leggi coiiiugaii, criftsfTo rimproucro fu facto da) Ga- 
nonico, ii quale haneua neila foga icligiorasncnte oflfcruacc 
le iDifure d'vna douiita modefJia. 

Cfac Tifpofcchc tens6 ii Francefchini^incorche artnatc di fp.t- 
disaliamogiicinefme, & al Caponzacchbchcnoahaueua^ 
fccos the yn piccolo Tpsdino? Nienrcai cerro, fecondochc 
depofcro Ii Tc/iiasem'J) chc jj trosorno prefcnti, pcrch^ re- 
fjo dalle giuOe rimoftranzc dcila asoghc conuinto j Ma chc 
©pro ? DereliJsa ogas vendetta , cfae per dtino di legge na- 
jurak, 6 anco ciuile moko megNo compeccrgU potcua di 
«iUcilo» chcvada I'Anonimo Scrittore laiK^ndo in difcolp^ 
di cosi cfccrando dsiiuo, sinplord ii bt^ccio ddja giuftjtja, 
facendo areeJlare dalia Corre di quel Juogo fa cnoglie » & il 
dettcCaponz-acchi ? chc poj k fua inftanxa furno coodottj 
prigion! mlk Career! di Monfignor llluiitifftmo Gowersia- 
forc di RoGJ3?auanddi cui qyereidls mcdeKsideiUfugajfe^ 
poi non contcntoj cfpofe sUra querela di AippoRo aduiceria 
conioieffo condetto Caponz^cchit s'ausozo anche maggior- 
sjcntceon fare Clrepitolo rscorfa al Sooiroo Pontelice per ii 
caftigodiqucUije rimeffc ic fue fappliche airiftcdb Monfe 
Goueraatore>ardicoo nuoua querela dotnandare ichefuflfc 
la mogiifidichiar3naduUcf5>c chc a !ui fi douciTe (econdo 
le leggi ii guadagno di totea h dorCj jI chc io foftanza ben-» 
fa ccnofccre, che non iofifteua per la riparagioae dcU'ono- 
ye, del quale baueua erafcotara la vendetta, ma turro li ope* 
rauaperfolo oggetto deli'intSfefTes cioddiguaiiagasrc Ia* 
Dote. 

QoaltKntatfuJ, quali efclanaatlonj , quali dih'genze non ha 
adopraro il Franccfchsnij e I'Abbafe Paolo fuo Frajcilo pec 
far dichiarare aduUerala moglse jecorsrcguite illutrobra- 
mate ? Sallo Monfignor lUufkOhmo Gouetnstottt > chc con 
tanta foSfereoxa foftennc ieioro appa(non«tc premure . Sal- 
lo il Sig. Vcnturini Giudice della Gaufa > e !o fisnno ben&,# 
anco rurti grahriGiudici»e Nocart dc! Tribunakjchc nau* 
fcati crano dalle loro importunira . Indi perchc la giuftizia^ 
non poteua in verun congo colpirc a loro difegnijGsenfrc dal 
ProccfTo non coftaua d'aJcun reaco della siGglse, nc da! dec- 
(c CspoQsachi? arbitrando] risorofaoieoic ssl pctsdcnuaio^ 

[CC'XV] 



JiReHgiofi<Tiflfti Gfudici piu per dare qiialche Todisfajtione 
al!i Fratelli Franccfchini neile loroprcrnurofeiftan^eschej 
perdrirtodi giuftitiadiedcro vna rclcganone 6i tre anna k 
Ciuira vccchia ai dctfo Csponxacchi.chcprontsmenreobe- 
di renzacflcffi mai pitrtito djl luogo deainatogU ; c tivai- 
uendo anco indccila la Caufa rifpetto alia Donna s che loco 
Careens era ftara collocara nci Monaftero deUc Scalctto 
dubicandon dclla fu'igrauid.Kizacon aUrcwnca prodcnza.* 
fu quclla d'ordinc dl Monf.liluilriintnoGoucroacorc leuaea 
dal M5>naftcrio>nonconoportaadoildecoro, chc dcDtro di 
dfo partorifse . e npoRa con il conienio di dettoAbbarc 
Paolo inCafa Jidd. ConJugi Comparini con ia llcurcadt 
fc. 500. d'hauer quclla per licuro carccrc. 

Con tcoppa animofica s(x quclio puato ridarguifce il detfo 
Scrittor AnonioioqucilOichedottamente kfifle Monugnor 
Fjfcalc, non e(fcfoi intciueniwo il conrcofo di deico Abbatc 
Paolo, eflendo, come ad ognVno e noia la di iui fomraa , & 
iocorrotta integrita«di non {eruirfj di paroia nel fuo (criuc- 
redella quale non glicon(Hcou proua> piij che Ijcuraj co- 
me cuidenftmenceglicooftaua xl fattodi detto confenfo, 
mcntre I'Abbatc Paolo alia prefenza propria cosi redo d'ac- 
cordoconMonf. liiu^tfillioioGoucrnatore. eco! Sig. Vera- 
curini Giudice vnuaraenic, coa digcrc Tobligo di fietro 
Coooparini di fomrainiftrarcgli aljooeoti fenzafpcraoza di 
iccopcrarli' comefu efeguitocorjdctso concerto, noo meri- 
«ando la loroqualita va rjmprouero cosi iadecente perelFcr 
Oaci troppo rndulgcDci con effi. 

Conaitretaocaanioiofita Hnegaoon hauer detto Abate Pao- 
lo mandato di Procura fufficiente da Guido (ao Fratello di 
preftare fimik confenfo, perchc in prcndete derra proiiifio- 
neMonf.Goucrnaiorc non haueu* di bifogno dt coni'cnfo 
delie Parti, cfeha volutofvfarccoo eflo vn'atcodico.iuc' 
ritnz3j& vrbanita, non doueua a quefto loiJcrutTrccoff!* 
fpondcrccon UQCa inciuiitd di ridarguirio di mil hna pec 
mancanza di fua procura » veoendo(! con eal procedure a_i 
canonizargli da fc medc6rao, che ha voluco anco ingannare 
Monf. Goucroaiorcinacconfcntiread vna cofa. che noaj 
liaueua in facolci di iare» tni nc reOa conuinCo , perche d. 
Abbate Paolo era il manipolatore di turei gl'Atti chc fi fscs' 
KiacCi ne G mootua vna paglia fenza ia fua affillenza, & edo 
cubcQ prouiUodipju mandAci diprocuudei Fdccliojdalli 

qua- 

[ccxvi] 



qu4li nTu!f3 vn'atuplifllma facolta d'operarcxomeche fuflTe 
la pcrfoni propria del Fraccllojcon Ja daofoiadc fato,dell*. 
o^uale ogn'Vno sa I'cfficaci.iiB ci6 (i confcffi anche da!i';<\r»o- 
nimo, mentrc afTcrifcc ,chc Guidoneila fua partenzj Iqfcio 
appogguta tutta la codocta dclla Caufa alt'Abbatc fuo Fra- 
telio. Mi b*cti n conofce con quale oggetro (i neghi dccto 
conreiiro,cioc perpotere piuafjifnofamcntefigsjrarela coa>- 
plicita de'coniugi Comparini alia pictefa ddonefta ds Fran- 
ccfchada lorocuftodiiacosoe %lia)!a quale iiredcua rrop» 
poiniicrifimiie,amniettendo il deuoconfenfo deii'Abbatc. 

Non meno animoia e raflercionc farta dail'AnoDirno, che per 
pagare gli a!i;nenti foininip.idrjri aila Donna* quando ftaut 
ncl Confcruarorio fofle li denaro sborzato dal LanipareJli» 
il quale non leftilTc rcintegraro dai Depofito efiftente oel- 
I'OSkio, ii qaale proueiiiua da!ie monere ricrouacc apprcf- 
io !a aicdcfiuj3s ed ii Caponzacchi i quando furono arredati 
in Cafiel oouo > chc fi fuppoocuano toUc al marito , mentrc 
li rc.48. in circa-, che la Donna contefso d'haoer portati del 
fuoj fono ftati inticramente re'Jituiti s d. Abbate Paolojco- 
mc cofta per fua quietanza fatca ncgl'Atn » edcndo che gli 
altrj fu concludentemeote prouatocflcre di d. Caponzac- 
chJj e fubifo, che d. Abbatc Paolo hebbe riceuuto d, dena- 
roj peril quale continuamcnrcinftigauajfe ne parti di Hofna 
per effer a cocertare ia notoria ftragcjche nc TcgKi poco dopo 

Era pcro prima prccedutoiJ monitonoad iilanza did. Francc- 
fcha Pompil/a auanri Moaf, Vicegerente fopra ia feparacio- 
nedcl toroj&anecurarionedelladotesborzata , ciic mag- 
giornienteafflifieliFrancefchini J perche inefro giuJicioli 
larcbbcrofjttc concludentiflimc proue delli loroingaani, 
dcllc feuitiei dclle sninaccic, delli veleni, & acquetteprepa- 
ratc, dalJe quali non n'e rcftato digiano d. Caoonico Con- 
ti, che fu mcdiatorc della fuga »efIendo pubjica voce , e fa- 
mJ in Arezzo, che circa vn mefe fa mofiffsdi (Imiirofpctro 
con che veniua a cefiare tutta la fperanza^chc Hn da princi- 
pro haueuano conccpita del goadagnodi sutta laiobbadei 
Comparini; Ondc ogni fano intellet so ben *ede,e ben cono- 
fcc qual fia ia vera radicc di com temerarij,c lagrifneuob ec- 
cidij»o la caufa d'honorCjO la fcandaiofa>e deiclisbilecupi- 
dig!«)& auiditai d<}lla quale nacque i'odio delJe lit! molfw* , 
& indccirepcndenti>chserano pet nufcire di raiggsorcop. 
probno di dd.Funcefchituj dccife che fufsero a lor danno. 

ia 

jccxvii] 



In vanopffrcios'affatigano tanto lo Sctlctorej come anco gli 
altri (uoi Difenfori ad cfagciarc la caufadcll'honotc , mcn- 
uc quando anco qoe^o gl' toffe ftaro colco dalla moglio , 
che non ha vcriina fodi/lcnxa , come p-cnamcnce e ftato di- 
moftratoncllc Scriccurc fatte per parte dci Fi(co, ricorccodo 
le medefimc Ictrcrc , djUc quali ii dcfumc la proua piii rilc- 
iiantcin contrarso ha il Fraaccfchiiii col propriofatro rinun- 
ciato al dritro di riparar!Q»a!rhora chc non lo vendico quaa- 
do U fopragjonfe nella dctra Odcria di Caftel nouo,non gio- 
uandogli la fcufa d'cflcr eifo inermcperche feco haueua pu- 
re la rpada, c forfi altrc armi di nafcofto* non elTcndo veraii« 
mile , chcfi volcfrc porrc ad inffguire la moglie accompa- 
gnacadal Caponzacchiifenza eflcrnc prouifto, tanco piu, chc 
li tuggiciui crano ancor e/fi incrm!,e i'olo forniti d'vn piccolo 
fpadjno, e pill eofto voile cleggerc la ftrada giudicialccoa 
farli arrc'tar da sb!rri,e pocfa porgcrne conrro d'cffi querela 
pcrilcaf^igo, con jmplorarcanche il reilricto del iupremo 
Ponccticcriroetcer.dolefijefupplichcaUi Giudici dclia cau- 
{i 1 auanci li quali ( ilche ben difcuopre I'/iitentio le del mc- 
dcijnso»eflendomociiiodel ructoinfuperabile) fpccialmencc 
tecciftanza giudiciaiedc! pagifnenrodcl prezzo dell'hono- 
re fiippofto colcoli , c Ci dichiaraflc haucr eg i per i'ad jlcerio 
dclU mog!icfaperlucra:a U dote? fcdunqnein giudirio ha 
doBiindaro i! prexzo del luo honore » come puo dirfi.j chc^ 
per honore gli tofle icciro dicomractterc si cnormi cc- 
cidij? 

Atrcfojchcquanmnqiie folTc/latolecitoal marlto per caufa di 
honore di occjderc la moglie per ragione di legge naturalc,6 
(la anco ciuileiCclTa qucfta potenza,c facoita, quando i! ma- 
rito vi hi riniinciato con iiriplorarc come fopra il braccio 
dclla giuftitia^comeio diittoftrano Icquercic efpoftc,il ricor- 
fofatto a! Papa, il premiodomandato de! fuo honore? con Ic 
quali giuditiali ifianzc fcnza dubbio ha haiiuco per derelicca 
la vendetta priuata dcIThonorc, che gli porena competcre>c 
per vna taciia rinunzia rcl}6 quclla eftinra, comedoctanieotc 
iniegna il ProL ad MonAch- i» cap. licet Cle/ici num. 7. (y 
feq. de Cleric, coniug. e pfr ii itjio cfprefp) irt cap. ex ore/eden- 
tis §. quia vtro de bis , qn^fiunt a maiorp*r(. capit, non po- 
tcndofi ammetrcre , che Tattione giuditialc intcntata dal 
Fianccfchini non fofle per operare la rinuntia alia vendettav 

del 

[ccxvinj 



del luo honorcma glf folTe permeflTo pia ticarc 1 Vn3,c J '^Itnt 
c feruirfl di queli'dCcjonc, chc roiglior gh tbfje parfa , perchc 
cioe contro Jl Tcfto cfpre/To nelcap.vi qui duas de eleff, 
in 6,-, il quale vienc cosi fommaro dclcelebre Canonifta^ 
Gio: Andrea ibi» nonpoteft elscius duas ele^iones proftqui 
pete tt Jo confirmationem ex Ull uetismfi protejle tur Je conre/t- 
tum alterayper quampoffit confequifu£ intentionis efft^um^ , 
necejje ergo habtt alteram eli^ercqua ele^ay ad alteram ridi- 
renoft poteriti c piii chiare fono le paroJe dcll'iftcfTo Tcfto 
jbi, Regrejfus ad aliam-, cut per ele^ionem aUerius renanciarft 
fihl ius epc ea non competere profiieri videtur-, nuUafenus babi- 
turum , 

Ma quando anchc porcfTe gjudlcarfi permcfTa qtir(}a y»riatio- 
ne da ogni icgge abortita , nc reftarcbbe deHrutto ogni fon- 
damcnto pcrla mancanza rotalc delJa pioua dcirofFcfa ri- 
ccuuta nell'honore , non eflcndoucne aJcuna ncJ proce0b d^ 
bricato fopra la fnga; e fc bene s'lngegna I'anonimo Scritto- 
rc defumcrla d;i\\t prcrcfc Ictterc araorofc fcrirte al Capoa- 
zacchijle quali cfjcndoda Francelca rtatc negate >c non tro- 
uandofi riconofciiue per fcrittc di fuo cararrerc, ne di Tuq 
confenro, oda lei (otrofcrirfe, non puoicaiTerirfi, chcnercftt 
conuinta, n^dacffepuo rifulrareproua legiri«na> come iofc- 
gnaogni giuridica prartica . 

E quando anche fuoii di ragione fi douefsero ammctterc come 
fcritcc dalla mcdema jtroppoanicnofa, ed irragioneuole fa- 
rcbbc rillaziqnejchc d:x cfle ne fiAjiti vn'artione al marito di 
occideria per haucr cosi fcritto? Niuno di fano intellctto rc- 
ftara pcrfuafo a copafsionare il marito, che ha proccduto all' 
occifionedclla inoglieconil folo moriuo>chcquefla habbia 
fcritto viglietfi amoro/i , mentre ne con la carta > nc con la^ 
penna rcfta offefo i'honore ConiugaIe,ma folo con atti d'imr 
pura difoneHa.dcquali nel cafo noftro^ne mancaogn'ombra 
di proua. 

Tanto pill che ne cefTa anche il folo rofpctto col riflcflTo al vero 
motiuo,coI quale fiirono fcritrijcioc d'adcfcare con /imulatc 
diraoftrationi d'atfetto il Caponzacchi a fourarladairitnmi* 
nentepericolodella morre, dalla qoaie non trouaua alcro 
fcarapo. che con la fuga , haucndone fcmprc prefcatc lo fpa- 
uento per lo fdegnD,& oUio conccpico dal madco per Ic cau* 

fc 

[coxixj 



fc jiccennatc,eperclo procedendo ds dceta cagjonc Ic Ictterc 

ainorofcdeuono rifeririia quella, c nona dilonc/^a voglia-di 

macchiarc ia fede coniugak del rnarito , come iimilmento 

idctta caufa dene riferiifi foru qualche coUoquio,che dalle 

fineftrehaueffe hauutocoo detta Caponzacchi per concer- 

tarc ii raodo di metterc in faluo la vit3,e non per offendere»d 

cimentare iafua pudicitia,erhonoredel mariro, oode anco 

caftiflsme Donne (i fono fcruitc di fimili arti,leggendofi iie!- 

le facrc Carte , che Giuditca nellc medcfimc forme inganno 

Holoferne per ouenere la Iiberanone deila lua Patria, e cosi 

non meno pot^ tkcr lecito a qucfta pouera Oonna vnica- 

mentc intcnta alia ficurczza dclia i'ua. vita, adefcare con iet- 

icreamatorie il Caponzacchi adcffergii iicuio compagno 

nella fuafuga fenz'alcuna taccia d'inhonefta. 

Moko meno puo ricauarfi roflefa deH'honore dairi/lefTa fiiga , 

perche come /i ofseruo di fopraj qucfto fegui per detta cau- 

f3>e chiaramente fi vede , che nonfu per fare alcun torto al 

maritcmentre non deuiando in pacfc fconofciuto.precipito- 

famente per ftrade conlolari in po/ia , efenza pernortare ioj 

vcrunluogoii portorno ambedui in Roma» oue ia pouera^ 

Donna fperaua > che Ii Comparini) che I'haueuano alleuat.i,* 

come loro figlia, gli hauelsero continuati qudii attidi can- 

th co' quali I'haueuano crefciuta fino al dolorofo niatrsmo- 

nio con il Francefchini contrarco . E ructo che fi vd dfiTcmi- 

nando>che vn Verturino deponga d'hauerli vcduti baciaro 

per ftrada , non ha alcnn fondamenco giuridico? non foio per 

ciTer Tefiimonio viIi("simo,& vnico.e deponcfc di cofc ini2C~ 

rifitnili, perche doucndo eflo guidare il CalelTe con quel 

corfo veloce, coS quale 11 fuggitiui profeguirono il viaggio, 

rendeuafi ad CiTo quafi impofsibileil riguardarc adieero > & 

offeruarc dentro va CalcfTc coperto quello> che eglino opc- 

rauauo,eanto pitische h fua depofirioQe e vaga) ne difiingue , 

fc Ii bacijchc it dauano era in tempo di nofte, 6 di gicrnoim-i 

moiro fill ft rcnde equiuocas & improh^bile la di lut depofi- 

tioncperchein detto corfo veloce, che faccuail Caicfle, po- 

:cua darfi il cafo^che nello sbartimentodi dfo pottaiTei'ac- 

cidcnce,che fi vniHe cafualmente il vifo deiPyno con I'alrro , 

che ad elTo poreua parerc in arto di baciarfi >comc ben fpcf- 

fo fuccedc anco quando non fi fi fimile cammino > fccoodo 

la qualita dcile arade,c paHJ rotti.che d crouano, per il che fi 

icnde 

fccxx] 



rcade afsai mfu/Tiftente » cdubblofa la di lul depofitione per 
aitra ardira . & incredibilc. 

Come pure cio »chccroppo anjmofamente' fi affersTce dall'ano- 
flimo, che gjund ncll'OReria di Cadelno'jo foffc ftatoordi- 
fla?o alfAlbfrgaforc ii douelTe aggiu^larc vn fol ietroper 
ripofo dcili fugidui^e che afsieme dorraifscro, pcrchc H'Oftc 
flon ha ardico di deporre ncl fuo efamcj chc Ii mede/imi voJ- 
?atncn?e giaceffcro in cifo, anzi unco dalla depoficionc deiix 
Donrisjquanrodairakra del Caponzacchi G cfcludc iacon- 
didone. pofciachene' loro confticuri conftancemcnreafFer- 
snano ,cheniunod3 loro hnufein Icrto per ripofarc > c cho 
foio la Donna sbartiiradairincommodoi e pacioiento di si 
precipirofo catnmino,per poche bore remade afsifa fopra vna 
iedia^rsmaneodo fcmpre i\ letto aggiurfaro neila forma, che-» 
rOilc {'iiauciia accommodajOvchc gua(^o fi farebbe frouato, 
quando in ciTo haneffrro ripnf'ato , e /i comproua anco , chc 
iopragiunco ii Francefchiniin dettoiuogO; trouo , cheil Ca- 
ponzaccbi ftaua follccicando fofscro pofri airordineii Ca- 
uaili per il profeguimento del v'iaggio> c non dandofi aicuna 
proua inconrrarioj non f.puo coagiulia ragionc dolcrii ii 
Fraocefchini deU'offefa del luo honoreschc intacco daliifug- 
gitiui Ii fii confcruato. 

Ij dtoio > al quale iiinilmenfc s'appig/ia lo HcfTo nomaro Scrfc- 
torc , che il Decreto delia condarna del Caponfacchi 3l!a_* 
rciegatione , (la conccpito pro cognirione Carnab , per Fo- 
lacnro della caufad'honorej non h'?. punto di fermezza , per- 
che f u ccrrcsto, come non vero, e JifTonante dalle prouej del 
chene fono isgidmiTeftimonij ViRtffo Monfis, Gouernaco- 
re» enitdii Giudici >eNotari) dd Tribunale, cheinterucn- 
nero neile Congregaeioni Crimirali s c fe fi fa mcra rcflcfHo.. 
T)c J il ?itolo dclla Caufa c appunio > come la frafca appefa,. 
fuori dtiia ports deU'Oftcria , cfeebcn puo (ignificare > che 
in quel iuogo fi vc(3de il Vjoo j ma concludere; che quelio fi 
vende ? fia buono , fpacciabiie , e recipente , oh quefto no; 
Perche (t frouara cfTerui del puno, matricofojed'alcre qua- 
Utiinfeite . Si rileggono perciole Carte , e Ic proueregi- 
ftrate ncl Proceflo , con le qiiali .'i giuftifica il dclirtoj c norL* 
con il dtoloerroneo, che nepcrombra Ci rinuerraeffcruiil 
fuppoftocommcrcio Carnalcanzi nemeno lofpctto d'impa* 
shkf e che nci Procc/To nc rnanchi ogni proua ben pu6 com-» ^ 

prcn-' 

[ccxxi] 



prcnderfi dalU feggJerezza dclla pens aon corrifpondentiLj 
alia grauiri del dcittro j e daU'iaipropricca d; condanaarc U 
Opoafacchi conacaduhcro > pcadcatc anchc la Caufa coa- 
trola Donna jchcnon poceua ciTcr condanaata iodifcfa . 

M« per toglierc ogni fofpeteo del prctcfo adulrerio , fi prega-. 
ognt difappaffionaco Leteorc d riflctterc » non elTerii potuco 
commetterc in Arczzo ? pcrchc alia caftodia del Manto vi 5 
ag*iungcua qucila de' Fracelii, quella della loro comiauno 
Madrc J quella dciU Ser ua > quella dc' Parcnei , c quella de 
Vicini,aazila volonraria prigionia della raefchina in vn'an- 
guflaftanza femprerifichiufa, pcrcuftodircil fuocandorcj 
n^ racno nci viaggiopcr efferfidicnoftrato del tutto inuctifi- 
iniles irnprobabilc, c aonprouato , & elTcndo lungi dai vefo» 
comcnc pure in Roma, efTctido notorio > che da Caftcl nouo 
fii condotta nelle Carcerj> e da quefte trafportata ncl Mona- 
fterodelleScalerte, epofciapcrla Cm grauidanzajfocto G^ 
gurta d'hauer la Cafi per Carcerc di fcudi 500. confcgnata x 
detti Coniugi Comparini, trouandofi intanro i! Caponfacchi 
alia fua rilegatione in Ciuita Vecchia, e ncUa quale ceffausu 
ogni fofpetto, mentre vi era concorfoil confenfodcll'Abba- 
tc Francefchini tanto zclante deli' honorc del ^ratello , o 
proprio . 

N^ fi pu6 fenza gran vioiesza rJteoerej , mentre fi fcnte dallo 
Scrictorc cfagcrare -, che I Caponfacchi vfcito dalle Carceri 
con la rilegatione d Ciuiti Vecchia, in tempo,chc Is Moglie 
ii ritcneua per Carcere in Cafa di detti Coniugi , albergafTo 
in Cafa loro , non potcndo/i dire menzogna piu sFacciati di 
qucfta,af{efoche i! Gaponfjcchi non id mai hofpitc di quel- 
li, efubito vfcito dalle Catceri li porcoai luogo dclia rilega- 
tione, che religiofamente kk cu^odito, fenza mai cflfec ritor- 
natoa Romas nc la Donna i^fci dal Monaftero, fe prima non 
era giuftificaco a M onfignor G lucrnatore , che quello dimo- 
rauain Ciuita Vecchia , cald corticuitocon fedc autensfca- 
del Cancelliero di quella Corec . 

Mi pcrmctta per tanto il detto Scrittore, ch'io !o rimprooeri di 
troppo ardito nel tacciarc rhonore del Franceicbini mac- 
chiatodalla Moglie , con dire, che appcna laiite Ic Icale del- 
la Cafa del Comparini incompagnia delli fuoi huoraini ar- 
mati percommetterc rcfecrando eccidio, rimiralk quelle* 
muratuticpiene dc fuoi fcorni , come che ic dctcc muti pa- 

rcti 

[ccxxii] 



reti haueffero fapujo Inuentad] machine d'inlognati pen/ien 
per fomentare la 6i lui inhumanita ad vna cosi horribiie ftra- 
gc, meutre di cio noo fe ne porta akra ceftitnontanza di quei- 
ia eflbnc fcriuecapricciofamente fenz' alcun fo!!damento> 
volcndolo difonorato per for.ia> perchc a gli altri difoiiori f« 
gU cumuii ancor quefto j bcnche i torro , effcndo ben poflo 
in chiaro di fopraj ci»e la caufa dd commcflfo delitto non fu 
qudladeirhonorc perriparare Ji corti fatiidallaMoglicirai 
Ij fuoj inganni fcoperrii il lucro fperanzato, fuanito, c Ic liii 
pendend . 

Di che fe n'apporta vii'akra non men conuinceofe disr.oftratio- 
ne > fe i'hionorc ^ cio Tpjofc il Francefchini? non era aflai 
vcndicato con la snoree della moglie? pcrcbe imbrarrasii 
piitna anco con il fangue di Vioianre , e di Fietro non com- 
pjsci dcila prctefa difonefta > perchc hauer tefe I'imldic per 
piucontmuati giorni anco in procurareia n^orte di quel plo 
Benefattore 3 che moflb ancor e0b.i picrtSi foniminift»-aua_ 
ioro aiiito nclle dd.lfti? in quefio non vi e caduro mai ii 
fofpecto del prcgiudicaro honorc. mcnrrc che h mogUe fta- 
ua in ArezEOs & cffo dimofaua in Roma , c prima fi maritaf- 
is, non era inctai che di foli ersdici anni non compiti,e dop- 
po la fuga dal marito riroraars in Ronta ft si come rcftafiL? 
cuilodua neiie Carceri inci Monaftero , c poi nella Cafa dl 
dd, Gcnitorij in jcmpo, che era *^icina i fgrauarfi ; Dunquo 
n Duolconcluderc auueraramenre , che il motiuo dcll'occi- 
fione fuifealero* chedeU'honoie, ma corocdifredeirinte- 
refle > e dcUc liti 3 come confeJJa ncl fuo efame l-iftelTo Fran- 
cefchini . 

Ne dcuc fprezzarfi la dichiaradone fa«3 dall'iRe0a Bonna-^ifL> 
articolodi rxiorcc , airhora che alia prcfenza di roolti Reli- 
gions e Pcrfonc d'intiera fede , conftantemenre foffrendo le-* 
tante fcrite, mantenncj c profcfso con gran franchezza d'cf- 
fcrfcmprc vi/Tuta cafia , e fedeie ai fuo Mariref> implorando 
convifceredi fomma rallegnacloae dalla Diuina mifericoi'- 
dia il perdono d'ogn'altro crroresche dl queilo haueflTe com- 
nielfo a fcorno de! Marito , non prsfomendon in quel punto 
Ja tnoribonda menrire in difcapiio dclla falutc eje?na deli' 
Animafuai Douendofiancora riflettcre, che in d. fattovi 
concorfe vna fpecialifTima gratia dell'iftdfo Oronipotento 
Dio in far foprauiucre per pochi giorni la inogUe j accio po- 

ceile 

[ccxxm] 



seJTe far palefe la fua innoccnza > c dar luoie dcH'Occifori , 
fsnza di cbe farebbero andati inipunici li delicti , per cio nel 
jneckmo atjo i! Francefchini reiteratameote comando aili 
fuoj Compagni 5 che ofTsruafiero fe era raorsa bcae , c qucili 
prendendola per ic rreccie, & alzaiidola da terra oue giace- 
uastredettero, chcfi^fit: morta? perche lapouera Doana per 
i/iKKO naturalefeppe bc.i fitnularlo col fuoabbaiidoaamea- 
£0, comccontcfianoli Dei/nquenti,eqiicfto concorfo di gra- 
tia tanto pill auuera ia dichiaracionc deila moglie , die re/ia 
verificata con la confcflione dcili mcdcmi Rci delli dciitti . 

Mifono rifcruato per vlrimo di djfcorrcre , c rifiutare|quelJo , 
chsil d. Scrittorc rapprefcnta dcU'Abbatc Paolo » e fe ha- 
«e0i a dire il verojegii Ci pud con ragfone afFcTmare elTcr Ha- 
U'cutta la pictrade]io fcandalo, egli haucr fonienrato Gui- 
de fuo fratclloa grcccidij j egh haucr rrainaro tutta Is raa- 
china >attefo> checfib fu quelle, che da principle voile a.* 
forza con induflria » c con inganns il marrimonio di d. Fran- 
ccfca Pompilia, cflofii quelJo,che {bfieneua icliti Ciuih , c 
Cfiminali ^ cbe fotto nome de Grandi fpacciando aniinofa- 
menEC lajoroparola* precendeua d'cftorccre con belle infi- 
nuationijcon raggirojcconinganno qucilagiuslida , cho 
rotifi doueua ; elfo era quello,a cui maggiormence fi rendc- 
|ia renfibileelTer ftno fcupcno per homo di machina , e Vcl- 
fer ftato delufo nd propiio inganno > ondc ha ben ragionc di 
dire loScriltorCj che li voltidcgl'altriJi I'cruiuanod! fpec- 
chio per rileggere ie fuc male procedure, ma non dcH'hono- 
re toko alfrarcllo. 

Si tralafcia di rifpondere a cio , che rAnonimo procura di far 
credere in lode deirAbbate Paolo Francefchini, per eccitarc 
ni3ggiorniente ilcompatiniento > mentre rintentionc dclT 
Autorc deila prefcnre rifpoHa) alrra non c> the d; mccrcr in 
chiaro U fal/ita de fuppofti contro Fonore deila poucra Don- 
na, c dc Conipa!ini,e di fcruire alia giuftiria 5 Jafciandone il 
giuditioachin'ha piena cognitione ? eper ViCicfCo riguardo 
fi trafcura la rifponia^ molc'alcre impropricta ,che dal dctto 
Scnttore inurilmcntc (i dicono fcn?.'alcun propofito,conclu- 
dendoii la preferfte rifpofta coU'elempio da cifo aliegato dl 
Sanfonc, cheall'ora ^chcii vidde efportoalie pisbliclic bur- 
le del Popolo , dicdc vna icodu allc Golonne del Palazzo » 
iacendoio cadcre per morirc con gl'aitii , c iocto Ic ruinc di 

quelk> 

[ccxxiv] 



quelio J per non elfcr piu ludibrio de k gcntc > Cosi d.Fran- 
cefchini J pcrnon cfTcr piii khernito da fuoi ingannr, con- 
uiene > che con li luoi Corapagni pa;hi ia meritaca pcna di^ 
proprijdelittijtroppopernictofi a!iaRepublica3& allaquic- 
ee, e ficurezza »}chedcuono prouareli Litiganci nella Cortc 
di Roma, per mantenerela quale hsprouifto lavigilanzade 
SommiPontchci Aleffandro VII, f de Succeifori} conla.. 
Confticucionc fopra di cio pubiicatascco' Bandifucccfliiua- 
meatepromulgcici; La fanta di fpolitioncdelle quali Leggi 
doueua tanco piii raffegtjacamente clferuarfijquanto che ha- 
ucua il medemo ektta Jaftrada giuu'tiale ,eliricorfifattial 
Soiarao Pontefice Regnante , zelandflfimo de! giufto, crano 
Rati rimeffi a fuoi Giudici > di che nsn fenz'vna sfacciata in* 
ingiuria potcua doieiil, come pare, the TAnonimo Scrittorc 
voglia afcriuerlo ad aggrauio,dal q»a!e s'eracerbafTe lo fde- 
gnodel Francefchini , ilche pariaente dimoilracon qual 
animoprorroropcfTe in ecceffi cosi deteftabili . 



[ccxxv I 



Romana Homicidiorum , 

Ail. OtlVCU. L^nc. 1^ tione cum Domino TOCO 
Fifci Aduocato fupcrcommunicationc fuarum Allegationum, 
quia tcmpus brcue cU , & magnam cidem obfcruaniiam profi- 
tcor vique a minori setate ; Traafcat , quod vbi agitur de nccc 
inflida per maritum vxori inx non in adu deprfhcnfionisciuf- 
denn in Aduitcrio , fed ex inreruaMoi foU rufpicio quantumuis 
vchcmens non fufHciacad cximfadutn a pcena otdin.2ria legii 
CornetixdeSicar.ticd requiritiiriiquidiflSma probario Adulte- 
ri), quemadmodumcxaduerso prxrendimr i cuius ramen con- 
trariuai nos probaui.tius in prxterira i. ^mimquam ad hoc , Sc 
tradunt ibidem non aliegati Doad. confult.97,au»i.i6. in fine , San- 
fflic- decifiij. num., i 2. , Afuta decif. 6{. num. z. . vbi quod fuffi- 
cit, quod rcpcrianiur in mandoncfoU , & nunt.i. , prafcnim 
fi mulicr crat pulchra , Mafcard. deprobat. conclaf, 61. num.i, , & 
iuob.feqq. , vbi refert illud Ouidianum 
Lit efi cum forma magna pudicUi<e « 
Et vir illam defiderabat , prout in pizienu iuxti a'iud ciufdcm 

Authoris 
^ luuene , ^ Cupido credatur reddita yirgo ? 

In ptxrcdti luoius in cafu ncduai liquidiilim^ probationis, fed 
fadinotorij > quia habemus Decretum hutus Tribunahs , per 
quod hum fmodi Adultcrium Fuir canoqizatum , cuius verba^ 
quamuisrcUtajo pra!(enci lnf'ormatione§..^&y^uf eo, quod pla- 
cet hk rcpc«eic,quia funtnimis clara, ibs - lofeph Afaria d- 
,fanfa.ccht de Aretio procomplkitateinfuga, Qir deuiatioite Franci- 
fen GompannXy &■ cognitione carnali eiufdem relegetus per triennium 
w Giuitite f^etulu . 

Non autcinprsterirepoflum, quod adhuc prstendatur , quod 
buiufmodi Dcctetumfueritrcuocatum; quia, vt dixi in in- 
formatione , vcriras eft in conttatiuni ; folum cnioj habemus , 
quod in mandatodcexcarccrandoCanonicum dclinquentcm , 
omifla relatione totius fupra relati Decreti , fuit diOum -- pra 
catifa ,dequa in aiiis ; qu« verba tantum abeft , quod prasfcfe- 
rant didtam reuocationem , quinimo probeur eiufdem Decre- 
ti confirm3tionem> vcfirmauiaius in Informacione §. 2^i^c"&e- 
7»»r ^y?, quod idem dicenduai vcnit de Gmilibus verbis adhibi« 
tis perNotarium in obligatione quatu fecit Francifca Pompilia 
dc habcndu domum patris pro carccrCj cum a Monaftcrio , vbi 
fccQrepermancbdt/uitad lUam rraduiCla excaufa (uppotics in- 
Brmitaris , fed vcniis dicam , pra:gnauti£, quam malo fato vo- 
luit abrcondcrc . 

Xante magis, quodifla prxtcnfa Decreti reuocatio noo potuidc: 
fieri altera paite non audita, qacmadinodum dixi in Informa- 
tionc $. Eoqucmagis . 

A Sicuti 

[ccxxvii] 



Sicutiprsererirenonpod'utUt quod dicstor Canookam faiflfo 
coDdcmnslu as folum in pfoamrelcgationis ob defectum pro- 
bationis Aduheri) ; Sicnim haiufmodi probstio non exnti{rcr9 
quoiurc potujffent Donrjini nt2J ladiccs exprimerc in Decrc- 
tOt quod iiJum condcmnabant pro cognirionc carnali ciufdeai 
Francifca: Pompilis '. Vcraasitaque d> , quod ludices habuc- 
runt proconcludcntJnimdiui'Jifica?o diclum Adulrermm , St 
di^um CanonicuJtt dc codcm conmdnm. cum in ProcctVu nil 
aisud decflct j qu4m deprehenfio in i!lo aftu obfc«no, quanxji 
Kon cfk necenariam ad probandum Adulrerium > in his icrmi- 
nis fcripfit %^ff.ili. in Confliitttione fi m.tyhus num. 4. verf. & ponde. 
ra> & fequuntur Farinac. qneji- 1 1 1. num 4z>. . Polic. de J{eg. ^ud» 
tom.Z. tit.io. cup.j. num.zg. -verf.ac prosude pj?.J4. 

Quod vcro pcenai in qua (ait condccnnatus diSus Canonicus noa 
rcfpondeai dido dclido , circa hoc piura podcnt rcpiicarf . fed 
quia id non refpicit D.Guidoaeraiidco cmva hoc pariter tran- 
feat ; Vtcumquc cnim fit quifuam negate pofeft , quin idcnoL* 
D. Guido pcrlcdo diiJio Decrefo , quod giofla non indigcbat , 
sure-debucritirafci de vioiata fibi cooiugalifide , & quodfipo- 
Rei dc huiufmodi vioiafionc vindi^tam fmuplit aiiqualiter 
noa fit cxcu/'andus , Textus eft in LftAdulterium j$- §• It/iperafo' 
res ff. ad I. lul. de adulter, > &■ in /. fi quis in gruui §. fi quis moriens 
infneff. ad S-C. SyUan. , Sc tradunt DoSores per oos plena ma- 
nu eofigefli iti prsfcfjta §. Et concitiando . 

Btquidcmqiiamuis huiuroiodi viodiiftam Tumpfcrit ex intcrual- 
io. vr pl.-niflimi tuitdemonilrarum in diRa prsterlta lafornn- 
tionc §.iVef verum ffi.iti vt paucs DoSores fint, qui contracium 
tcncane,& propterea hxrcticum fat fit de vcrifare huiufce fcn- 
fentixdubirare, vt iaquit Soccin.fen. €onf-j<\. nnm.i.ULi. praefer- 
tim Ci^m ilia fit rccepta in omnibus fcrc Tribunalibus Mundi , 
fignanrdrin ilioSacrae Confuitx, quae normam prabet csteris 
Tribunaijbus Vrbis, & totiusStatus Ecclcfiaftici , jta vt ab eius 
opinione rccedcrc ad inftar quoquc facfilegij cflc affirtnct, 
Concioi, lUeg.g'^, num.^s, jfSr allegat.^-j. tium-H, 

Eftautem pulchra prarrenfio velle Aduiicnj iiquidiflimas proba* 
tioncs cscludcrc ex dido ipfius Mulietis dc illo conuiftx , «c 
jliius occafionci vt ingenue fatctur Dominns mcus Ptocuratot 
Gcncraiis Fifes , in Monafterio retenise , cum fcihcet non le- 
neremrnequcin Ariiculo monis dcfcgere propriam futpitu- 
dinem , vt probau imus in d»£lta ptxlirati Informationc ^.fi qrnt,' 
tenHf, & §. fcq. ; £r cum ipfa mali . ne dicarn pcflime vixcric in 
pcrnlcicm honoris, Sk- exiftioiationis Tui Viri nuUam ci iniudacn 
irrogaoiiis , n pr«(umere voiucnas, quod nee in mortc volucrit 
rcfipjfci, luxta illud - Chi tnal-oiue »mal tnuore - & quia ncoio 
ncc »n mortc pr$fmnJ,urSan«SusIoanncs Bapiifta, vtia Infer- 
mationc % Xec >alet did . 

Firmoitaquercmanente, quod O. Guido iuftam habuerit Cau- 
1am Decidendi , fiue occidcre facicodi Francifcam Pompiliam 

Vxo- 
[ccxxvni] 



Vxorem ; Idem nffcefiario diceftdum venk quoad homicidial 
Petri , 3c Viohrjtis Soceri, ^ Socrus , qaja in Proceflu r<sbnca- 
to occaHooe fugx didse Francifc* Pompiiis 1 vjro emetftt 
eda.fn profaario, quod ipfi coni'pirarunt in iUud hicm deii^unn, 
tonfcqiientcr fueruntin caufa Isfioars honoris, &exu1imario- 
niseiufdeoi D. GuidoniJ, qux criam honoris Ixiloexcorciul- 
tabat,quod ipfi (uppofucrunt,& palam omnibus feccnuit.quod 
cius v.xor non eratcorCi fiiia.ncc icginme gcnitajfedftlia mcre- 
iricis, & portea illam reccpcrunr in fuaoi Doroum, poilquam 
fuit deciarata Adultera, auf enim ipfa eratipforum filia, & oon 
dcbuificnt hoc iudicialitcr ncgarcaut verdaon erat fi!ia»-&; uec 
dcbuiflcnt liiam recipcre in fuam Dotrum » potit^uaoi iau de_> 
Aduiterio conuida, cum ralitcr agendofado ipfo dcc!;^faijertnr 
is ciufdcai Lenones fuifTe i dk efTc veile j /• 2. §• Lemar.ij I Mami 
lajocimum |f. ad L lul. ds adult, I. z. C. r'dem > Menoch. ds arbitr. 
caf. 5 ;4- ««w. 3? . Farinacc. </«<<;/?. 144. mm. 94. & 98. 

Confeffio D. Ciuidoniscusn ilia QualitJCe, quod homicidia dc- 
mandaucric ex Caufa honoris non pofdl: fcindi , fed ojcccptari 
debet per Fikum cum didta Quslitate, vt prcbauimus in intor- 
jnatione §.Huinfmod: enim Confeljlo; Dolores vcro in contiarmoi 
allcgat! per Dommarn aaeum Aduocafiicn Fd'ti proccdunr laj 
Qaalicate cxtrinicca ah ipi^ ConfcnTono, & qur shuncfc non 
iuftificatur, &:demum vbi agiturad p«nam cxtraordinariam , 
qucmadmodum & nos admifisius iu noftra iotoiQiatiooej 
^.Prifertim . 

Sicutiautem Canfa honoris tcleuatrsomfnnmGuidoncat i poena 
ordjnana homicidii.ifa eum relcuare debet abaljis quibukum- 
quc poeni? ordinarijsappoiitis in Bannimentis, & Conrtituno- 
fjibus A poStohcis contra dcferenrcs arma prohibita. (eii com- 
mittenses alia dciida ; dixiemm, &repeto, quod iuttus Do- 
lor » qui eum excufatab vnoDelido, excufarequoquc debet 
abaiiis, cum fempcr, & vbique miiitet ratio, quod Jpfe non 
fucrit in plenitiidine lnte!le<fV>js iMxti late firmata in Inrornia- 
tionc <i §.^gncfcit Fifcuu vf^ue ad § ^£0 -vera ad Litem . 

Et ficuti !(ta Caufa eft fafficicns ad contequendam minorationem 
pcer.re rcrpe(ftii D. Guidonis , iti panformjter fuffictens rcpu- 
tari debet ad illam confequcndam fauore eius Sociorum , qui 
tamquan) Auxiiiatores puniri nequeunrmaiori poena , quam 
ipfc principalis iuxta innumcros fere Doftores, & quidcna raa- 
gni nofiiinisailcgatos rum in prsrerira §, J^ux difla funt , mm 
feq. turn in praefcnti §, y.crum,& Soeios, quibus cxaduetfo nui- 
lumfuitdafiim refponfum. 

FacihusvcrorefpeduBlaflj Agoflineili.quincutjquam fafliisfuit 
aliqucm occidiffe , leu vu JnerafFe , fed ioluaimodo adOitiffe. vt 
prtEUcntiue pcrpendimus in Infonnatione ^^.^uoad Slafium . 

Et quoad Dominicum , &: Francifcuni vitra dcducia fauore alio- 
rum , ipfi funt forenfes, qui propterca non hgantur Bannimen- 
ti« Gubetnii ( quibus aon ligatuur alii > qui non fuat de OitUi- 

A 2 £lu) 



[ccxxixj 



clu ) ncc Condituridnibus' Apoftolirfs Armarum dcla'ioncm 
prohibenf(i?us , vrdisimus i« prsfcrifa ^ ^n<f co facilms . 
iViuito msgis cum Donnnicus adlnic affrrat fs- e/ic stare mjsjorem, 
prout prr cajlfueraf difcripcus in ProccfTu/o/. 304. &t rciptdu 
Fraocifci vltra pridisfJ-Jm delcriptioncm. de qua in eodetn_» 
Piocfot. 5S.habeamus Hdcm Bap'irmacis. que conciudenccr 
prcba! atatcm , B'^ratt.decify^. fium. i. ^ tf detif \ 17. »«<«. 20, 
par. 1 2. rtcent. fiafus eriimfuir die 14. February 1674. quo fit, 
vt rrcnporecommifli deliSi ) quod attt-ndirur ad effcttum pu- 
nuionis iusti C'loff- ••« ifctant v, morititr ff de legit, h^red. , Matfil. 
tn I. Infans, num. 1 ?. jf. <s^ /. Corn, ad Sitar. &■ :n I. de mntore , n.4.0. 
ff. de ijstifi, , Ciur. in praU $.f.n, (/tttefi. 60. nitm 4. , Titaa. de Pan, 
temper, iauf. 7. num S. , R^enah. de /irhitr. ic.ij'.jzg. tsstn. 21., Cam- 
paa.refol. z.ftum. 21,) tionddtn expleuifTcr .irjnum vigcfimurn 
quarrum fus setaiis ; f^inori cniny vigintiquinqueannis eJt 
poena minoranda , /. fere in omfhusffl de Regul. lur. , /. nut f*fl/tj 
S.Psffons ff de Pfu., i.Auxtlium ^Jn deliiln, & l- ft tz Caufa ^.NuttC 
in minorsbas if. de tninoriL csp, hoc fit pofiium 16' qusfi. 7. , Bttrtol. in 
I. ijuid ergo ^.Patna gtaui'u if. se bis , qui not, /nfam.t Mayfil. coaf.^S. 
num. S4., fuiptllconfiLdi. »»w. 10. , Pni, refpanf Cnmin 25. 
autM. 46, , Fttrsn. qut/l.^Z. num.'\t.,^ fcrj(^. Odd. de Hefiir. in mtfgr, 
par. 2. quxfi. So. k^"?^. 73. , & pluribm fe-:j(j. , Baton, dcefeii. minor, 
4ttet. effrtlAo. uutri,i., ^ /i'^;<7c( NtrboH. de <&(Jt, annor, z^^.ifuafi 4 J. 
pr4fertit» tiunt.6,, D- Sayiald.obferu.pir.i.captX^ in R ithr.n. 370 , 
& 274. <sp>fetji , Thejaar. dec. i6i.nnm= 4. » vbi inuebu in luiices 
coatrarium pfaS'faniei , &• ««. jeqif. 
£t quiddtR de nccsflitiie, nOD ausccn ludicis arbitrio, quii hoiuf- 
modi p?o« oiinoratio procedJt ex Bencficio d iure imrodu^o , 
& £s Caufj inrrinfcca dcli^um cninuenf*-, Aitharan. tjuafl. sg. 
»!??»- 3, , & d. lib. 2. , Odd. tejlani de cotnmitm dilia par. 3, o«»/?. 8o, 
»«^». 95., Farin. dtflatfudfi, gz. H.i6t.,e^ I&5., B*ron, d. effe^l. 10, 
nuKt. 14. J vbi quod ludcx alilef facicos tenetur in Syndicam , 
&■ nutnerii fetjq. , SahtlL allog 6. num. xox.pofi Tom. 2. jummit Pfnt. 
refponf critr.. 25. nunu 46, , Z>. Saynttid. diilo gap, 14. »s Rubr.tt.i^im 
The/'aitr, diSla in. 161. num.6. 
Licer veronon defint , qui conrrarjunrj fentiant, quod fcilicdtto- 
tum pendest ab Arbirrio ludicis, noilra tamen icntcnna eft ve- 
rior V & fcceptior f jlrem in Crioiinibus » qua non <ont de ^tro- 
ciffiniis, vrdiflin^uendo fradunt Spad. conf, 1 10. nufa. 1^. ib.x. , 
Tarinact. diSia qusft. g%. r,uni.\cj. , Campan. rej. t. num. 26., & '>^. 
ibiuue Oril. nitm.$ 6 & 7., & quod vbi di!i(f>tJm ell folum atrojr, 
vci arrociu;: iudex tencatur ncceiliratr offici; poeoaai mmofarc 
\Uti mox allcgaros Thefaur, diSadec.\6l.num.s- 
Et quod hxc {"cntenrj^ Jocum lubeat in crimine horricidij , 
nonobflanredifpofitione Tettui en l.fi efuit te Reum Cod. ad I. Cor- 
nel, de Siear. ibi-- Si qttis te Reutn Ugit Cornehs fecent Innoientia put' 
gdti trimen nen adulu state defrnd'-conuenit ■' quia dirpolitiohuius 
Tcxius talit6rintcrprctaii debet , vtaeojp^ raiaot Ddinqucns 

noa 



[ccxxx] 



floQCXfufetutintofum , fcdtantum miJius puniatur iuxMifj- 
tiquiores p!«aa manucongeftos per Farinac. di&a quxft.g z-n.n z. 
& feqq. quod idem fenciunt Gua':^7^ia. def. j j. ap^ f 7. num. \. Ca' 
ball. tef. crimin.i ?4.««i».i I, Prat d. rejpottf. trim 1%, fub num- 48. , 
FajcljaL de patr. potcfi, par. z. cap. S. num. zi. Thtr. compend. decif. 
par, 3./?^. z. Thefaur. d.dtcif,\6\.pT(gfertim mtn.J.CoTlhiad.dec.92, 
niiia.zg. ^ decif.g6.tium,i7. 

Mmitnt quandoj ptovt in prsfenti. minor non dcliqult folus, fed 
infocietatealiofuoijtiincenim prsfuraituf /edu(5us , idcoquc 
faciliuspccQaordinaria eidcm venit minoraoda Farinac-d, qtt gz. 
vunt.ioi, circa fsn> verf, dr etiatn quia , \^£for- Fmc. alleg. ^6.ttit.6, 
par. I. GuaXZtn d. def. ii.€ip.\j.num. \, i>erf. & lati egodeduxi > 
J'her. t/eMo. num.\6. par. 2: Oril. ad Campan ref. z. ftum.S. D. Ray^ 
nald. diHaper.z. cap. 14. ir. Rubr.nutn. i$ zvcrf. fecui tjuanda, & tterf, 
&" quod ad minorar,dam Chartar. dccif. crir»n. 7S. J3aw.6* 

Ncfcimusquo fc verterc pricendac Fifcis pro deftruendij hifcc 
iuridicis fundaosentis , quia Dominifnci agentcsipfiiis Panes 
nee in prsterita > nee ia prsfcnti quidcfiaoi (notiua^unc circo^ 
prsdiiia, quoticfcuoique vero prgEcendant hancnoflram cs* 
ceprioncincliderecumStatuto Fioreotiae//^: j.rair. j|. qualifer 
nunor 16. annis ddinqueus puniaturin criminaiibuS) plutes 
(uppetunt rcfponfionej, ft: 

prituo . qaoddJlpofftso huius flatuts noncxrcndirur addciiil^aj 
coinmida extrl Tetrirorium di(!^£ Civltatis , (ed iocus dcll^i « 
ciufquc llatutaattcndi dcbent, iftis vero ceflantibus^ prom ia^ 
prsknticeffant, quia bannicncnfa huius Guberoij , vb! agituf 
dc punitiofic quoad fbienfes iocum non habcnt ex defedu po* 
tclUtis Puncjpij, feu Officiaiis iiia condcntis ex ailegatis in pf«» 
icfita §. ^«« tofadlius, & §= jeq. ruoc dciinquens puniri debc£ 
fecunduoi lus commune SirioLm l.tuniim Popula num.4-9.& 50, 
ibiquc ctiam Baid.niim.4%.& feq.Cod. de Summa Tr.nlt. &• Fid. Ca- 
tbol..Farftt.prag7».irimin. pat.iMtt.D num.iQj. 

Secunda Rcfpouiio en> quod (larutum nil aliud dicit, quam quod 
minor annis decern > & fcx non porHc puniri poena ordinaria^ 
ddi^li » confequenter operari debet in hoc cafu > quando vero 
agitur dc miiiorc cxcedente didtam statem , fed mmore annis 
vigioti quinque,Regui3dcfami debct4Iurecomniun>; a quo 
didumdatutuminiahcafu pa^Huam rccipie ioferprefacionem , 
vt in pun^o huius met A&nm corAvtWit Marcus A fm. inter RuU 
crimtrt. dituvf. in f«L tofn, 2. corf, i lo.nttm. 1 2. kquituc Caball.diiia 
tefol. crtrain. dt£lo caj. j 54. nut».li>ad meiium , vbi teliatur Je vi- 
diSe ita pradiicari pfnam minori annis ^^.maioritatem <iecc!a» 
& o<2o minorando, & in pund^o aljorum fianiium [taeutorusn 
refoluunt Anthira..qu.'!,'i.nkm.^. &feq. go/f.tit.de corife(fji.69.verf, 
Conftderario tamen . 

Tcfciadenique rcfponfio, arqusponit falcentj , ad radicem eft , 
quod jftelnquifirus non efldeCiuitatc Florentis » nccdecius 
Tcrtitono . kd dg Territorio Atetino 1 Ciuiws autcm Aretii , 

eiufque 



[ccxxxi] 



«iufqur Cemitaf us non ligatxfor Statutis Florcnrinorum , tuntj 
quia non fiini Subditi , <fd recofrendati di^a Ciuirati Fioren- 
fia, vt in punOo confuiuit Soeein. Sen-rcaf. 7, prafertinsnum, 2. 
C^ 4. feqtj. Vol. i . C" f ow/ 74- '?*f "^ ^7? Sariholomgi fuu (ub num.S. cod. 
W.i. vb) oicii.qiiod pr^ccdcnfi coniilio fui Patrjs k fubfcripdt 
fcucruslcgum Intcrprcs Thomas Docius Scncnfis ; Turn quia 
cadcmCjuiras Arctii habct propria flatuta^o«;w.5'en. d.cotif.j, 
vurn, 7. ro/. j . 
Kccurritur enim ad ftaiutum Cioirarisdominantis , cum aiiarCi- 
tiitatcs fiibicfis nor habcnr propria , iWusfiilia hjbcant per 
Tf rt. IB /. dt at'iihus } i . til' Bald, nuni 6. iD Cuiintif.nu.l.in fine vetf, 
fatn etiafn f tie li^ib. Secdn. rf. terj y, eod. wnw.y. T'o/. i. idt m Cafir. 
conf, I 29: rumi. lib. l-Cah. tonf. 29. mjw. 4?. /'A. 2 Aftndcf. in 
addii, ed t{pman- conf.zii. circa jinttn , /?ot coravH Coccin. dec, 145 i. 
Bhw 6. eS'" for<3W Dunox^.Iun.itcif. 9^7. »»i». iS. C?" 'ttrrr. j/ecioj. 

Itaquc lunt contraria , veJfimul incomparibilia Gratian. difcept,^. 
num.'2*,-Pot.a>Jam DunO':^. Inn. diSia dec,9^7.num.\9.& fcq &• diiJa 
dec. 107. num.ic). & trihmfetjcf par.\ ^.rcc. 
Cuiufmodi cflc ilia Cmiatis Arctii rcfpcOu al'oriim Ciuiratis 
florcnuf tcHarur Soecin Sen. d- conf,y. d num.'j. voi.i. & pater ex 
Ruhr. deMig minor, vbi inandatur, qood minorcs j^.annis non 
poffint obiigari fine ceitis /bleainitasibus, lupcr qua cor^fuluit 
Ptui. it Cafly. tonf, 1 24. lib. 4. ex hoc enim {Jarufo iatis tonilat , 
quodjn didia Ciuatatc, & cJus Coojitam minor xtas rcgulaturi 
lurecommuni. 

Quatenus vera Fifcu? habeat a!ia fundamenta , qu^ ex no/lro 
debit I ludiciodiuinari rion potuimus » <upphcoiila bcmgnd 
communicari« nc Pauper loqmficus minor rcniancat Indc* 
ffnfus . 

Denique refpe<2u Domini Guidonis fupplico anitraduerti ad in« 
fjliccm natuoj ipfius, & oobiliscius famjliz; habncfunt cninvj 
omnesdchac famitsa .eiufquc cognarione, qiiod faris , & y(quc 
ad vinmum Vits fpintum lugcre poffint , cum rc/pexcrintad 
ignominiam eii'deoi illaram abhac niulicrc , ciufque Gcnito- 
rjbui , propter quam , & dubium in prsfcntj cfi , quod aliquis 
ctiam ProKirtsior infanuerir ,t hoc (ane didar cximia Pictas C!e- 
oicntinimi Pfincipis,& I!laOrifsJD.mfi,qu!bus ipiemcr Inquifi- 
(us toTo corde fe commcndauir in fuis conftitutis, abiquc co , 
quod hoc idem difc^nc ab An3ore Anonym^Subini S&nfalicdtc.n-j^ 
in fine . 

QuarA 2c C* 

Defiderius Spretus Pauperum Aduoc. 



ccxxxn 



Jiiufirifs. & Reuerendifs. D* 

Vrbis 
GVBERNATORE 

In Criminalibus - 
Romana Homicidiorum. 

PRO 

Domino Guidone Francifchino^&So' 
cijs Carceratis . 

C O '5S(^ r R ^ 
Flfcum , 



^plisaiio lurh ^D. Aduocatt 
Paupsrum . 



RCM/E 5 Typis R. Cam. Apofl. \6<)% 



[ccxxxiv] 




^!^s^ y^M AJ^^, ^.^. ,/^^^,^.^ /V/u^.„ &^V^ 
/ / . A , ^ '^^ ^J\hP t4(U3 ^<i^a^,^J- </^u.v*lV U*^. 







/'■****' 



■^ - ~ ■ // / 





[ocxxxv] 



^^^^^/^^^.M^M^^^ /^^ 






A C4>iAi^ "^J*!*^ -^-^ /''-e.^ ^;a^^'<^ ^a^jlL^*. cLL-/f\t..^ ^ 






e^y-x^ 



[ccxxxvii] 


















[ccxxxviii] 









rA/tM^%^. 









[ccxxxix] 



^/^^'Jfui^5^^^i/ ^ilcy^- (i.'t^t^''^' ^u^^^> 





/;jpc$^/-^fc-nu. 



[ccxtl 







^^'m.1o ^=fe^^ 



JV^- ^^*'^~5^<<f*<4l£Vto <^!1<«C4lZ< 



fH^ 




i?f^^i:^=f 





U 



^^i^^/icrM^ CdiftL 



T'^'d 



> 



^Ji^^^Jcj^ C 



S.tvXlfVA^ 




v^fovtii 



[cCXLt] 



Romana. 

iihflrifs. & %eur'. Dm. i^„r.«;;r: 

me, &eruditi(Tim^ habita inter DD.Pauperum Dcfenfo- 
rcs^i & Fi(cum in Caiifa Homicidiorum per conduftos ho- 
mines patratorum a D. Guidonc Francifchino in perfb- 
nam Francilcx Pompilia: eius Vxoris , & Petri, ac Vio- 
lantis Coniugum de Comparinis,renui in arenam defccn- 
dere, ne i proprio , quod cum eifdem DD. Defenforibus 
ago, munere declinarc viderer; Deditquemoras,ac tem- 
pos indulfit tacita etiam miferatio , nimisenim prxiudi- 
care credebam^ifdem Guidoni, & Socijs pro tali Rcatu 
carccratisjad quorum excufationem praecipu^ fe exhibe- 
bat caufa honoris , i\ tunc voluilTem profequi Defenfara 
longd antea mihi commiflampudiciti«,&honeftatiseiuf- 
dem Francifcas Pompiliae , cuius teneram Coniuglj men- 
tem nulla vnquam impure Jibidinisafperfit inFamia,&cm 
fiifpicax Maritus nihil potuifTet obijcere,niri Vxorcidiuctt 
fuiflet fequutum, quafi ex hoc Iblilm Adulterlum volue- 
ritprobarc, <jvio<l Vxorem potuertt occidere ,& Occide- 
nt, vtcrederetur Adultcra. 
Modb autem, quo, refpeftu Carceratorum omnium , Caufa 
remanfit funeflifllmd rerminata (fie enim definunt , qux 
incipercnondebuiffent) reaUumendo inf^liciilimaiquaj- 
ftionis pugnam tutKfimeairero, quodex lat^deduftis in 
mea Informatione fuperexclufiont afTerti Raptus ex gra- 
tia reafTumendai Et exlatiilscumulatis per llluftriirimum 
D.meum Fifci Aduocatum in fuis doftiflimisallegationi- 
businvtraque Caufk propofit'one diftrrbutis,abibluen- 
dam omnino efTc memoriam prxdifta; Francifca: Pompi- 
lia: ^ fibi iniufld, & ninii.s animose per Virum impif^o 
Adukerijcrimine ,& per dcfinitiuamSententiarn decla- 
randum ipfamMaritale foedus non violadei Ablqueeo, 
quud incongrua vidcatur talis lnnantia,nam quamuis per 
mortem omnia deiifta ceHent, vt per Text. in I. Defunffo^ 
vbi Glofs ^ '^'D.f.de public Jeli^. & in ISenatufccyifid- 
(us-i %.Sipropter '^ff.adTcrtullian. ^-in cap.^jiprumdant^ 
tiU7i»t7.22.trndunt Eugen.conf.2 1. »//w.2., '^JJ.Canofiicus 

A ^'^i- 

[ccxLin] 



^inald.in fytiiax.rer.crirKlnalJom.l.cap.2.%. i ^numc-r.-js- 

verf.Et quandcrcui^^ tom.2.cap.2i.%.\.2.(^ i.ttUYn,2i\^ 

Carpzou.in prax.criminaLtom.i.qu£jl,i^\.num. i. Nihi- 

lominus quando deliftum efl. atrox , Sceius natura, vt m- 

delebilem infamise notam fecum trahat,eius mcmoria fcm- 

per durat, ac propterca intereil D. Principali ipfius Au- 

iflricisramaniabafTerto Adulterij crimine vindicare, vc 

optime tradunt Eugen.conf,%\.niwi.$xircawtd.Peregrlns 

de tar, Fi'fc.iih.^.tTt.^ num. ^5. ibi : Decimut tertim cafui 

efi^ ctim Harcdes defunct adpurgandam hifamiam , qua 

public^ confra defun^um labora: deaiiquo cr inline -^ vo- 

lunf-i ad tucndam ilUui innocentiam , quoddecnmine Ipfo 

<ognofcatur-inam id feri iurt conceditur i BofutraB. cri- 

f)iinalJiiJvpi£nii^ num.i^.propefir}, ibi : Ei nota Qmnino^ 

quodet/imori tollaipisnam^ tamenpoteFi H<cres defuniti 

frofama^ ^ honor e eiui innare.,vt declareturfuper eo cri- 

tnina Caball.refclui.criminal.caf.2^%.nurn.^QAb\ ; ^uod 

licit morluQ deisnqueme fit (^tin^um crimen quoad per- 

fonam ipfiu:^ tamen H^reda ^ipro eorum in:erejTe^ ^ 

furganda infamia dcfunBi-ipQjJ'unt pcure , quodproceda- 

tar ad Sentcniiam , ^ deelareiar def unburn non commi" 

JiJ/e deliHutn ; idemqne firmat in nurnjegg. 

Etquidcm non (Inc iranifcftaratione, nam ficuti Fifco per^ 

mictitur procedi ad vJteriora in cognitione delicti in vita 

defunttiperpetrati, vrqueadiilius memoriam damnan- 

dam, vt ex Te>:tJnL().C.adLIiiUamiMaieJl. ^ in l.finaL 

Jf.eod.f^ in ^.^dnjlilutjc public. iudic, zi\\xQ\r.\\nx. Eugen, 

citat.conf.ix.per iot.'l^.CanQnicui RaynaldJi^.cap.z, %.\, 

verf Ef quoddi^us ^eui^ (^ •uerf, Ei hoc in cafu ; I ta pa- 

riter denegJiri non poteft D Principalis tamquam Hxrc- 

di beneficiatQ }& Succelforieiufdem Pompiliaj, & Petri 

Comparinij quin^ dum de iliius innocentia conflat, inflec 

pro Sententia abfolutoria reportanda , cum alias quilibet 

admitti po(ritaddefun^umdcrendendum,vtmonet G/<>/' 
in capPDamnalionis 2<\.qu<ef^.2.^ l.Seruum qut>que^jf.dc 
procur.Tenia ad Emencum In dire&,Sac.lnqui fit part. 3. 
comment. <)2,'verf.H4C accufittio-i ^ tierf.^filc qunautem-^ 
Deeian.trad!at.crim'in.tom.\dib.5.cap.57.num,\o. '^.Ca^ 
tionicus ^aynald.€itat.cap,2.%.i.num.7%,verf,Ei hoe inca-' 
fti-i circa metl, 

[CCXLIV] ^^^ 



Nee ad huiufmod 1 Sententiam retird&ndAtn iterum allegari 
meretur fuga perdidam Pompiliam captain ibcie:ate._» 
D. CanoniciCaponfacchi, cum quo InHofpitio Gaftri 
Noui Carceribusmancipaia fuitjvitra quodenim proea 
remoiienda fufficeiet aiiegare ludicatum huius illuftrlfs. 
CongregationisemanatUfK Tub die iS. meniis Februarij 
proximiprsteriti aduersus Gu.'donem Francefchinnm, 
per quod fuit publice morsi tradJtus Tub die 22. fubfe- 
quenti , non obftante, quod ad penam Vxoricidij eua- 
dendam vnice innfleretfuperafTerto Adulterio,quodex 
pradifta fuga ab eius dodio refuitare praetendebaturj 
ceflacquiscumqueiniioneflaiisrurpjcio ex defenfionibus 
tuncfaflis, & ex ipfbProcefTude juftifliraacaufa appa«* 
ret J propter quammHerrima Vxor huiufmodi fugam ^ 
donio V^iri arripere conatafuitjnoaquidemex cauTa cx- 
plenda: libidinis cuna afferto Amafio > fed vt ad proprios 
lares remearet, ibique , & apud Parentcs tutam , & hone* 
flam vitam viueret ; Qua^rn fani caufam pptim^ pra^fefe- 
runt, neduni nocifliraaiurgia ftatim exert.'? poftacceiTum 
ad Giuitatcm Aretinam vna cum Pctfo j & Vioiante deu 
Comparinis in exequutionem conucntionis in capituJrs 
Matrimoniaiibijs inferrs . propter an^-rUi-im re] famlVix' 
ris,itaut coafti fiierint port paucos menfes Vrbera repe- 
terejuon fine maximo moerore ob deceptionem dcteflam, 
Vtconftat exepiftolis AbbatisPauli Francefchini, queri~ 
moniasex diftadeceptione refultantes prsefupponenti— 
bus, &fignanterexilIafcripta6.Martij i^5>4.ibi: Torno d 
fcriuere d y. S. che non vagUo imUarlo nelmodo dlfcriue^ 
Cc 5 non ejTevdo da par fuo Jiminar terie parole nellc Utte*-^ 
re > che meritaehbi^ro rifpojle difaiii^ e non df parole , e 
qtieflefono ojfenfiuc dftgno , che (e conferuopsrfiio rim^ 
prouero^ e fua mortifuationc-^ & infra, ibi : Chsfe lei cl da- 
yd dt'' guai (che non credo mat) non ne reBerebbe efcnte^^ 
pur lei 3^ exalijs cpiltolis recenfitis in prxterita Infor* 
matione, & fignanter ^.Videns igitur-i cum fequen.^c^s. li- 
cet qualitatem.aitercationis non oftendat, attamen diim 
D. Abbas Paulus non cxhibuit Jitteras eidem fcriptasjma 
xime contra eumdcrn vrget pr£rumptio,queriraonias fuif, 
fe iuftas, & cauiani. ob quam conquerebatur , & aiterca- 
bsntur/iiilTc veramjVt in proximis terininis ftrraauit Rct^ 

A 2 in 

[CCXLV] 



in Rcmana , feu NeapolHana Lihiratlon'n a UlMcftl'p 
2T.Fehrmrij j6')0. §. i;'(3 r/iag/s, coram Eminent ifu e^r- 
tbkpifopo /I'iediulanen, Q^ in Romana "J^ecaniaria fuper 
ExbiluiiDns2iJunij\C^'\, ^^Ciarith^ cor am ^. F. ID. 

Verum etiamacerrima lis/nota per Petruni Comparinurti— 

liipernuiJitate conflitutionis Dotis,& probatioriisfuppe- 

fittonis partus faftsper Violanteni Matrem, tam ad deci- 

pienduiii Virum,quam ad arcendos Creditores^qui de eo 

tempore valde vrgebant, & cum Dos comprcheiidcrec 

omnia bona;, & i.'Uegrum Comparini Patrimonium noii—. 

exigui vaioris •> iiif pe<;ta qualitate pcribnaruni j mota per 

Socrum controuerfia lliper corifiderabiii quaiuitate_-», 

quK,vt paflmi experientia docet^implacabilia odiaj^c gra. 

uilTimas ininilcitias parere Iblet , vtuadunt Grammat. 

con(.^6.tnim.Ai-^rauiti.ccfitf-iS. nuM.w. Soccin. lunhr 

con/.^i-nunj. i ^.vol.2PD€cian.trucUt.crhH'in.lib,i.cap.2S' 

nUvt.s6.yerinlgltol.cmf> i 2 i .mirtkS' Furlnacc.qnA-JL 49. 

«2/«f.a.Hiiiurmodi efFeduilJ ia infi^litcir) V^xoreni peperit, 

itaut Coniugaiisamor iamdiCi prarcedentibus altcrcatio- 

■^/=*^»* t-^^ rj'ibus turbatus, £)e niius extin(:tas remanierit , ita ,6l tali- 

^U'utL/i*' fV***fi*^ terjvt ipfa ploricj, jn prop«'isp v'ts dircrimini' propter Vl- 

^f^A^Jcff im^A'*^ rifeueritatem, a|iquandocon;uniel»jSj& aliquandoigneo 

(r 9 breuiorilclopuloeamperiequcntis, ieconflitutain vide- 

rit,qu^ fane pericuta llcuti dubitafi nequrt,qutn fmt aptif. 
fimaad incuciendum iiietuni in quemlJbetcon(Unteni_, 
Virum,vt a\onQ.ntyilex.conf.ist,nHmcr'^l/ifr.s, CcpolL 
conf. i.nutu. ^.PariJ\coNf.6o.uitm i .lib. a^. A Iafcard.de ^ro- 
hat.lib.2.ccticiuf\Q5 \ .nuttL^^^). AJenoch.de pra;fumptdib. 3. 
pnefuMpLi^. nnm.'i.Boer.deaf.i 00. num. i ^ . Rot-poB fe— 
lund.voLconf.F r.rmacc.declj .260.num.iQ. ^\\. ita multo 
jnagis idaffirmandum venit inFraiicifca Pompilia puella 
tenerjE ietatisjomni prortusauxilio deftituta, extra pro- 
prios lares, & abfeiuibus Pai'entibus, vt tradunt A'lenoch. 
ciiitf.\.nufn.2^0.Ub. i .Crauelt.conf.i j ^num-i-llb. i .Ccpol. 
e9tif.22 1 . nifm.i\.^ "i. AIogolon.de mci.cap.2.\.6. vbi quod 
folus vilus arniorum, licet habens eis uon vtatur , neque 
ca euaginet, eft iufta caufa metus produftiua , & §, 7. nu- 
Wfr.ij.vbiConfanguineorum abJentiam pro metuindu- 
ccndo coofiderat,Z/',C(rw^/<'«; Raynald.tom.^.cap,25.^..^. 

num, 

LCCXLVI] 



fiunt,3'\"i vbi quod fufficitviclerefigna,^ atlus manifefta 
voluntatis, vel prsparamenta . 

At proptereaconcurrentibus tot releuantiffimis circumdan- 
tijsiperquas Pompiliamotafuit maritaie leftam defcrere 
fugamarripiendo, prorsCis exchiia remanet qujecumque—* 
fufpicio inhonertatisj&coniugalis violate fide! ; Qaotics 
enim habemiis diias Gaufas, quarum altera eft iicit2,& per» 
miiTa , altera verb iniqiia,& abofninabiiis,ea omnino veait 
ampicttenda, perquam delitlum penitus excludatur, vt 
per Text, in cap. inp^gnh de regal. lur. ^ in I, interpraict- 
tione 42.^. d:p<enh Monerxt ^ald. in I. i. num. 10. Cod^ dc 
fer.fugit. Qenfal. in I. vnica S. i. num. j6. 'ierf.quod ^ plu' 
res extiierlnt Cauf^ C. f^quis iniperatori S^Ialed. , Hon'* 
ded. conf. 105. num. 6'o. lib. i. Craastt. co?ifti. 8. num. 2. (^ 
conf. 1 1 9. n(4Tn. \ . ^^adreol. conir, 66- num. 24. 'S^fla/card. 
deprobai concl. 8 1 4. num. 8, vol. 2. Conciol. alkgat. 8 7. nu- 
mer. 24. Kofa yanucn. voCo 1 1. num. 5. .^O'^- poff. cenfaU 
in d. I. vn'iC. 

Abfque eo 5 quod talis licitaCaufaexcIiira remaneat tim ex 
Epillola per Francifcatn Pompiiiam Abbaii Paulo fcriptaj 
in qua grates eideni repeadendoj quod earn Matrimonio 
cotliijnxerit cum eius frarre, genitores infimLilabatur,quod 
cidem peirima Confilia in(inuarerit totam domum perden- 
di , & Vrbem cum Amafio repetendi , quodque per corum 
difcefrura tranquillam , quictamque vitam ducebat ; C^iam 
Ctiam ex focietate Domini Canonici iofcphi Gaponfacchi, 
cum quo fugam arripuit , propter quam fuit ipic in Ciuica- 
te Vctula per triennium Kelegatus . 

Nam quoad afTtrtarn Epiftolam quicquid fit , an fubfiftat , & 
veririmiiisexiftiinanda fitjquaiitas perearndem Pornpiiiam 
in fuisconftitutisadiccta ,qa5d fcilicet Maritusdefignaue- 
rit elementa , caqu<i fupcr indiifto caiamo fucrint atramen- 
to notata , ex quo ipla fcribere nelciebat; Certum efi,quod 
fieaattcnte legatur, impofilbile omnino eritafTerere ,ip- 
fam'xquo animo FuitTe conlcriptam j Quiseuim filiaiis amo- . > 

ris , & obferuantiiE erga pa rentes adco immetnor inueniri t/"^ ^^"'IC'***^ 
poteft , vt fibi mctipf! perluadeat teneram puellam tunc ^■»^^/<^ M*^ 
temporisdeciinumquartum xtatis annum nonexcedentcm 
Vt ex fide Baptifmi data in Swrnm. Fifci lecunds propofi-. 

A 3 tionis 

[CCXLVII] 



t'lonisCiuCsi^am. 2.i&. extra proprloi lares ex proximo 
difcefpLi Genicorum adhuc masreniem, ac in Domo viri pef- 
fjmdhabitam, vtpraefeferrp videntur continuas querimo- 
nia:,& recurfusnedurn ad Reiierendifs. Epifcopum , fed 
euamad Dom'umm Comniiflerjum f&£>!, potuiife contra 
Genitoresdcteflabilia crimins impingere , ac dc eis Mariti 
fratrem fibi infeHfiilimum certior^m facere > nifi, vt ipfamet 
ingenu^fafTafuit in fuisconftkuus , coafta fuifl'et aviro, 
cai propter nimiani ipfius feuitiatn fspiifime praccedenter 
espcrtana abfqud euidcntiffimo mortis pcricuio reiuftarcLj 
niinlai^potcrat>qusran^ inuerifimilituda Gcuti efi: apea— 9 
legentibiis horrorem incutere , ita paritcr optime oftcndit 
cpiftolam nonvoluntari^, (cd coade fcripcamfiiifle, vt 
zd\xcTtnntFarinae.i'onf.22.iiumer, -i^. ante msd. lib, i,^ 
conf. 60. num. ir. in pm^Cahal.rcfolut . crint, caf, 199. «tf» 
zwfA j6'. vbi qabd noneft admirtendum qubd nemo ianus 
probarct yermlgl. con/.^. nntB.6. d^ 7.5 Quinimo ifla ni— 
mia cautelaextorquendidicram Epiftoiam ab vxore, eui- 
dent-cm argait in ipfbdolum, eamdemque afieclate procu- 
rn-camfuifre^ytledaretanimam eiuiBem Abbatis Fratris, 
qui afTiduis lacefiitus quajrimonijs ob mala traftamenta er- 
ga vxorem >quotidi^de «j(tlem redarguere noa cefTabatd. 
Guidonem, vt infimllibus eerminis adaertit Ci7^«. ^Jj^/Cfiff- 
fiiet. 'Z'urgund.fcl. mihi 2. nam. i g. 
Quo verb adSocietatem D. Canon!C!Gspon(acchi,€a pariter 
nonvideturapcaad inhoneflatis maculam conftituendadij 
Ctimenim infoliciflima mulier cnetprorsilsomni munda- 
noauxiliodcftituta, fruflraque aui51oritatem Reuerendifi. 
Epifcopi 5 ac Domini ComrnifTarij ad fe ^ vits difcrimine 
liberaridamimplorauerit J propriseque a:tati, ac fexui noa 
conuenirct, vt Tola, vel iufocietatc alicuius vilis Mulier~ 
culiE fugam arriperet incaut^ fe grauoribus pcriculis expo- 
nendo , prout contingere potui(Iet, fi per viam fbla deprre- 
henfa fuiflet , itaiit de ea dici poflTet - 

Incidit m ScHlatn cupitni euisarr Charyhdsni , 
Mirurrspropterea efTe non debetjfi D. Canonicum prsd. m 
Cotnitem affampfit , qui adhunc efFeflum fibipropofitus 
fuit tarn a D.CanonicodeComitibus,qu3mi Domino Gre- 
gorio GuilHchino Marito Pompiliae affiniiate coniunctis , 

quos 

[CCXLVUIJ 



qaos mcredibile omninb efl tali fugs confcnnOe , fl noriw 
agnouifTcnt illaaiomi)inonecefrariamad euadendum mor- 
tis periculum , quod imminere infaeiiciflimaj mulieri erant 
of^timeconfcij, &(! de hone/late, & integritate cotnitis 
fummopere non fidjlTenti Ideoque vrgentetaii neceffitate 
prudens eicaio minoris niali, quamctimque pvztcnCx inho- 
neftatis'v'mbrameliminatj vt tradunt ^ald, in leg. filiam 
fiUin. i-f.de hit ^qulfisnt fid ^xsl aVieni lurh ., ^ in I. i. 
num^iS' C. de ij-^^qui ace. Kor.po//mt^ Aienoch, dcpr<sfumpt, 
Ub. e.pra^furnpL s^. num, 22. 0' gg. ds arbltr. lib. a. caf.8^ 



fii4m,2i. 



Attento prffifertim modoj quo fuga fuit execiidoni demanda- 
taj iter ad Vrbem arripiendo refto tramite, & cum maxima 
celeritate . quod bene oflendit 5 \>nicum motmum fuiiTe vi- 
tarn in tuto ponerc , non etiam earn libidlnofis obleftamcn- 
tis deturpare ; ^\ enim Iijec rulfretCaufa principalis, profe- 
ftb , ve! non retio tramite Romani appuiifTet, vbi a Cogru- 
to J & Parentibus , ftatim deprxhendi potuifTet, fed in lon- 
giuquiores Rcgiones fe contulinTet, vel non jcilm tanta ce- 
leritate 5 fed moram traxKTet extra publicam viam , «& ia— 
ioco, in quo, & per Maricum non potnifTet inucniri , 5( pro- 
priam libidinem ad fatietateoi exolerc valuifTet . 

Qiisevtiqud maxima Inuenfiinilitudo, optima oftendit vert- 
fatem Caufe per Mulierem in fais conflitutis adduc^Sjquod 
fcilicet ad Vibem celericer le contuierat , vt ibi penes pro- 
prios Parentes vitam , & honeftatejn in tuto collocarct , fi- 
cutt enim ex venfjmiiimaxioium oritur Indicium culpa:, 
kiparlter non minor ex Inuerininilitudine oriri debet in* 
nocentia; prffi/uroptiojV^tmoaent/^i^r/wtfr. conf. 22. num. 
l^.&defal/isqu<c/7. 15^, numer. 176. CabaLrefol.eriwin. 
Caf. 1 4^. numtr. g 5, l>erm'iglid. ccnf.s ^ > num^r. 5. (^ con- 
Jil 25^. numer, /o i . Conciol rsfoL crhn. a 7. nnmer. 2. 

fdqu^ bene ruadv?tiir ex iogenua proteflatione facia per Cs- 
noQicumipfimetMarito, inaftuapprshenfionis in hofpi- 
tic Cafiri Nouiiilumdehulufmodi fuga obiurganii ibi — 
Sono Galani^huomo-i e qudla chs U fatio l^hd fatio per /<?- 
uaretua SMoglie dalperkok di marU — vt deponit lacobiis 
quoodam Simonis TeHiis Fifcaiis Proc. fugs foL s^- exem- 
plo adducto to mea alkgstioac fuper fugajScipiouis fcilicet 

A 4 Affri- 

[ccxi.ix] 



AfFricanJjqui cum i Tais mintlbus fulfTet cRpts. pulcherri- 
ma iuuenis Vxor Alluclj Principis Celtibeforum,iilam ma- 
rito reflicuendo dixit ""fuU Spsnfa tua apud me ea^em^que 
apud Socroi fuoi^parentefqut fi/oi^vtxtQ\ix\i^\a (eruataeft ti- 
bi v/ inuiolaium , & dignum ms , tetfu^ darl iibi dofiunt pof*- 
fet "Vt tcd&tnt T/tas L'raiuj in fuis Hylor^t lib. 26, fol. 

Et licet valde difTictle fit venuftatn mulierem in Socictatc Cu- 
pidi iuuenis itineranteni honeftatis decorem leruare , id 
umennequaquameH: JmpoOibiJe, vt prcefeferre vidcntur, 
exempla relata ineadsmrsea allegations §. ^oudquiddkai^ 
quibiis addo illud Penelopis , de qua cecinic Ouldius Ub.^. 
elegiaruvt . 

Penelope man/st ( quarnuh Cu/tode Carertt ) 
ynter tarn mulios in t enter oia procox . 

Prserertira cum leer non fuerit vohintarium, prout neque So- 
cle tas O. Canoniciifed folum ad cuadendum aiorcis peri- 
calum ,vnde concurrente hiiitifmodi ncccilitatc, iuappli- 
cabiiisprorfus redditnr pr.xfumptio, ex Quid, de e.Vr/# 
amand'i dcdufta jquod , 

A luuene , £5* Cupidc credatur reddita Virgo . 

Prout nee etiam ad pctiram Senterttiam retardandam j & Jn- 
honeflatisnotam indutendam inFrancifca PompiJiajquid- 
quam obilarc vidcntur quamplures Ej^iftola* in latrina_j 
hofpitijCadri Noui rcpcrt^jqua: pr^tcnduntur per ean- 
dem confcripta! D Canonico propter rerueiuifTimmn 
Amorcm , quoiliuir! rfrofequebaturjiiibfifrunt quippeex- 
ceptiones , & refponfjones in pra^teritis InformationibuB 
addiiclx ; Prima (cilicet, quod nonfuerunt rccognitas , nee 
probata fuit identitas caratteris , S(. adfit incertitudos 
ciim non conflet jcuifucrintdircfta;, necfit inueriUmiie 
quod confingi potuerint a marito ,qu! captarar, & perqui- 
fitioni femper adflitit , & qui forfan fpcrabat ex eis facilius 
refultare pofTe impicluin Aduiterij crimen, & fuper quo 
futnmopere infiftebatjVtoptatam dotcm5& lucrum luper- 
lucrari potuifTet , itaut hsec Ibla pofTibiiitas in contrariuip 
fufficiarad elidendumjudiciumjquod prsetenditur exQif- 
(^crn dcihm'i P'cfa cor'3f/; Zudoui/l dccijion.i^z. r.umer. 2. 
coram tS^fanz<i?ied. dfc^^an. ^'jo, nmnct. 2. ^fequcn. & In 

recent, 

[cclJ 



recent, detijion. 64. numfr i^.p&rt. \ 7. recent. Et fecunda, 

quod lic^E pales exceptiones non lubfrfterent , adhuc q-< 

ejsinhone(latis,&vioiatie coniugalis fidci deduci nequit 

argumentumiQuamuiseairaex litteris Anuxtorij-srefulta- 

re vaieat Adulterij indicium, iiiud tamen ta cafu no.'lro 

prorfus eiiCura remanet, dum cognollitur eas tstendi/^ 

fead Jicitum finem 5 fciiicer ad ailiciendnmCanonicuin, 

vt fibiopem in fuga praltaret , ^St vitae difcrimeu euitare' ^ 

tunc enimjdcuti permiHus eft finis, ita quoquc permifsa.^, 

& licita exiftimari dcbent media i quamuis fulpicioflc non 

carentia, eaenimnon perfefola ,fcd propter finem confi- 

derantur, vt aduertit Gratian. difci'pi, formu cap. $So, 

natnex. S. Gohh. con/tl. 1 19. nmncr. 72. Qninimo nifi ex iit- 

teris amatorijs implicita fornicationis confeflio relultet, 

non valet ex ipfis Adulterij prtcfumpcio deduci , vt decla- 

rando Doflores contrariam rententiam tuentes monertt 

Sanchez. Je niatrhn. lib. /o //'/. de Drttorf. difc. i 2. qwefi. 

3. numer. 4%. , eoque rciato , S^/olUr. dcQontul. cap. 7 nu*, 

tner. 24. 

Vaiidllfima pr^fertlm attenta confideratione turn propria: 

continentiits turn integritatiseiufdem Cinonlci , dequo 

multum fidebat,*5f rperabac^fecummodefti^ in irinerelc 
habituruin , dum ex ciidem bplftoiis ^pparet 5 alijls illrus li- 

centiamobiurgairu ibi — E mimerouigiio'^cbe'oos^che Jie* 
ie ianto caBo.^bauete comporio ^ e copiotc ccfetantopoco hc^ 
»<f;7i?j& infra ibi — ttrx io non vorrc/ ,che zoi face fie coii In 
cgni cofa , come haucts fat to in quefJi llbri j che it pr'nno i 
hata honcHo , e quei-Vottaue tut to Jl contrario , che voi 4ct 
tant'^boneBo cbejiete , d'lucjitajie t^r^'^ardUo , ilche non cre- 
do •>— Huiufmodienim fincera obiurgacio , & tenor Eph 
(lolarunijin quibus nihil inhoneftatifiegitur, optima oftea* 
dunt, atque declarant animum Pompilis feriberuisj ac 
propcerea ficuti verba inteliigecida tint ioxtaifitentsoocxn 
proferentis , Ita a pari Cpiflol^E iuxts intentioaetn kriben* 
tis vcniunt interpratanda", vt per Texiuw in cap, Inteliigen- 
iia^i^ cap. '^Prtst^rea ds verbor Jivnific. cradiuit Qldrad. 
conf. 9- numa:^^ Surd. conf. 451, numer. jj. iMvUn^ de 
Rit, Nupt, lib. §. qu£B, 8 j. numer. 50. 

Via- 



VindicataigitUfhoneflate, &pudlc»t5a Pompilis afuga, & 
EpiftoIis,leuioris ponderis funt alia pr^cenfkinhonefla- 
tis indicia ,quatenusdeducan£ur ex accefTu D. Canonici 
adeiusDomum adefleftumeamalloquendi , ex modoin- 
fidiofb,quofiigafaic pr^parata , &exequutioni deman- 
dataj mcdiante Ibmnifero viro & doineRicis propinatoj 
niutuadcolculatione in itinere>&ex Gondormltione in ho- 
fpitio Gaftri noui , vltri enira Generalem refponfioneraj 
qubdde his omnibus nulla conciudens affcrtur probatio, 
proiitopusefTetadconftituendam Pompiliam dc Adulte- 
rio Ream , peculiaris vniculqud occurrit refponfio . 
Siquidem ingrcifus , & egrcflus de tempore noflurno in do- 
mum Francilcs non reliiltat, nifi ex depolltione vnius tan- 
tumTcftis, fcilicet Maria: Margharitje de contentis, qui, 
cum duas releuantiflimas exccptiones patiatur, nemp^ vni- 
citatiS) &mcretrlcij,eiusdiftam nuUam infamia' notam ir* 
rogare vaiet , vt refpec^u nieretrlciae qualitatis tradunt 
iMarfil conf.\Q2, num,^.^ yermigUol. conf^oS^ num.prlmo^ 
Crot. de TeBib. part,^. numer.A^. Majtard. deprobat. con-^ 
cluf.i ^62.num.20,iSc ixipednvn'ickcLUS'iFariffacJe Tejlth. 
queB.6^. num. aS . , &Zl'^ VertnigL coft/ii, 1 46. numer.s.% 
D- Canonicus Ra'vnaldm in ftmax. rcr, Criminal, iom.primo 
cap.primo §. 10. fiumer. I iS.^ & ctijn talis acceffus tenderet 
advnicum finem conuenicndi fliper fuga, ik fubtrahcndi 
infxricemMulicrem^ nimfs proximo mortis periculo, noa 
eft: ad malum finem prsr.jmendus ; Qnotids enimconflat 
dc caufa exprcflfa , adquam patefl: referri, eaqueefi. om- 
nin6licita, illicitaj , &criminofenon venit tribuendum , 
vt Q^Textuinhmeritoff profcclo tradit in cerminis Crauef. 
conf.2os.n,7,'i& S. 

Modus verb infidiofusjquo deuenitad fugam difta Francifca 
Pompiiia , fomniferum praeparando 5 nedCim Viro , Czd. 
omnibus DomefUcJs, vitr^ quod non probatur , quate« 
niis probaretur, potiu; fagacitatis 5 quam inhoneilatis prs- 
beret argumentum, cum nirais fatua fuifTet Vxor , fi fugatn 
ablque huiufmodi caiitcU tentaflet . 

Eoiiemquc defe^u probationis laborat afferta mutua dco- 
fculatio in itinere habita, cilm parum tuta fit iila , qus ce- 
fuUareprstenditurex vnius viiiffiaii Teilis depofitione_Ji 

Maximd 



Maximc diim eiusdiftum nimisanimofum detegitur; de- 
ponicquippc vidiffe, dam Chifium ducebat veiociter no- 
£riirno tempore. Franc ifcam Pompiliam , & Canonicum 

Ic mutuodeofculantes nonreddita ratione, quod Luna i 

luceret , velquod adeffet aliquod artificiale lumen rene- 
brasdepeliens , qua: fane circumftantia , qnemadmodum 
efl omiiino neceffaria in Telle de faclo nofturno depcnen- 
tc, ita illius omiilio omnem fidem illiadrmit, vt monent 
BurfuU. conJiL 34. numer.6. , VermigUol. con/ii. 74, numer. 
prhno , Giurb. conjil. Crini'inai^f, numer. 41., Farinacc, 
qu(crlicti, 66, nuwer.i2>, ^oUdcr. K^pa in tra&at> de noSIur. 
tempor. cap. $7. numer. -j. , ^T>. Canonicum ''T^lnald. tom.pri' 
tnoCiip.iT.^.S.ad \S' vumcr.%. Addita vlterius maxima 
jniieririmiiitudine, quod diim Chifium ducebat eaveloci« 
tate, vt putius volatum, quam curium imitaretur , po- 
tuerit retro (e voluendo mutuam deofcuiationem intueri; 
Magifqueaugecur taliii inuerinmiiitudo ex eiu(dem Teflis 
did^o, dum deponit dnxiise l-'rancilcam Fompiliam , abf- 
queeo, quod cogiiofceret earn else taiem , ninpoflquam 
rcgrediens Aretium , obuiam habuit Guidonem Franci- 
fchinum illius Mantum eandera iniequenvem , ac propte- 
re^fi earn vidifset dcofcuiari, profeflb iliicb recognouif^ 
fet, cum antea pluriesillam viderit, eaque fibj fueritbe- 
becognita; Idcoque afserendum omninb venit 5 quod vel 
tsedio Carceris lecretiaffeOusad ita deponendum coaflus 
fuerit 5 vel quod, vt verifimilius eft, cum ex velocidl- 
moGhifij curfucontlngere potueritcollifio (edentium in,^ 
eo , crediderit cafualem approximationem vtriufque_^ 
Capitis, & Faciei , tetendifse ad malum finem balia cap- 
tandi , vnde merit6 prxfumptio ex eius depofitione reful- 
tans , fuit in Procefsu fugae contempts, qua: alias fi aliquam 

uerifimiiitudinem inuolueret , in confideratione habita » 

fuilset . 
Tandem long^debilior eflprajfumptio inhoneflatisdefumpta 
cxaiserta condormitionein eodem Hofpitio Caflri Noui , 
cCim tarn per Pompiliam , quam per Canonicum iucrit in__» 
corum conRitutis conflantiflimc negata , Iblumque deea 
deponit eiufdem Hofpitij Cubicuiarius Teftis vnicus t 
non quidem de certa (cientia, led pricfumptine , ex quo 

ilium 

[ccLin] 



ilium requinuerint de Cubkulo cam vnico leftulo, dc 
quia DominusCanonicusingenu^ fetetur caufam , prop- 
ter quam vnicumleftum parare fecit, vt fcilicet Frtnci- 
fca Pompilia , ob eius malam valetudincm , & prxcipitofi 
itineris incommoditate, parum quiefceret , ipfo aJ ipfius 
cuftodiam vigilante , taJs a<^us non debet trahi ad caufam 
ilJicitam, vt in term'miz monct Craueff, cJ/a^. conJiLsos. 
nurKcr.j)- , &feqq-y vb numer.x^.^ alt, quod ad huma- 
iiiorem partem lemper eft habenda intcrpretatio, quam- 
uis rigorofa videatur, 6c ft, vt profequitur idem Audor 
nttmcr. -20., (^21. Non (iifficeret ad plenam probationem 
Adulterij , quod quis repextus fit fb! us cum Cola , & nudus 
chm nuda , & quod luuenis inueniatur in Cubiculociau- 
fb cum Miiliere difpeftoratus, & Caligisfoiutis, quantb 
minus talis prafiimptio infurgere valet ex breuilfima mora 
in eodem Gubiculo cuftodia: caufa . 
Parum refragante , quod F>anci(ca Pompilia in eius examine 
occuhauerit huiufmodi raoram, afserendoad Hofpitiura 
peruenifse in Aurora , quoniam , chm ipfa eftet optimd 
confciade eius V^iri creduUtate , idforfan afseruit ad pror- 
sus auertendam violat.-B fidei rufpicioncm , qua: certd oriri 
potuifsct , fi longiorcramoram in Hofpitio traxifse falsa 
fuifset ; Vndt l\ talem moram non negafset , cum circum- 
flantijs tamcn feruatam pudicitiam luadentibus , nullum 
prrciudicium eidem attulifsetconfefllo, it^ pariter nee mcn- 
dacium prsiudicare valet, vttndant A/ar/iL conJ/Li y. nu- 
mer.is- 3 Bertazzol. conjtl.s^. numrr.y. llb,pri»io , Permigi 
eonf.0. numer. 20. , (^ conf.271. nurn.y. , Farinac.conf.\^2s 
n.i I .ad mcd.'verJJum ctiam^^ i^conf.222. n. 1 ^.■y^ quaJl.S^, 

Ca:terijm quamcumquc prjEtcnli inhoneftatis fufplcioncm-. 
prorsuseliminat alsertio infclicifrimic Mulieris in Articulo 
mortis emifsa , poflquam plura lasthalia vulnera per Virum 
jnflifta fucrc, quod nunquam coniugaii fidci dcfeccrat , 
vt optime conllat ex quamplurimis depofitionibus Reiigio- 
forum Virorum, qui eidem in articulo mortis miniftra— 
bant, afserentium ipfam fempcr ^ Diuina C{ementia_j 
exoptantcm audiuiise , n^ pro tali peccato venia conccdc- 
retur , qua vtique afsertio in articulo mortis emifsa , om- 

ncin 

[cciivj 



nem fidem mcretur, cum nemo Id eo rtatu con/tltutus, 
prxfumatur adeb immemorSalutis sterns, vtmeruirive- 
Jic , ^vt triidunt ^A[aitacon/iL 5^7. numer. 1 8. lib. j. C alder, 
conf.i 5. tit. ik vfnr. , ^Menocb. dcpra/umpdon. lib. s.pra-- 
fampt. 3. numer. I. , farinacc.quairl. 196. numer. ^y . , Dc- 
cian. tra&. Crim. lib.s. tit.de defenf.Keor.cap. 37 .n.2j .Qard. 
de LncJe Regal.difc.\i(^.numcr 2^.^^de legat. difctirf.2-j. 
num. 1 o. 

Dcmum nullum fundamentum ad rcdarguendam prie'atap 
Francifcs Pompilia: memoriam de inhoncfla vita conflitui 
poteH: fupcr afserco decreto huius IlluflrinimcjfCongrega- 
tiouis, perquam condemnatus fuit Dominus Canouicus; 
Caponfaccfiius in Triennalem Relegationem in Ciuitace„j 
Vetula, cum expreflione deuiationis , ac cognitionis carua- 
lisciufdem Francifca: Pompiiia;, vltr^quamqaod enim ,vc 
admlttit IpfemetFifcuSjme inflante fuit demandaca, licet 
noncxccnfa illiusmoderatiopcrDominosJudicesinuflrlf 
fimo Domino meo approbante , & ob id in mandato de ex- 
carcerandojTubticendodida verbajfueruntappofica alia : 
Pro Caufa-i de qua in ad^is . 

Remouetur quacumque difficultasexfbla ponderatione__> , 
quod tale decretum emanauitj nondilra dflignatis defenno- 
nibuseidem Francilcse Pompilia:,eaque poenitiis inaudita , 
quacde illo nullam minimam notitiamhabuit, cumeidem 
non ftierit notificatum ; Quinimd in decreto aflignationis 
domus loco Carceris fuit tantum cxprefsa caula relatiua 
adada, Vndeeidemobefse non poterat, tanquamema- 
natum contri Tertium ipfa non citata ad Texturn in leg. de 
■onoquoquc^^in leg.faepe ff.ds re iudlc. firmauit '^ta coram 
Dunozett.y un.deci/.j^y numer.^. .^0- in recent, decif. 592. 
numer. 5. part. 1%. recentior. Etin terminis quod fcntentia 
lata contra Adulterucn non noceat Adulters non citata?, 
eft Text, in leg denuncia/To.^. ultimo ff. ad leg. Jul. de oAduh 
ter.verf.f condcnnatm^ ibi : Si condeynnatuifuerit , cMu- 
lierpereum non cffcondemnata , fed aget caufamfuam &c. 
S/Ltr2.d\tCaroc. de exception, except, ^j. numer. priino^ (^ 
feq. 

PotifTimum cum modo non agatur de abfbluendo Marito ab 
vxoricidio, acinducendo iuftam caufam a credulitatc_j 

inho- 

[CCLVJ 



inhoncftatlsVxonsexdiaodecreto refultante k pcena_» 
h<^. C«7ri7<?//<r, ilium cxcufantem ,quocaruimmutatlo prs— 
di6ti Dccrcti pocerat forfan inferuirc de vento , fed cie__» 
damnanda mcmoria Mulieris dcfanCcx, & de irrogando 
eidem , ac f amiliae infamum, quocafu, ficiiti non poterat 
contumacialc det;rtttim eidem obclse in Vita 5 ita pa- 
riter 5 nullum prseiudiciam affcrrc valec poft mor- 
tem . 
Quare &c. 

Antonius Lamparellus Procurator 
Charitatis , 



[CfLVI 



Illuprifs. ^ Reuerendifs. D* 

GVBEEINATORE 

IN CRIMINALIBVS 
SITE 

Excellentifs. Dornino 

VENT VRINO 

Romana. 

FRO 

D. Hsrede Beneficiatoq. FrancifcJC 

Ponipilia onm vxoris q. Guido- 

nis Francifchini. 

C O N r % ey^ 

Fifcum > & litis Cort(brtes. 



Fadi D. Procuratoris Charitatis . 



Romsc , Ty pis Rcu. Cam. Apoil.i6p8. 



1 < cLvin I 



NSTRVMENTVM 

SENTENTIJE DEFINITIVE 

itx pro reintegratione famae , 6c exiftimatlonis 
quondam Francifc9e Pompili^ , dim Vxoris 
quondam Guidonis FrsLnccfchini de Arctic ; 
necnon abfolutoriae ad fauorem D Dominici 
Tighetti vti h?ercdis beneiiciati eiiifdem Fran- 
cifc^ Pompilix ab omnibus inquietationibus, 
moleilationibus , vexationibus , 6c perturba- 
tionibus illatis , 6C inferri comminatis a Vene- 
rabili Monailerio S. Marise Magdalenx^ Con- 
uertitaram. ad Gurfum ; vna cum. Citationibus 
legitime cxecutis pro feruarione quatuor Ter- 
minorum ad docendum de appellatione^ illiuf- 
que iegitimaprofequutionc , vt eadem fenten- 
tia tranfirct, prout tranfijt , in iudicatum ob 
nou interpolitam appellationein , 

IN DEi NOMINE. AMEN. 

^J^^^i Nno Doniinimlllefimo fexcentefimo , nonagcfimo 
^4T^^^ oaauo, indiaionc Stxta , Die ver5 nona cnenfis 
^^ Sc-ptembrisPontificatusautemSanaiiTJmi m Chri- 

" 'S ^° ^'^^^'^ ' '^- ^^' ^- ^^- ^'J'io^entij D.mina Proui- 
^^ (icntia Papa Duodecimr anno eius oflauo. Hare 
efl copi.'i,riiietranru3nptuin inrrafcriptarum Cita- 
ionum, & Scnteiitia: per afta mei i&Ctiram^Si lats refpeaiucite- 
)oris lequentis , vicielicec . 

llliiftriiTimo, & ReuerendiiTimoO. Gubernatore 
i.i Criniirsanbus. 
;ntur infrafcripci exaduerfo prmcipales, & aiiis omni &c. ad 
ompare.ndum ia Godgregatione Criminaii Die crafHna , cure 
ric 19, currentis hora ifolita Gongregationis, necnon vidend'uoi 
sirerari o.nines , & finguios tertninos fubflantiaies male forfan , 
ulliter, &indcbitd centos, habitos, atqucjlcrua os in vim 
uarumcumqiie facultatiim , abfolai Inftantema cenfurisjqua- 
enus &c, concludenduni , concludiquc videndumin caufa , & 
ccLixj au- 



todlendam fcatcntiana diffinUiuam in fonna ad p. d. inftantc 
D.Dominico Tighctto HarredeBeneficiato quondam Francifca: 
Pompili« vxoris quondam Guidonis Francifihini principal! , 
fiue&c. Charitas Notarius. 

IlluftrifllmusO. FrancifcusdeCambis Fifcij&R.C. A. Procurator 

Generalis . 
D' loannes Maria Serbuccius Procurator , &. Dominus litis effcftus 

q.Guidonis Franci fchini . 
D.FrancifcusdeParaccianis ProcuratorVenerabilis MonafterijS. 
Mari£ Magdalcnae Conuertitarum ad Curfum pro omni &c. 
ExaducrfbD. Procurat.Fifcalis Gen.& dixie non pofTealiqua dari 
featcntiam nifiad fauorem Fifci, &quatenus,&c. inftatfibi 
dari Dubium ad efFeflum&c. , & interim nondeucniii ad ali- 
quam expcditionem cau(ar,nifi relata caufain plena Congrega- 
tione 5& de voto Dominorum deilla , ac conftitutoaduerfario 
in carceribus , citatifque onuiibus inierefle habeatibus alias &c. 
hac die i8. Augufli i6yS. 

Francifcus de Gambis Fifcalis Generalis . 
Feci pcrfbnaliter contra Fifcum ditia die , & domi dimida copia.^ 
contraalios iS.Augufli idpS. BalatrcHus. 

Aloyfius Pichius Subflitutus Fifcalis Generalis. 
Die declma nona Augufli i^pS. Relatione favrta cor^paruitD. 
Antonius LamparellusProcurator, Sc penjt ," vt fupra : ex tunc 
pcrllluftr. & Exceiiencifs. D. Marcus Antonius Venturinus 
I. V. U. Illurtrifs. &c Reuerendifs. D. Alms Vrbis Gubern«- 
toris in Criminalibus Locumtensnsfcdens. &c. feateaciauit . 
prout in cedula J qaam pra: nunibus accepit, vidit, legit, Si 
fubfcrjpfit J Sl ad publicantium mif)i Notario tradidit > (k con- 
fignauit tenoris &c.& ita Slc. piccfentibus OD. Antonio Bernar- 
dino Piceno , & Antonio Topirino dc Gaprarola Tcftibus ^z, 
pro D.Dominico Tiglietto, nomine &c. contra Fiicum,^ litis 

confortes . 
CHRISTI nomine Inuocato pro Tribunal! fedentesj^ folu Deum 
pracoculis habentes per banc nortram definitiuam fencentiam , 
quam de luris peritorum confilio ferimus in his (criptis in canfa. 
Sl cau(is,quac coram nobis in primaj/eu alia veriori verfe fuerut,! 
& vertuturiniUntia inter D.Dominic umTighettum vti ha-redei 
beneDciatam quondam Francilcaj Pompilis vxoris quondam j 
GuidQHi!>Franccrc]iini de Aretio exvnai& Fifcum^ac D. loan-j 
nem Mariam Serbuccium vt^ Procuratorem, & Doniinuni-. 
litis cfte^ urn quondam eiufdem Guidonis Francefchini, ntc- 
nonVert* Monafterium Sancts Mariie Magdalcna: Conuertita^ 
rum ad Curfum proomni (iioiure , & intcreffe partibus ex alte- 
ra, dc^& Tuper prxtenib Adulteciocomminb perdiflam (\wM 
damFrancifcamPompiliam cuiii D. Canonico lolepho Mariaj 
CapcnfacabiOjrcbufqialijsin aaiscau(^,& caularum huiufmodl 
r 1 latius 

[CCLX] 



latiilsdeduiflis &c. vigore dccreti remiffionfs caufa: fafli ab Illu- 
/Irifs. , & Reuerendils. D. AnditoreSS. perafta Pafchafij, dc 
quo in aftis &c. relata caufa in Congrcgationc , & de voto eiuP* 
dem dicimus , pronnncismus, dedaramus, ac diffinitiudfcnten- 
tiamusexnouitcrdeduftis NON GONSTARE DE DICTO 
PR/ETENSO ADVLTERIO,* propterci memoriameiuf- 
dem Fraricifcae Pompilia: OMNINO' rcflitucndam fore, & effe 
priftinarfamaj 5 & exiftimationi , eumdcmque D.Tighcttum , 
nomine , quo fiipra , ex haQcnus deduftis abfoluendum , & li- 
bcrandumforc) & efteab omnibus j& fingulisinquictationibus, 
&molcflationibus , vcxationibus , & perturbationibus harum 
occafione illatis , auc infeiri comminatis, prout harum ferie 
reftituimus,& refpeftiue abfoluimus, & liberamus, vt fupri, & 
pro reflituta, & rcfpeftiud abfoluto , & liberatohaberi volu- 
mus, & mandamus, & proceflum, feu proceffus quofcumq; defii- 
per fabricatum , fed fabricatos clfe abolendum ,feu abolendo$, 
prout abolemus , & caflTamus , perpetuum filentium eideoi 
Fifco ,& litis confordbus imponetido; & it^ Dicimus, pro- 
nunciamusjdeclaramus, acdilfinitiu^ {ententiamus,non fblum 
&.C. fed & omni &c. 

^pronunciauiego Marcus Antortius Venturinus Locumtenens. 
ata hac die ip.Augufli 1698. prajfentibus DD. Antonio Bernar- 
dino Piceno,& Antonio Toparino dc CaprarolaTeHibus &c. 
lllujlrijjimo fAbn Guhernaiore in Crlmlnal'tbin tjiue 
Excellentijftmo ^. yent urine . 
itentur infrafcrlpti ad docendum de AppeIlatione,eiufquc Icgiti- 
ma pro(equurione primo pro prima ad p. d. Inftante D.Domini- 
co Tighctto hxredc beneficiato quondam Fraoriffra- Pompili<e, 
olim vxorisqu.Guidonis Francifchini principal!, ilue &c. 

Charitas. 
I. loannes,MariaSerbucciusvti Procurator, »Sc Dominus litis ef- 
fe^us diiftiqu. Guidonis France^lhini exaduerfo principalis. 
I.Francifcus Paraccian us exaduerfo Procurator V^enerabilis Mo« 
nafterij,& Munialium Sanfta: Maria: Magdalenx Conuertiia* 
rum ad Curliim pro otnni &c. 

Fecidomid.c.ji.Augufti >6^8. Molinelius. 
:'ie prima Septcmbris 1 698. Relatione ia£la comparuir. R.D. Ale- 
xander Caffar Procurator Subflitutus Charitatis pctijt , & obti- 
nuit , vt fiipra . 

llluHrlJJimo yrbh Gubernatorc in Critninal'ibui , Jiue 
ExceUentiJjimo ^D. V^nturino . 
itentiir Infiafcripti ad docendum de appellatione, eiufque legiti- 
ma profequutionc , 2. pro 2. ?.d p. d. inftantc D. DomtnicoTJ- 
ghectoH^rede Bcneficiato quondam Francifcas Pompilia.' olim 
vxoris quondam Guldojiis Francefchini principali fiuc &c. 

II Charitas. 



D. loanncs Maria Serbuccius vtj Procurator, & Dominus litis efife- 

etas di£li qiiond.Guidonis Francefchini exaduerfo principalis. 
D.Francifcus Paraccianus exaduerfo Procurat.Ven.MonaRerij,& 
Monialiura S.Maria? Magdalenae Conuertitarum ad Curfum,pro 
omni &c. Feci prima Septembrls 169$. MoJinelius. 

lllu^rlJUimo J/rbh Quhernatore in CriminaUbus ^ftue 
Excellsntifjimo ^."Otnturino . 
Die tertia Septembrls relatione faOa comparuitR. D. Alexander 
CaiTar Procurat.Sabftitut. Charitatis petijt , & obtiniiit , vt fup. 
Citentur Infrafcripti ad docendum de Appellatione , ciufque legi- 
tima prorequutione ^.prog.ad p.d.inftante D. Dominico Tighct- 
toHsredcBencficiato quondam Franc ifca; Pompiliarj dim vxo- 
risquondaoi Guidonis Francefchini principal! 5 fiue &c. 

Charitas. 
D. loannes Maria Serbuccius vtl Procurator, ac Dominus litis 
effeflus dicti quondam Guidonis Francelchini exaduerfo 
principalis . 
D. Francifcus Paraccianus exaduerfo Procurator Venerab. Mona- 
(ler!i,& Monialium San£l.x Maria: Magdaiena: Conuertitarum ad 
Curfum pro omni Sec. 

Feci tertia Septembris 1698. Molinellus. 
Die quarca Septembris 1698. Relatione fa61;a comparuit R. D. 
Alexander CalTar Procurator fubditutus Charitatis petijt , & 
obtinuit, vt fupra. 

Citbernalorein Crim'inal'ibus , fine Ecellent'tjpmo ^.J/enturlno, 
Citentur infrafcripti ad docenduni de Appellationejciufquc legiti* 
maprofequutione4. pro4., & vltimadilatione »& decretum &c. 
ad p.d.fnllante D.DominicoTighttto h^rcde beneficiato quon- 
dam Francifca: Ponipilia: olini vxoris quondam Guidonis Fran- 
cefchini principali , fine &c. Charitas. 
D. loanncs Maria Serbuccius vti Procurator, & D. litis effedusq.j 
Guidonis Francefchini exaduerfo principalis. } 
D.Francifcus Paraccianus vt) Procurator Vcnerabilis Monafterij,j 
& Monialium S. Mariae Magdalcna: Conuertitarum ad Curium 
pro omni &c. Feci 4. Septembris 1698. BaiaireHus . 
Die 5. Septembris 169S. Relatione (acta comparuit R.D. Alcxan 
der CafTar Procurator Subititutus Charitatis petijt, ^obtinuitj 
vt fupra. 

Quamquidem Copiam egoDominicus Barloccius Curia: Caufa- 
rum Criminaiium Tribunalis llluflrifs. , & Rcucrendifs. D. 
AlmsVrbis Gubernatoris pro Charitate Notarius, licet p« 
aliuir. mihi fi Jiim ex fuis propijs originalibus extracla , cum qui- 
bus faaa collatione concordare inueni falua fempcr &c.in fidcm 
pnEmifibrumfubfcripfi , h publicaui requifitus. 

Loco^ fi-ni rrxdiai Notanj . 



The life in me abolished the death of things, 
Deep calling unto deep: as then and there 
Acted itself over again once more 

The tragic piece. 

* * * 

our human speech is naught, 

Our human testimony false, 

* * * 

it is the glory and the good of Art, 

That Art remains the one way possible 

* * * 

Of speaking truth. 

But Art, — wherein man nowise speaks to men. 

Only to mankind, — Art may tell a truth 

Obliquely, do the thing shall breed the thought, 

* * * 

So may you paint your picture, twice show truth, 

Beyond mere imagery on the wall, 

* * * 

So write a book shall mean beyond the facts, 
Suf5ce the eye and save the soul beside. 



TRANSLATION 



[i] 



A Setting-forth' 

of the entire Criminal Cause 

against 

GUIDO FRANCESCHINI, Nobleman of Arezzo, 

and his Bravoes, 

who were put to death in Rome, 

February 22, 1698, 

The first by beheading, the other four by the gallows. 

ROMAN MURDER-CASE 

In which it is disputed whether and when a Husband may 

kill his Adulterous Wife without incurring 

the ordinary penalty. 



TRANSLATOR'S NOTE 



The foregoing reproduction of the Old Yellow Book will suffice for those 
readers of Browning who are conversant with Italian and Latin. It has seemed 
well, however, to provide a translation for the rest of his public. The work 
of translation has been conditioned and guided by the nature of the original 
volume. Much of it consists of legal argumentation. Its technicality, its un- 
usual type of professional logic, its shrewd sophistries can not be made pleasant 
reading. Its very terminology is without counterpart in literary English, and 
at times even in the phrase of the English and American lawcourts. These 
terms have usually been anglicized (Browning's own practice in such cases) 
rather than translated. The scope of the present volume does not admit of 
their explanation for the lay reader. The sophistries of the lawyers are couched 
in an intricate and elaborate style, and their periods of argumentation have 
necessarily been broken up before they could be reduced to intelligible English 
idiom. Professional mannerisms in the introduction of new points of law and 
of argument, or in the citation of authorities, have been rendered freely. The 
citations themselves are untranslatable and are therefore omitted. Frequent 
typographical errors have been corrected in translation only, which will suffi- 
ciently indicate the editor's emendations. The punctuation of the original is so 
bad that it has frequently been ignored. The problem of translation has been 
rendered the more difficult by the barbarity of the syntax, idiom and diction 
of the original. Certain Italian colloquialisms are shrouded in obscurity. The 
love letters, owing to their fragmentariness and studied innuendo, are at times 
unintelligible. Under these limitations, arising from the nature of the Book, 
the translator has endeavored to give a faithful but not a servile translation. 

C. W. H. 



Bracketed, heavy-faced Roman numerals [xiii] indicate the page number- 
ings of the original book in the photo-reproduction. The bracketed word 
[Citations] is used to indicate the omitted citations referred to above. Brackets 
elsewhere indicate additions made to the original text for the sake of clearness. 

The superior figures interspersed through the text refer to the appropriate 
notes in the corpus of detailed annotation. 



[iii] INDEX'= 

Sentence of the Criminal Court of Florence in the criminal case against 

Gregorio Guillichini, Francesca Pompilia Comparini, wife of Guido 

Franceschini, etc. December, 1697. [v] 
Argument in defense of the said Franceschini, of the Honorable Signor 

Giacinto Arcangeli, Procurator of the Poor in Rome, made before 

the Congregation of Monsignor the Governor, [ix] 
Argument of the Honorable Signor Advocate Desiderio Spreti, Advocate of the 

Poor, in defense of said Franceschini and his associates, [xxv] 
Argument of the above said Signor Arcangeli in defense of Biagio Agostinelli 

and his companions in crime, [xli] 
Summary of fact made in behalf of the Fisc. [xlix] 
Argument of Signor Francesco Gambi, Procurator of the Fisc and of the 

Reverend Apostolic Chamber, against the abovesaid Franceschini and 

his companions in crime. [Ixi] 
Argument of Signor Giovanni Battista Bottini, Advocate of the Fisc and of 

the Reverend Apostolic Chamber, against the abovesaid. [Ixix] 
Summary of fact in behalf of Franceschini and his associates in crime. [Ixxxi] 
Another argument of the abovesaid Signor Arcangeli in favor and defense of 

the abovesaid. [ci] 
Another argument of Signor Advocate Spreti in favor of the above, [cxxv] 
An account of the facts and grounds, made and given by an Anonymous 

Author, [cxli] 
[}^i Another summary made on behalf of the Fisc. [civ] 
Argument of Signor Gambi, Procurator of the Fisc, against the abovesaid 

Franceschini and his companions, [clix] 
Another argument of the Signor Giovanni Battista Bottini, Advocate of the 

Fisc. [clxiii] 
Another argument of the abovesaid against the said defendants, [cxcv] 
A response to the abovesaid account of fact as given by the Anonymous 

Author, [ccvii] 
The sentence of Signor Maria Antonio Venturini, Judge in criminal causes, 

which declares that the said adultery was not proved, and which 

restores to her original fame the memory of Francesca Pompilia 

Comparini, wife of Guido Franceschini. [cclix] 
Argument of Signor Antonio Lamparelli, Procurator of the Poor in the said 

case, [ccxliii] 
Letter written by the Honorable Signor Giacinto Arcangeli, Procurator of the 

Poor, to Monsignore Francesco Cencini in Florence, in which he tells 

him that the sentence of death had been executed in Rome against the 

Guilty on February 22, 1698 — that is, that Franceschini had been 

beheaded, and the other four hanged, [ccxxxv] 
Two other letters, one written by Signor Gaspero del Torto and the other by 

Signor Carlo Antonio Ugolinucci to the aforesaid Monsignore Fran- 
cesco Cencini. [ccxxxvii-ix] 
Argument of Signor Advocate Spreti in favor of Franceschini, etc. [ccxxvii] 



[v] February 15, 1697 A. D. 

Attestation by me undersigned how, in the order of the affairs of the 
Governors, which are set before His Serene Highness, in the Chancery 
of the Illustrious Signori Auditori of the Criminal Court of Florence, 
there appears among other affairs of business, under decision 3549, the 
following of tenor as written below, that is 

Arezzo against 

1. Gregorio, son of Francesco Guillichini,"'^ not described. 

2. Francesca Pompilia Comparini, wife of Guido Frances- 

chini,-"* and 

3. Francesco, son of Giovanni Borsi called Venerino,^°° 

servant of Agosto, Host at the " Canale." 
because the second Accused, against her honor and conjugal faith, 
had given herself up to dishonest amours with the Canon Giuseppe 
Caponsacchi and with the first Accused, who instructed her, as you may 
well believe, to part from the aforesaid City of Arezzo, the evening 
of April 28,^'* 1697. And, that they might not be discovered and 
hindered, the second Accused put a sleeping-potion and opium "" in her 
husband's wine at dinner. At about one o'clock "' the same night, the 
said Canon Caponsacchi and the first Accused conducted the aforesaid 
second Accused away from the home of her husband. As the gates of 
the city were closed ''" they climbed "" the wall on the hill of the 
Torrione; and having reached the " Horse " Inn "' outside of the gate 
San Clemente, they were there awaited by the third Accused with a two- 
horse carriage."- When Canon Caponsacchi and the second Accused 
had entered into the said carriage, the word was given by him, the 
aforesaid first Accused, and they set out then upon [vi] the way toward 
Perugia,'"^ the said third Accused driving the carriage as far as 
Camoscia. And while they were traveling along the road they kissed ^°° 
one another before the very face of the third Accused. 

Still further, the second Accused, along with the first Accused and 
Canon Caponsacchi, carried away furtively -"' from the house of the 
said Guido, her husband, from a chest °'"' locked with a key, which she 
took from her husband's trousers [the following articles] : About 200 
scudi in gold and silver coin; an oriental pearl necklace worth about 
200 scudi; a pair of diamond pendants worth 84 scudi; a solitaire 
diamond ring worth 40 scudi; two pearls with their pins, to be used 
as pendants, 6 scudi; a gold ring with turquoise setting worth 2 scudi; 
a gold ring set with ruby worth 36 scudi; an amber necklace worth 5 



8 

scudi ; a necklace of garnets alternated with little beads of fine brass 
worth 6 scudi ; a pair of earrings in the shape of a little ship of gold with 
a pearl worth i6 scudi; two necklaces of various common stones worth 

4 scudi ; a coronet of carnelians with five settings and with a cameo in 
silver filigree worth I2 scudi; a damask suit with its mantle, and a 
petticoat of a poppy color, embroidered with various flowers, worth 40 
scudi; a light-blue petticoat, flowered with white, worth 8 scudi; two 
vests to place under the mantle worth 2 scudi ; a pair of sleeves of point 
lace worth 20 scudi ; another pair of sleeves fringed with lace worth 5 
scudi; a collar worth 4 scudi; a scarf of black taffeta for the shoulder 
with a bow of ribbon worth 8 scudi; an embroidered silk cuff worth 14 
scudi; two [vii] aprons of key-bit pattern with their lace worth 12 
scudi; a pair of scarlet silk boots worth 14 scudi; a pair of woolen 
stockings, a pair of white linen hose, and a pair of light-blue hose, worth 

5 scudi ; a snuff-colored, worsted bodice with petticoat, ornamented with 
white and red pawns, worth 3 scudi ; a blue and white coat of yarn and 
linen, adorned with scarlet and other colored ornaments, worth 10 
scudi ; a worsted petticoat of light-blue and orange color, striped length- 
wise, with yellow lines and with various colors at the feet, worth 14 
scudi; an embroidered petticoat worth 9 scudi; a silk cuff worth 5 
scudi ; four linen smocks for women worth 14 scudi ; a pair of shoes with 
silver buckles worth 8 scudi; many tassels and tapes of various sorts 
worth 14 scudi; six fine napkins worth 7 scudi; a collar of crumpled 
silk worth 7 scudi ; two pairs of gloves of a value of 4 scudi ; four 
handkerchiefs worth 5 scudi ; a little silver snuff-box with the arms of 
the Franceschini house upon it worth 16 scudi; a coat of her husband 
Guido, rubbed and rent by the lock of a chest where he kept part of 
the aforesaid clothing. And they had converted the whole to their own 
uses against the will of the same, the first Accused and Canon Capon- 
sacchi having scaled the walls ^'"' of the city in company with the 
second Accused, as soon as she had committed adultery with them. 
And the said third Accused had given opportunity for flight to the said 
second Accused along with the Canon, in the manner told. 

Therefore the Commissioner ^^° of Arezzo was of opinion to con- 
demn arbitrarily the first Accused to five years' confinement ^°^ at 
Portoferrio with the penalty of the galleys for the same length of time, 
not counting the reservation of fifteen days to appear and clear him- 
self; to condemn the second Accused to the penalty of the Stinche ^^* 
for life and to the restitution of what was taken away, with the 
abovesaid reservation; and that the third Accused be not prosecuted 
further and be liberated from prison [viii]. But the Criminal Court 
was of opinion that the first Accused should be condemned to the 



galleys during the pleasure of His Serene Highness, with the said 
reservation. As to the second Accused, who was imprisoned here in 
Rome, in a sacred place, it suspended the execution. And for the 
third, who had done no voluntary evil, it gave up further inquiry.""' 
Again proposed in the said business before His Serene and Blessed 
Highness with the signature of December 24, 1697.^''*' 

The opinion of the Court stands approved. 
In sign of which 
I, Joseph Vesinius, J. V. D., an official 
in the criminal court of Florence, 
etc., in faith whereto, etc. 



[ix] Romana Homicidiorum/" 

[Pamphlet i.] 

Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Lord Governor : 

Count Guido Franceschini, born of a noble race, had married, under 
ill "* ^"^ omen, Francesca Pompilia, whom Pietro and Violante had 
asserted (even to one occupying a very high office) to be their own 
daughter. After a little while, she was taken to Arezzo, the country 
of her husband, along with her foster-parents,''" and was restrained from 
leading her life with utter freedom."*^^ Yet she has made pretense that 
she was hated on the pretext of sterility, as is clearly shown in her 
deposition during her prosecution for flight from her husband's home. 
[Cf. p. Ixxxv.] Both she and her parents took it ill that they were 
denied their old free life, and they urged their daughter to make 
complaint before the Most Reverend Bishop,^^^ saying that she had 
been offered poison by her brother-in-law.^^ At the departure of this 
couple, when they were about to return to the City, they most basely 
instigated her — yes, and even commanded her by her duty to obey 
them — that she should kill her husband, poison her brother-in-law and 
mother-in-law, and burn the house; and then with the aid of a lover to 
be chosen thereafter, she should put into effect her long-planned flight 
back to the City. (But all this should be done after their departure, 
lest they might seem to have given her evil counsel.) [Such facts] 
may be clearly deduced from one of the letters "" presented as evidence 
in the same prosecution. 

When these pseudo-parents had returned home,"" they declared that 
Francesca was not born of themselves,"^ but had been conceived of 
an unknown father by a vile strumpet."^ They then entered suit 
before A. C. Tommati -"- for the nullification of the dowry contract.-"" 
Day by day the love of Pompilia for her husband kept decreasing 
while her affection for a certain priest was on the increase. This affair 
went so far that on an appointed night, while her husband was oppressed 
with sleep (and I wish I could say that she had no hand in this, and 
had not procured drugs "" from outside) , she began her flight from her 
husband's house toward Rome, nor was this flight without theft of 
money "*"' and the company of her lover. Her most wretched husband 
pursued them,^"^ and she was imprisoned not far from the City. Then, 
when after a short time they were brought to trial, the lover was 
banished "^ to Civita Vecchia for adultery, and she herself was placed 
in safekeeping."" But owing to her pregnancy -'" she returned to the 
home of Pietro and Violante, where she gave birth to a child ■"" (and 
I wish I could say that it had not been conceived in adultery '"'-). This 



II 

increased the shame and indignation of the husband, and the wrath, 
[x] which had long been stirred, grew strong, because his honor 
among upright men was lost and he was pointed out with the finger of 
scorn,"' especially in his own country, where a good reputation is much 
cherished by men who are well-born. Therefore his anger so impelled 
the luckless man to fury,'"" and his indignation so drove him to desper- 
ation, that he preferred to die rather than to live ignominiously among 
honorable men. With gloomy mind, he rushed headlong to the City,^'* 
accompanied by four companions. On the second night ^'^ of the 
current ^"^ month of January, under the show of giving a letter from 
the banished lover,^-' he pretended to approach the home of the Com- 
parini. When at the name of Caponsacchi the door was opened, he 
cut the throats of Violante ^^^ and Pietro, and stabbed Francesca with 
so many wounds that she died after a few days. 

While this desperation continued, his dull and unforeseeing mind 
suggested no way to find a place of safety.^'* But accompanied by the 
same men, he set out for his own country along the public highway 
by the shortest route. Then, while he was resting upon a pallet ^" in a 
certain tavern,'" he was arrested together with his companions by the 
pursuing officers. 

Great indeed is this crime, but very greatly to be pitied also, and 
most worthy of excuse. Even the most severe laws give indulgence and 
are very mild toward husbands who wipe out the stain of their infamy 
with the blood of their adulterous wives. [Citations.] 

This indeed was sanctioned in the laws of the Athenians and of 
Solon'" (that is, of the wisest of legislators), and what is more, 
even in the rude age of Romulus,'" law 15, where we read: 

" A man and his relatives may kill as they wish a wife convicted of 
adultery." [Citations.] 

I hold to begin with, that there can be no doubt of the adultery of the 
wife [for several reasons]. [First], her flight together with her 
lover during a long-continued journey. [Citations.] 

[xi] [Second], the love letters ^'- sent by each party; these can not 
be read in the prosecution for flight without nausea. [Citations.] 

[Third], the clandestine entry"" of the lover into her home at a 
suspicious time. [Citations.] 

[Fourth], the kisses ""^ given during the flight (p. 100)"- according 
to the following sentiment: "Sight, conversation, touch, afterwards 
kisses, and then the deed [adultery]." "° [Citations.] 

[Fifth], their sleeping in the same room "^ at the inn. [Citations.] 

[Sixth], the sentence of the judge,-" who condemned the lover for 
his criminal knowledge of her, which made this adultery notorious. 
[Citations.] 

Furthermore ■*" we are not here arguing to prove adultery for the 



12 

purpose of demanding punishment [upon the adulteress], but to excuse 
her slayer, and for his defense; in this case, even lighter proofs would 
be abundant, as Mattha^us advises. [Citations.] 

These matters being held as proved, there does not stand in our way 
the opinion of those who assert that a husband is not excusable from 
the ordinary penalty, who kills his adulterous wife after an interval, 
on the ground that the aforesaid laws speak of the wife who has been 
found in her guilt, and has been killed incontinently,*"^ and hence should 
not be extended to wife-murder committed after an interval, since the 
reins should not be relaxed for men to sin, and to declare the law for 
themselves. [Citations.] 

[xii] Furthermore, Farinaccius does not affirm this conclusion, but 
shows that he is very much in doubt, where he says: "The matter 
is very doubtful with me, because injured honor and just anger — both 
of which always oppress the heart — are very strong grounds for the 
mitigation of the penalty." Matthsus well weighs these words on our 
very point. And both Farinaccius and Rainaldus conclude that the 
penalty can be moderated at the judgment of the Prince. 

I humbly pray ■*" that this be noted. The aforesaid laws, which seem 
to require discovery in the very act ^" of sin, as some have thought, do 
not decide in that way merely for the purpose of excusing a husband 
moved to slaughter by a sudden impulse of wrath and by unadvised 
heat. But they so decide lest on any suspicion of adultery whatsoever, 
oftentimes entirely without foundation, men should rush upon and kill 
their wives, who are frequently innocent. Hence the " discovery in the 
very act of crime," which is required by law, is not to be interpreted, 
nor to be understood, as discovery in the very act of license, but is to be 
referred to the proof of the adultery, lest on trifling suspicion a wife 
should be given over to death. But when the adultery is not at all 
doubtful, there is no distinction between one killing immediately and 
killing after an interval, so far as the matter of escaping extreme 
punishment is concerned. [Citations.] 

For whenever a wife is convicted of adultery, or is a manifest adult- 
eress, she is always said to be " taken in crime." [Citations.] 

And in very truth the reasons adduced by those holding the contrary 
opinion are entirely too weak. For murder committed for honor's 
sake is always said to be done immediately,*"^ whensoever it may be 
committed. Because injury to the honor always remains fixed before 
one's eyes, and by goading one with busy and incessant stings it urges 
and impels him to its reparation. [Citations.] 

[xiii] Such relaxation of the reins to husbands, for taking into their 
own hands the law, would indeed be too great if the law of divorce 
were still valid. For in that case husbands would not be permitted to 
make such reparation of their honor. For another way would be 



13 

satisfactorily provided for them, namely, in their right to dismiss and 
to repudiate the polluted wife. In this way they could put far from 
themselves the cause of their disgrace, yes, and the very Ignominy 
itself. But when by the divine favor our Gentile blindness was removed, 
and matrimony was acknowledged to be perpetual and indissoluble, 
those were Indeed most worthy of pity who, when all other way of 
recovering their honor was closed to them, washed away their stains In 
the blood of their adulterous wives. Petrus Erodus [Citation], after 
he has discussed a matter of this kind according to the usual practice of 
Roman Law, adds in the end: " For as all hope of a second marriage 
is gone so long as the adulteress still lives, we judge that such very just 
anger is allayed with more difficulty, unless It be by the flight of time "; 
and therefore such a case, when not terminated by divorce, is usually 
terminated by murder. For as Augustine says, " what is not permitted, 
becomes as If it were permitted; that is, let the adulteress be killed, that 
the husband may be released." 

I acknowledge that It is laudable to restrain the audacity of hus- 
bands, lest they declare the law for themselves in their own cause ; since 
they may be mistaken. But it would be more laudable Indeed to restrain 
the lust of wives; for if they would act modestly and would live 
honorably they would not force their husbands to this kind of crime, 
which I may almost call necessary. Nor can we deny that by the 
ignominy brought upon them by the adultery they are exasperated and 
are driven insane, and a most just sense of anger Is excited in their 
hearts. For this grievance surpasses all others beyond comparison, and 
hence Is worthy of the greater pity, according to the words of the 
satirist [Juv., x, 314] : "This wrath exacts more than any law con- 
cedes to wrath." 

Papinian also well acknowledges this [Citation] where we read: 
" Since it is very difficult to restrain just anger." For these reasons, 
authorities hold that a just grievance should render the penalty more 
lenient even In premeditated crimes; because the sense of "just griev- 
ance does not easily quiet down, or lose Its strength with the flight of 
time, but the heart is continually pierced by infamy, and the longer the 
Insult endures, the longer endures the Infamy, yea, and It Is Increased." 
[Citations.] 

[xiv] And this drives one on the more Intensely, because with greater 
impunity, as I may say, wives pollute their own matrimony and destroy 
the honor of their entire household. In ancient times,^"" while the 
Lex Julia was in force, wives who polluted their marriage-bed under- 
went the death penalty. [Citations.] 

Likewise it was so ordained in the Holy Scriptures; for adulterous 
wives were stoned to death. Gen. 38; Lev. 20:10; Deut. 23:22; 
Ez. 16. 



14 

The solace drawn from the public vengeance quieted the anger and 
destroyed the infamy. Then the husband, who was restored to his 
original freedom, could take a new and honest wife and raise his sons 
in honor. But now, in our evil days, there is a deplorable frequency of 
crime everywhere, as the rigor of the Sacred Law has become obsolete. 
And since wives who live basely are dealt with very mildly, the hus- 
band's condition would indeed be most unfortunate if either he must 
live perpetually in infamy, or must expiate her destruction, when she 
is slain, by the death penalty, as Matthaeus well considers. [Citation.] 

Therefore, when it is claimed that the husband shall escape entirely 
unpunished, it is necessary that the wife be killed in the very act of 
discovered sin. But when the question is as to whether or not a husband 
may be punished more mildly than usual when driven to wife-murder 
for honor's sake, it makes no difference whether he kill her imme- 
diately "° or after an interval. [Citation.] 

Nor does this opinion lack foundation in the very Civil Law of the 
Romans, for Martian [Citation] asserts that a father who had killed 
his son while out hunting, because he had polluted his stepmother with 
adultery, was exiled. Nor had the father found him in the very act of 
crime, but slew him while out hunting, that is with a pretense of friend- 
liness and by dissimulating his injury. Accordingly he was punished, 
but not with the usual penalty; for he had killed his son, not in his right 
as a father, but in the manner of a robber. Hence we can infer that 
not the killing, but the method of killing was punishable, as we may 
deduce from Bartolus. [Citations.] 

[xv] Still further,*"* it is well worthy of consideration that one may 
kill an adversary with impunity, for the sake of his personal safety, 
but he must do so immediately and in the very act of aggression, and not 
after an interval. For the life of one slain may not be recovered by 
the slaying of the murderer. Accordingly, whatever violence may 
follow upon the first murder becomes vengeance, which is hateful and 
odious to the law; for the jurisdiction of the judge is insulted by 
depriving him of the power of publicly avenging murder. But if by 
the death of the slayer the one slain could be called back to life, I 
think there is no doubt that anyone could kill the said slayer; for then 
such an act would not be revenge, but due defense, leading toward 
the recovery of the life that had been lost. But even when we are 
dealing with an offense and injury which does not affect the person of 
the one injured, it is likewise permitted that one who has been robbed 
may, even after an interval, kill the thief for the recovery of the stolen 
goods, provided every other way to recover them is precluded. Like- 
wise, one offended in his reputation should be permitted at all times 
to kill the one injuring him ; for such an act may be termed, not the 
avenging of an injury, but the reestablishing of wounded honor, which 
could be healed in no other way. [Citations.] 



15 

Furthermore/"* as I have said, when one is discussing the subject 
of self-defense, he is deahng with an instantaneous act; hence the 
anger conceived therefrom ought to quiet down after a while, according 
to the warning of St. Paul,'*' Eph. 4: " Let not the sun go down upon 
your wrath." But when we are dealing with an offense that injures the 
honor, this is not merely a momentary matter, but is protracted, and 
indeed with the lapse of time becomes the greater, as the injured one is 
vilified the more. Therefore, whensoever the murder follows, it is 
always said to have been committed immediately. [Citation.] 

Relying upon these and other reasons, most authorities affirm that a 
husband killing his adulterous wife after an interval, but not found in 
licentiousness, is to be punished indeed, but more mildly and with a 
penalty out of the ordinary. [Citations.] 

[xvi] Caballus testifies that this has been the practice in many of the 
world's tribunals. Calvin gives other cases so decided. [Citation.] 
And Cyriacus, who speaks in worse circumstances, adduces numerous 
other cases, and the authorities recently cited offer many more. 

This lenient opinion is the more readily to be accepted because, as I 
claim, the deed about which we are arguing does not also carry with it 
(as the Fisc holds) attendant circumstances demanding such a rigorous 
penalty. 

[First] the taking of helpers "° to be present at the murders [is 
not such a circumstance] ; because he could lawfully use the help of 
companions to provide more safely for his own honor by the death of 
his wife. [Citations.] 

[Secondly] the crime is not raised to a higher class because he led 
with him helpers at a price "' agreed upon; for what is more, and is far 
more to be wondered at, a husband can lawfully demand of others the 
murder of an adulterous wife, even by means of money, as the following 
indisputably affirm. [Citations.] 

[xvii] Likewise It does not at all disturb [our line of argument] that 
Count Guldo might have killed his wife and the adulterer when they 
were caught in the very act of flight at the tavern of Castelnuovo, but 
that he preferred rather to have them imprisoned,^" seeking their pun- 
ishment by law, and not with his own hand. We deny that he could 
have safely killed both of them, inasmuch as he was alone, nor could 
he attack them, except at the risk of his own life. Because the lover 
was of powerful strength,"" not at all timid, and all too prompt for 
resisting, since in the word of one of the witnesses in the prosecution for 
flight, he was called ScapezzacoUo [cutthroat]. Nor is it credible that, 
unless he had been fearless and full of spirit, he would have ventured 
upon so great a crime, and would have dared to participate in her 
flight, and to accompany the fugitive wife from the home of her 
husband. And this fact is more clearly deducible from one of his letters 



i6 

[cf. p. xcviii], in which, after urging Francesca to mingle an opiate in 
the wine-flasks for the purpose of putting her husband and the servants 
to sleep, he adds that if they find it out she should open the door; for 
he would either suffer death with her or would snatch her from 
their hands. These things indicate both courage and audacity. And 
though the wife is a woman, that is a timid and unwarlike creature, 
nevertheless Francesca was all too impudent and audacious, whether 
because of her hatred for her husband or on account of her anger at the 
imprisonment of her lover. For she drew a sword "' upon her husband 
in the very presence of the officers who were about to arrest her. And 
to prevent her from going further, one of the bystanders had to snatch 
it from her hands. Therefore,"' before their imprisonment, Guido 
could not put into effect what he had had in mind and what he could 
lawfully do, because he was alone and his strength was not sufficient. 
Then when she had been taken to prison, and afterwards was placed in 
safekeeping, it was impossible for him to vindicate his honor. But 
when at last she had left the monastery and had gone back to the home 
of Pietro and Violante, he took vengeance as soon as he could. There- 
fore we hold that he killed her in the very act,^" as it were, and imme- 
diately. In Sanfeliclus [Citation] we read of a case where a husband, 
though he could have killed his wife immediately, did not do so, but 
craftily redeemed himself from his disgrace by slaying his wife as soon 
as possible. And Giurba also speaks of a case where the argument is 
concerning an injury that was not personal, but real, as was said above. 

Guido saw to her capture,"^ and insisted that she be punished, lest she 
continue her adultery and viciousness, being powerless to do anything 
else, because his confusion of mind, his helpless fury, and his sense of 
shame led him unwisely into not taking the law into his own hands and 
recovering his lost honor. He indeed lodged complaint, but it was 
because [xviii] he could not kill her. Nor would his ignominy have 
been wiped out nor his infamy have been destroyed by her imprisonment 
and punishment. But when indeed after her imprisonment he was still 
more shut out from noble company,^'^' his injury ever became the more 
acute, and it stimulated him the more strongly to regain his own 
reputation. But his bitterness of mind was increased especially at 
hearing that she had gone back to the home of Pietro and Violante, 
who had declared that she was not their daughter, but the child of a 
dishonest woman ;^''^ hence his injury was increased by her staying in a 
home which he suspected, as is said a little further on. Accordingly the 
same cause kept urging him after her departure from the monastery, 
as had done so before her imprisonment and the appeals made by Count 
Guido. 

It makes very little difference °'"' that Francesca was staying in the 
home of Violante, which had been assigned to her as a safe prison -"* 



17 

with the consent of Guide's brother.'*"* For what would it amount to 
even if with the consent of Guido himself she had been taken from the 
monastery (yet we have no word of this matter in the trial). For 
Guido could -" make that pretense to gain the opportunity of killing her 
for the restoration of his honor. Nor would such dissimulation increase 
the crime, especially to the degree of the ordinary penalty, since it is 
certain that the husband may kill a wife stained with adultery, without 
incurring such penalty. Yet a heavier or lighter penalty is inflicted, just 
as more or less treachery accompanies the murder, as Matthaeus testi- 
fies it was practiced in the Senate of Matritensis. [Citation.] 

Nor is the attendant circumstance of the place *^^ assigned as a prison 
worthy of consideration, as if the custody of the Prince had been 
insulted; for one is not said to be in custody when he is merely detained 
in a place under security that he will not leave it. [Citation.] Further- 
more, this objection '*"" falls utterly to the ground, for the circumstance 
of such a place "** does not increase the crime, whenever it is committed 
by one having provocation or for the repelling of an injury. And 
Marta holds thus in the more serious case of a crime committed in 
prison. [Citations.] 

Furthermore we do not believe, from what is said above, that the 
penalty can be increased because of the murder of"^ Pietro and Violante, 
since the same injured honor [xix], which impelled Count Guido to kill 
his wife, forced him to kill the said parents. And now may the ashes 
of the dead spare me if what I have urged above, and what I am about 
to say, may seem to disturb their peace ! Neither the flame of hatred nor 
the impulse of anger (which are far from me) have suggested these 
charges; but the demands of the defense, which I have assumed without 
a penny of compensation,^'" compel me to employ every means leading 
to the desired end. 

I have said, and I think not without due reason, that the Accused 
sprang forward to the death of both of them, moved simply by an 
immediate injury to his own reputation. For a few months after the 
marriage contracted with Francesca, whom they had professed to be 
their daughter, they had not blushed to declare that she was not such. 
Hence there is an inevitable dilemma.'*' Either [first] she was in deed 
and truth their daughter, and then we must acknowledge that in after- 
ward denying her parentage they had inflicted the greatest injury upon 
the honor and reputation of the Accused; for they had conceived strong 
hatred and malice against him. Hence they did not hesitate to dis- 
grace their own daughter, in order that they might bring upon him 
the infamy of having married the daughter of a vile and dishonest 
woman.'"'' This is indeed a fact, that whoever knows Count Guido 
supposes he has married a girl, not merely of rank unequal to his own, 
but even of the basest condition, and this greatly injures the reputation 
of his entire household. 



i8 

Or else Isecond^ Francesca was indeed conceiv^ed of an unknown 
father and born of a dishonest harlot/*"* And it can not be denied that 
in that case he suffered even greater injury, which branded him with a 
mark of infamy; both because of her birth and from the fact that 
daughters are usually not unlike their mothers."" Cephalus [Cita- 
tions] where we read: " From such mingling with harlots it is to be 
supposed that the people become degenerate, ignoble, and burning with 
lust." And would that experience had not taught us this fact I 

The unfortunate man believed he was marrying the daughter of 
Pietro and Violante, born legitimately, and yet by the contrivance and 
trickery of this couple he married a girl of basest stock, conceived illegit- 
imately by a dishonorable mother. From this fact alone the quality 
of those parents can be inferred, who,"" for the sake of deceiving 
those "' lawfully entitled to the trust-moneys, had made most vile pre- 
tense of the birth of a child, [xx] entirely unmindful that they laid 
themselves liable to capital punishment. [Citations.] 

It will not therefore be difficult to believe what Francesca reveals in 
her letter to her brother-in-law,"" that the abovesaid couple, in spite 
of the fact that she was well treated, kept instigating her daily to 
poison her husband, her brother-in-law, and her mother-in-law, and to 
burn the home. And though these crimes are very base, they gave her 
still worse counsel, even by her obligation to obey them ; namely, that 
after their departure from Arezzo, she should allure a lover and, 
leaving her husband's home in his company, should return to the City. 
In her obedience to their commands, this daughter seemed indeed 
all too prompt. Who then will deny that such reckless daring, where- 
from a notorious disgrace was inflicted upon the entire household of the 
Accused, ought to be attributed to the base persuasion of the said 
couple? Nor was it difficult to persuade that girl to do what she was 
prone to by inborn instinct and by the example of her mother."* 

It is not my duty to divine why that couple so anxiously desired the 
return of Francesca to their home. But I can not persuade myself that 
they were moved by mere charity, namely, that she might escape ill- 
treatment. For Francesca, in the said letter, acknowledges that she is 
leading a quiet life and that her husband and the servants are treating 
her very well, and that what she had laid before the Bishop had been 
the falsehood of the said couple. 

I know furthermore that If a husband have knowledge of the adultery 
of his wife and keep her in his home, he can not escape the mark 
and penalty of a pimp. [Citations.] If therefore, as the said couple 
declare, Francesca was not their daughter, why did they receive her 
so tenderly into their home after her adultery was plainly manifest? 
Why did they, as I may say, cherish her in their breasts, not merely 
up till the birth of her child, but even till death? And I wish I could 



19 

say that her love affairs with the banished [priest] were not continued 
there ! -"^ For at his mere name,^-' after the knocking at the door, as 
soon as they heard that some one was about to give them a letter from 
the one in banishment, [xxi] immediately the door was opened and 
Guido was given an entry for recovering his honor. If indeed the said 
couple had been displeased with the adultery of Francesca, they would, 
without doubt, have shuddered at the name of the adulterer, and would 
have cut oft every way for mutual correspondence. Therefore it is most 
clearly evident that the cause of wounded honor In the Accused had 
continued, and indeed new causes of the same kind had arisen, all of 
which tended toward blackening his reputation. 

Nor does it make any difference that the Accused may have had in 
mind several causes of hatred toward both Francesca and the Com- 
parini. For if these are well weighed, they all coincide with and are 
reduced to the original cause, namely, that of wounded honor. How- 
ever that may be, when causes are compatible with one another, the act 
that follows should always be attributed to the stronger and more urgent 
and more acute. [Citations.] And on the point that when several 
causes concur, murder is to be referred and attributed to injured honor, 
and not to the others. [Citations.] 

Therefore I think that any wise man ought to acknowledge that 
Guido had most just cause for killing the said couple, and that very just 
anger had been excited against them. This was increased day by day by 
the perfectly human consideration that he would not have married her 
unless he had been deceived by that very tricky couple. And to what is 
said above we may add that either the child born [of Pompilia] was 
conceived in adultery, as the Accused could well believe, since he was 
ignorant of the fact that his wife was pregnant during her flight; and 
then we can not deny that new offense was given to his honor, or the 
old one was renewed, by the said birth; or the child was born of his 
legitimate father; and who will deny that by the hiding of the child,^"° 
Guido ought to be angered anew over the loss of his son? And the 
great indignation conceived from either cause (the force of which is 
v^ery powerful) is so deserving of excuse that very many atrocious crimes 
committed upon the impulse of just anger have gone entirely unpunished. 
[Citations.] The following text [Citation] agrees with this, " Never- 
theless, because night and just anger ameliorate his deed, he can be sent 
into exile." [Citations.] 

[xxii] And not infrequently *"' In the contingency of such a deed, 
men have escaped entirely unpunished, who, when moved by just anger, 
have laid hands even upon the Innocent. For a certain Smyrnean 
woman had killed her husband and her son conceived of him, because 
her husband had slain her own son by her first marriage. When she 
was accused before Dolabella, as Proconsul, he was unwilling either to 



20 

liberate one who was stained with two murders, or to condemn her, as 
she had been moved by just anger. He therefore sent her to the 
Areopagus, that assembly of very wise judges. There, when the cause 
had been made known, response was given that she and her accuser 
should come back after a hundred years. And so the defendant in a 
double murder, although she had also killed one who was innocent, 
escaped entirely unpunished. [Citation.] 

Likewise "" a wife who had given command for the murder of her 
husband because of just anger from his denial of her matrimonial dues 
was punished v/ith a fine, and a temporary residence in a monastery, 
as Cyriacus testifies. [Citation.] Such pleas might indeed hold good 
whenever the accused had confessed the crime, or had been lawfully 
convicted, neither of which can be affirmed [in our case]. But much 
more are they to be admitted, since he confesses ^•'- only that he gave 
order for striking his wife's face, or for mutilating it; and if those he 
commanded exceeded his order, he should not be held responsible for 
their excess. [Citations.] 

His fellows and companions give his name and claim that he had 
a hand in the murders. And in spite of the fact that the Fisc claims 
they have hidden the truth in many respects, equity will not allow that 
certain matters be separated from their depositions and that these be 
accepted only in part ; for if they are false in one matter, such are they to 
be considered in all. It would be more than enough to take away from 
those depositions all credence that, under torture in his presence, they 
did not purge that stain. [Citations.] 

[xxiii] It has very justly been permitted that in defense of this noble 
man I should deduce these matters, as they say, with galloping pen. 
The scantiness of the time has not suffered me to bring together other 
grounds for my case; these could be gathered with little labor, and 
possibly not without utility. Yet I believe that all objections, which can 
be raised on the part of the Fisc, have been abundantly satisfied. 

H. Arcangeli, Procurator of the Poor. 



[xxiv] [File-title of Pamphlet 1.] 



By the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend 
Lord Governor in Criminal Cases: 

Roman Murder-case. 

On behalf of Count Guido Franceschini, Prisoner, 
against the Fisc. 

Memorial of fact and law. 



At Rome, in the type of the Reverend Apostolic Chamber, 169S. 



[xxv] Romana Homicidiorum. 

[Pamphlet 2.] 

Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Lord Governor : 

From the " prosecution [for flight]," which was brought in this very 
tribunal,"'" and by his honor, Lord Venturini, Judge in this present case, 
there is more than satisfactory proof of adultery committed by Fran- 
cesca Pompilia, wife of Count Guido Franceschini, a nobleman of 
Arezzo, with the Canon Caponsacchi. With Caponsacchi the parents 
of this same Francesca Pompilia entered into conspiracy, although they 
were living here in the City. And after she had given an opiate '"" to 
Count Guido and his entire household, she fled that same night from the 
city of Arezzo toward Rome. 

Consequently, the Canon, as may be remembered, was banished to 
Civita Vecchia, with a statement of his criminal knowledge of that 
woman in the said decree of condemnation."" This adultery is also 
evident from other matters of evidence deduced by the Procurator of 
the Poor. There remains, accordingly, no room to doubt it, but rather 
their adultery may be said to be notorious, here in the City, in the 
country of Count Guido, and throughout all Etruria. 

Since this is established, we can safely assert that even if Guido had 
confessed that he slew his wife with the complicity and help of Blasio 
Agostinelli of the town of Popolo, Domenico Gambassini of Florence, 
Francesco Pasquini of the castle of Monte Acuto, and Alexandro Bal- 
deschi of Tiferno, he should not therefore be punished with the ordinary 
death penalty, but more mildly. This is in accord with the decision 
of Emperor Pius as related by Ulpian [Citation] and by Martian. 
[Citation.] For in both of them it is said that a man of low birth is 
sent into perpetual exile, but that a noble is banished only for a limited 
time; but the crime of a husband who is moved by just anger is over- 
looked, as this same Ulpian confirms. [Citation.] Since it is most 
difficult to restrain such anger. [Citation.] 

[xxvi] Yet we should not consider it necessary that the adultery of the 
wife be conclusively proved (as it really is) in order that there be room 
for mitigating the said penalty. For it would be enough, if we were 
dealing with a case of mere suspicion: Glossa, etc. " A man who had 
killed his son because he believed the young man had lain with his 
stepmother, as was true, was deported to an island." [Citations.] 

Dondeus also speaks of a man who had boasted that he wished to ruin 
the sister of the one who killed him, which is said to have aroused just 
suspicion and fear for the loss of honor sufficient to free the slayer from 
the ordinary penalty of murder. [Citations.] 

22 



23 

Nor is it true, as some authorities affirm, that the husband must take 
the wife in very adultery, and kill her immediately ;"° in which case 
they say the abovesaid laws hold good, but that it is otherwise if the 
murder is done after an interval. [Citations.] [xxvii] For the con- 
trary opinion is the truer, the more usual, and the one to be observed in 
practice, as Marsilius well advises, where he speaks in defense of a 
certain nobleman who had killed another person after an interval. The 
man slain had betrothed his sister by promise and had kept her for three 
months, and had then rejected her. Because of this, a great injury and 
much infamy were inflicted upon his family and the entire kin. Mar- 
silius then adduces the abovesaid laws, which pronounce concerning a 
husband who kills his adulterous wife; and Bertazzolus offers the case 
of one who had killed his adulterous wife and had afterward, in his 
own defense, proved the adultery by the double confession of the same 
wife. Claudius Jr. testifies that the murderer was banished for a time 
by the praetor of Mirandola, and after the lapse of several months he 
was recalled by the Duke of Mirandola. [Citations.] 

Afflicti cites the decree of the kingdom, beginning Si Maritus, which 
concedes impunity to a husband who kills his wife and the adulterer 
both, in the very act of adultery and without any delay. He then says 
that if both of these requisites are not present, the husband is excused 
in part, but not entirely; and so is punished more mildly. And in No. 2 
he gives the reason; because whenever one commits a crime, under 
impulse of just anger, the penalty should be somewhat moderated, 
according to the aforesaid text. [Citations.] 

Matthaeus [Citation] adduces the excellent words of Theodoric "* 
as quoted by Cassiodorus [Citation], where we read: " For who can 
bear to drag into court a man who has attempted to violate his matri- 
monial [xxviii] rights? It is deep-seated even in beasts that they should 
defend their mating even with deadly conflict, since what is condemned 
by natural law is hateful to all living creatures. We see bulls defending 
their cows by strife of horns, rams fighting with their heads for their 
wethers, horses vindicating by kicks and bites their females; so even 
these, who are moved by no sense of shame, lay down their lives for 
their mates. How then may a man endure to leave adultery unavenged, 
which is known to have been committed to his eternal disgrace? And 
so if you have made very little false statements in the petition you offer, 
and if you have indeed only washed away the stain to your marriage- 
bed by the blood of the adulterer, taken in the act, and if you are 
looking back from your exile, which was evidently inflicted not by 
reason of a bloodthirsty mind, but because of your sense of shame, we 
bid you return from your exile; since for a husband to use the sword 
for the love of his sense of honor is not to overthrow the laws, but to 
establish them." *"= 



24 

Dondeus says this interpretation is clearly proved by the authority of 
a glossa in the chapter: Ex litteranim. [Citation.] For in the text, 
when these words are used: "your wife taken in adultery," a glossa 
explains the word " taken " as equal to " convicted." Marta says this 
opinion is much more just and equitable, and is commonly held. And 
Muta in the end offers a decision of the supreme court of the kingdom, 
by which a husband was condemned to the galleys for seven years."" 
This was on account of the accompanying circumstances; for he had 
had his wife summoned outside of the city walls by his son, and there 
had killed her; and afterward her body was found to have been 
devoured by dogs. Dexartus testifies that it was thus decided in Sacred 
Royal Court, In condemning a husband only to exile. Sanfellclus also 
tells us that certain noble young men,^" who had killed their wives 
after an interval because of strong suspicion of adultery, were absolved 
by the Royal Council of Naples, in view of the quality of the persons 
concerned. In their favor, authorities of the highest rank had written, 
whose allegations this same author places under the said decision. And 
although some of these young men were condemned to the oars, he said 
that [xxix] this punishment had been imposed because ■""* of the muti- 
lation of the privates which followed; because those who do such things 
are considered enemies to nature. And Calderini, although in the pre- 
ceding numbers he inclined toward an opinion contrary to ours, came 
over to our side when he saw that Matthasus held that opinion. 

And the reason is very evident; for whenever such an injury is suf- 
fered by fine natures, especially among the noble class, it is ever present 
with them, and continually oppresses the heart, and urges it on to ven- 
geance for the recovery of lost honor, as Giurba well notes. [Citations.] 

For this reason, it has always and everywhere been held in case of 
murder committed for honor's sake that there is no place for the 
ordinary death penalty, which should be mitigated at the discretion of 
the judge. And this rule has been followed, when the murder was com- 
mitted after an Interval, and even after a long interval. For the above- 
said reason, both Grammatlcus and Gizzarellus affirm and hand down 
this opinion. The latter says that It has always been so adjudged by 
the Sacred Council of Naples, and that this opinion has always been 
accepted by our ancestors. [Citations.] 

It was so judged by the high court of the Vicar, although it was 
dealing with a murder committed after two years, and by craft, by two 
brothers upon the adulteress in the presence of her sister's cousin. 
Cyriacus also speaks of the murder of a husband by his wife, because he 
was keeping a mistress and was contriving against her honor; and 
there he said that since just anger has a long continuance, because 
of its extreme bitterness, vengeance should always be said to follow 
immediately. [Citation.] 



25 

Another reason also is at hand, which is considered by the authorities, 
namely, that an injury, whereby the honor is hurt, is not personal, but 
real, and therefore can be resented at any time whatsoever, even [xxx] 
after the lapse of a very long time, as Giurba holds in our circumstances. 
[Citations.] 

We have therefore a great many standard authorities who affirm, 
for most vital reasons, that murder committed, even after an interval, 
upon the person of the wife or of any one else, for honor's sake, ought 
not to be punished with the ordinary death penalty, but more mildly. 
Furthermore, these authorities bear witness that the matter has been so 
judged in the tribunals with which they are acquainted. No attention 
therefore should be paid to the opposite opinion held by Farinaccius 
[Citation] ; for we plainly see that he speaks contrary to the common 
and usually accepted opinion in tribunals. [Citation.] 

Still further it should be noted that the same author in cons. 66 num. 
5, holds the very opposite, basing his opinion especially upon a text in 
the law of Emperor Hadrian [Citation], where a father had killed his 
son, who was not found in the act with his stepmother, but while out 
hunting and in the woods, that is, after an interval. And he was 
punished not with the death penalty, but by deportation. Several of the 
above-cited authorities offer the decision of this text likewise in corrob- 
oration of this opinion of ours. Our point is also proved by the fact 
that this same author In quaest. I2i is rather doubtful; and there he 
acknowledges that for this opinion of ours the reason given above is 
very strong, namely, that " injured honor " and " just anger " always 
oppress the heart. And so he says in such a case one should note the 
sense of the text in the law Non puto [Citation], where Modestinus, 
Doctor of Law, says that he thinks that one would not make a mistake 
who in doubtful cases should readily give this response against the FIsc; 
and Farinaccius cites him so speaking. 

But one should be on his guard against what this same Farinaccius 
asserts: namely, that this opinion of his, so far as he could see, was the 
one more approved by the Sacred Court. For since this point of doubt, 
as he himself confesses, had not then been advanced, he could not judge 
what would be the outcome If it had been proposed. And indeed the 
wisest of the said high authorities do not give their assent [xxxi] to 
his opinion, but rather hold the contrary, which is favorable to our- 
selves, as is seen in the decisions they have given from time to time. For 
it was so held on March 25, 1672, in the case of Carolo Falerno, who 
was condemned to an unusual penalty for the murder of Francesco 
Domenlcl; for he had found him coming out of a church, to which he 
had warned him not to go, as he was suspicious that the one slain was 
following his wife. In like manner with Carolo Matarazzi, August 
15, 1673, who killed his wife on the foolish grounds that he suspected 



26 

her of illegitimate conception because of the absence of her menses; 
but this suspicion did not indeed correspond with the truth. And in 
law a matter may be even more mistaken and less observed by human 
intellect. [Citations.] 

Likewise in a murder committed treacherously with an arquebus upon 
the person of Tomaso Bovini by Francesco Mattucio of Monte San 
Giovanni, a person of the very lowest class, merely because of the 
attempted dishonor of his sister. The attempt of the one killed was 
proved by two witnesses on hearsay of the one slain. On September 
4, 1692, the penalty of life sentence to the galleys, to which the said 
Mattucio had been convicted on strongest proofs on the preceding July 
12, was moderated by the sacred court, before the Right Reverend 
Father Ratta, of blessed memory. With good right, therefore, this 
same Farinaccius is expressly confuted and overthrown by Matthasus. 
[Citations.] 

This opinion of ours is to be accepted the more readily when we 
consider that the husband is more stirred by the adultery of his wife 
than by the murder of his son. [Citations.] Yes, and even more than 
by the defilement of his daughter. [Citation.] So that if a husband *"* 
does not complain of the adultery of his wife, he is considered a pimp, 
as Paschal holds, where we read [xxxii] recently: " Adultery of the 
wife gives offense not merely to the husband, but blackens and stains 
the entire kin." [Citations.] That *"^ this happened in the present case 
is plainly evident; for Abate Paolo, brother of Guido, was compelled 
not only to leave the city,^"* in which he had lived for many years with 
highest praise, but even to pass out of Italy, because he was pursued 
undoubtedly by the greatest disgrace on account of this adultery. 
While ■'"^ he was carrying on Guido's cause in the courts, he moved 
the laughter and sneers of almost all sensible and wise men, not to say 
of the very judges themselves, as usually happens in these circumstances. 
[Citations.] 

Nor would it stand In the way of what we have said above if, without 
prejudice to the truth, we should admit (as the FIsc claims) that 
Count Guido killed his wife with the complicity *"' and aid of the said 
Blasio, Domenico, Francesco, and Alessandro, assembled for that pur- 
pose; for he could do that in order "^"^ to take vengeance upon her more 
easily and more safely. [Citations.] 

[xxxiii] [Nor would It stand In our way if we admitted] that he had 
assembled the said men by means of money.'"' [Citations.] 

Nor does this plea of Injured honor cease with regard to the murders 
of the said father-in-law and mother-in-law;^"' for since their conspir- 
acy In the adultery of their daughter is established, they themselves were 
among the causes of the injury and Ignominy which resulted therefrom 
to the prejudice of the honor and reputation of Count Guido, their 



27 

son-in-law and her husband respectively. Therefore, these murders 
likewise ought to be punished with the same penalty as the principal, 
according to texts in the law Qui domtim. [Citations.] And so they 
gave cause enough to Count Guido to take vengeance on them. 

It is to be added, furthermore (as will be proved indeed, and as 
Count Guido himself has asserted in his testimony), that they them- 
selves did another injury to his reputation by means of the civil suit 
which they brought on the grounds of the pretended birth of Francesca 
Pompilia ; and not merely here in the City, but also in his own country, 
they distributed the most bitter libels,*"" which were added to this same 
lawsuit. Hence it can not be denied that Count Guido for this reason 
had conceived a just anger and provocation and that he had just cause 
for taking vengeance. This is according to the text [Citation], where 
Alexander the Third wrote to the Bishop of Tornacensis that a certain 
woman, who had killed her child, should be placed in a monastery, 
because she was reproached by her husband with the accusation that it 
had been conceived in adultery. For in crimes where anger does not 
entirely excuse, still the delinquent who kills in anger conceived from 
just grievance is somewhat excused. [Citation.] 

And this is true in spite of the fact that the Fisc may claim that the 
penalty given in the Constitution of Alexander has been incurred. For 
in the [xxxiv] present case the crime can not be said to have been 
committed on account of hatred aroused by the lawsuit;*-* for in that 
suit Count Guido had gained a favorable sentence ^"^ from A. C. 
Tommati,-"- which was sanctioned by the Supreme Tribunal of Justice. 
But the crime was committed indeed because of his just indignation. 
And this arose, first, from the ignominy growing out of the said pretense 
as to her birth; second, from the provocation given by the Comparini 
(now slain) in issuing and distributing the said papers;'"" and, third, 
from their conspiracy in the flight of his wife. For indeed this Consti- 
tution of Alexander does not apply where no guile is present and where 
some provocation has been given by the one hurt. Farinaccius very fully 
aflirms this throughout cojis. 6y, where in the end he places the complete 
decision of the Sacred Court. 

In any case, since with Count Guido two causes for committing 
crime concurred: one the aforesaid matter of the lawsuit, another 
wounded honor because of the lawsuit brought and the flight in which 
they conspired, wherefrom the adultery had followed, the cause of 
honor should be given attention, as it is the graver and consequently 
the more proportionate to the crime. [Citations.] 

Likewise the penalty should not be increased in view of the place of 
the crime, because the defense of one's honor is so justifiable, and the 
anger and commotion of mind arising therefrom is so just, that reason 
for it can not be demanded, as Merlin Pignatelli [Citation] holds. 



28 

because of Giovanni Francisco de Carrillo [Citation] who speaks of an 
insult offered in prison. And No. 29 approves the decision because ^°^ 
that greater reverence is due to churches and other places consecrated to 
God, and in which the King of Kings and Lord of Lords dwells in 
essence; and yet one who commits crime in them from just anger and 
grievance is excused; for he asserts that all Canonists and other author- 
ities there alleged by him unanimously acknowledge this. 

More readily, therefore, should this conclusion follow in our case, 
since the said Francesca was not staying in a formal prison, but was 
merely keeping her home as a prison, under security of 300 scudi, that 
she would not depart therefrom ; because one who has given bond and 
has sworn not to leave a place is neither in chains nor in custody. 
[Citations.] 

[xxxv] Lucan holds that there are differences between being kept in 
chains and being committed under bond, etc. And Farlnacclus holds 
that the word " custody " should be more strictly interpreted than the 
word " chains." [Citations.] 

Even if, therefore, Count Guido had confessed that he killed his own 
wife, his father-in-law, and his mother-in-law, with the complicity and 
aid of the above-named helpers, he should not be punished with the 
ordinary penalty, for reasons given above. And much more readily 
should we follow this opinion since we can see that he confessed "" 
only that he gave commands for mutilating his said wife {ad sfrisiau- 
diim), If I may use the word of the authorities. In this case he is not 
to be held responsible for the subsequent death of his wife and of the 
others. Decian, cons. 622, no. 4, in this very condition, holds that one 
giving orders can be punished only for the manner of committing the 
crime, for which bodily punishment can not be inflicted. 

Thus far the Fisc has been unwilling to rest satisfied with such a 
qualified confession. Yet since he claims the right to torture the accused 
for proving some further pretended truth, the torture shall be simple; 
nor can the torment of the vigil ^""' be inflicted; because the Constitution 
given out by Pope Paul Fifth, of sacred memory, for the reformation 
of the courts of the City, stands in the way of that. This Is included 
among his Constitutions as the 71st. By this it was decreed that such 
torment could not be inflicted unless these two features jointly concur: 
namely, that the crime be very atrocious and that the accused be 
burdened with the strongest proofs. [Citations.] 

[xxxvi] But a crime is said to be " very atrocious " provided it is one 
for which a penalty more sev-ere than mere death should be inflicted, 
such as useless mutilation, burning, and the like. Far'macchis ^''° qu. 18, 
num. 68, etc. And such a death, as Ignominious and infamous, has 
no place with the persons of nobles. [Citations.] 



29 

Hence it Is much less so here, because we are not arguing about the 
death penalty ev^en, which does not enter into the present case for 
reasons given above. And Gabrlellus speaks to this effect on the point 
that such a crime may not be said to be qualified. 

What has been said in favor of Guido, the principal, also stands in 
favor of the aforesaid Blasio, Domenico, Francesco, and Alessandro; 
because they can not be punished with the ordinary penalty, but only 
with the same penalty as the principal. [Citation.] Baldo cites a case 
under the statute which shov.s that one under bann for a certain crime 
can not be killed save by the enemy who had him put under bann; 
and he says that if the enemy has him assassinated, the assassin is not 
punished. And he gives this reason, that what is permissible in the 
person of the one giving the order should be held as permissible in the 
one to whom orders are given; and he says it had been so held in a 
case under that law. Castro [Citation] holds that when one is per- 
mitted under the statute to take vengeance upon a person who has 
given him offense, he is also permitted to assemble his friends, to afford 
him aid, and that they shall go unpunished, just as the principal does. 
He also asserts that Jacobus Butrigarus '"* [Citation] held thus, in 
co7ts. 2jy, where he speaks of the case of a husband who had assembled 
men to beat one who had wished to shame the modesty of his wife; he 
ordered his wife to pretend to give ear, and when the intriguer had 
come [xxxvii] murder was committed. And he says that men brought 
together in this way should be spared, because such an assembly was 
permissible for the husband, who was principal. [Citation.] Jason 
holds that in any vengeance permitted by law, one can not demand it of 
another; yet he to whom it is permitted may take fellows and accom- 
plices with him for the same act, and if they kill in company with him 
they shall not be held to account for the murder nor for the aid they 
have given; and he says that this opinion °°* should be much kept in 
mind. Cspollinus also illustrates this in several cases, especially in that 
of certain men who had killed one keeping the company of the sister of 
the man who had assembled them ; and he says that they should not be 
punished, just as the principal was not, and he gained his point so that it 
was thus adjudged. [Citations.] 

Soccini also holds it should be thus adjudged, unless one wishes to 
say that they should be punished with a slighter penalty than the prin- 
cipal, as often happens in the case of auxiliaries. And he speaks in our 
very circumstances of men assembled by a husband for the sake of 
killing one who had polluted his wife. In these same circumstances, 
see also Parisius. [Citation.] Carera [Citation] speaks of a father who 
had his daughter (who had been keeping bad company) killed by an 
assassin; and he says that neither the father nor the murderer are to be 
held to account. [Citation.] 



30 

Marsiliiis also, after placing in the very beginning this principle, that 
when one matter is conceded all seem to be conceded which lead thereto, 
draws inference therefrom for the present case and many reasons for it 
are adduced. Cassanis also [Citation] holds that men assembled in this 
way are not held responsible either for the murder or for the aid 
furnished, if they do the killing in the company of the principal. And 
in these same circumstances Garzoni speaks, decision 71, throughout. 

Nor does it stand in the way of our reasoning that one of the afore- 
said defendants had inflicted wounds with his own hands, or had killed 
one of the victims; as Francesco has confessed that he inflicted four or 
five wounds [xxxviii] in the back of Francesca Pompilia. Even in 
these circumstances the rule holds good that auxiliaries shall not be pun- 
ished with greater penalty than the principal. And so affirm individu- 
ally the following authorities among those recently cited. [Citations.] 

And Garzoni testifies that it was so adjudged in the said decision 
71, where we read: " Or he may have with himself associates for 
this act," and If they kill the adulterers in company of the principal 
they are held to very slight account, either for i:he murder or for the aid 
given, and it was so adjudged. 

And even in the more extreme case of one killing by assassination, and 
consequently in the absence of the principal, this Is the opinion of 
Baldo [Citation], where we read: " And now it is inquired whether 
an assassin is ever punished, and I say he is not; because what is 
permitted in the person giving command is also permitted in the 
person commanded." Castro [Citation] also says: " Because what I 
can do of myself I can have done through my helpers who are necessary 
for that purpose." And AffllctI [Citation] says: " Either with one's 
own hands, or by help of another, even with the influence of money, and 
thus by an assassin; for Baldo says on this same point: 'What is 
permitted in the person giving command is also permitted in the person 
commanded '; and he witnesses that It was so adjudged." [Citations.] 
Marta [speaks as follows] : " Much more so because authorities affirm 
that a husband, who on account of fear can not kill the adulteress, may 
even by the help of money demand of another that he kill her, and 
neither of them is then to be punished." 

But whatever Caballus [Citation] may say to the contrary, he bases 
his opinion upon Castro and Rollandus. Castro, however, favors our 
opinion, as is to be seen in No. 3. Rollandus should not be given heed; 
for when he offers this very same opinion about the statute which permits 
anyone to take vengeance, and says that since this kind [xxxix] of 
permission is personal it can not be passed on from one to another, 
this opinion of his is expressly contrary to the teaching of Baldo, Cas- 
trensis, Jason, and others, whom we have alleged above in paragraph 



31 

quae dicta sunt. And since this opinion of ours is milder and more equit- 
able, it should hold good, as Jason decides on this point. [Citation.] 

Nor can the punishment be increased because of the alleged carrying 
of prohibited arms;"^ because the latter offense is included then with the 
real crime. [Citations.] In Guazzin we read that this is so, even if 
for the carrying of the arms a greater penalty would be inflicted [than 
for the principal offense]. And so, whenever it is evident that the 
crime has been committed for honor's sake and for a just grievance, 
as in the present case, the carrying of the arms may go unpunished, or 
at least it should not be punished with a more severe penalty than should 
be imposed for the principal crime itself. Thus Policardus [Citation] 
well aflirms when speaking of arms which are considered treacherous 
by the Banns. 

These claims should hold good more readily as regards Domenico 
and Francesco, who are foreigners, and are therefore not included in 
any of the Apostolic Constitutions or Banns, which prohibit the bearing 
of arms under very heavy penalties. [Citations.] 

Especially since they are minors as is made clear in the course of the 
trial, pp. 35 and 304; in which case they are likewise not bound by these 
Constitutions and Banns, which give judgment upon the crime of a 
minor. For the power to make and establish such regulations was 
lacking in the Prince or public official concerned. [Citations.] 

Such are the matters which, in view of the excessive scantiness of 
time, I have been able to collect in discharge of my duty for the 
defense of these poor prisoners. Nor do I at all distrust that my Lords 
Judges, when they see that too little has been said, will wish to supply 
and offer what is lacking out of the high rectitude for which they are 
distinguished. For this would be quite in accord with the decree of 
Emperors Diocletian and Maximian, as related. [Citation.] [xl] 
And they will follow the advice of Hippolitus Marsilius, famous in 
criminal proceedings, who says that a judge is obliged by his office to 
seek out grounds of defense for the accused. [Citations.] 

Desiderio Spreti, 

Advocate for the Poor. 



[File-title of Pamphlet 2.] 



By the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend 
Lord Governor in Criminal Cases: 

Roman Murder-case. 

On behalf of Count GuiJo Franceschini 

and his Associates, Prisoners, 

against the Court and the Fisc. 

Memorial of law by the Honorable Advocate 
of the Poor. 



At Rome, in the type of the Reverend Apostolic Chamber, 1698. 



i* 



[xii] Romana Homicidiorum. 

[Pamphlet 3.] 

Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Lord : 

The plea of injured honor which redeems Count Guido from the 
rigorous penalty that should follow for the commission of murders like- 
wise urges mitigation of the ordinary penalty for Blasius and the 
associates who had hand in the murder, even though it may be pretended 
that they were paid thereto."" For it is taken for granted that we are 
dealing with a case far removed from assassination, because of the 
presence of a person who had real cause for vengeance, as the following 
authorities think in common. [Citation.] 

There has been the strongest controversy among authorities as to 
whether a father or husband may demand of any one except his son the 
murder of his daughter or of his adulterous wife. And divided on the 
two sides of the question, they have contended strongly. [Citation.] 
Yet the majority are in favor of the affirmative and of the milder 
sentence; and often, in the event of such a murder, it has evidently been 
so adjudged. [Citations.] 

But since this question lies outside of our line of argument, it would 
be vain and quite useless labor to take it up, nor is time to be wasted 
when we are so hard pressed for it. For we are evidently dealing with 
auxiliaries, assembled for committing homicide, according to the 
thought of the Fisc. Hence the conditions of a mere " mandatory " are 
not applicable; because of the immediate presence of the principal in the 
crime; for when he also lays hand to the crime, those who do likewise 
are not called mandatories,"" but auxiliaries and helpers. [Citations.] 

Furthermore, just as Guido himself is freed from the death penalty 
because of the said plea of injured honor, so likewise are his allies and 
auxiliaries freed, as the following authorities [xlii] unanimously assert. 
[Citations.] 

Those who are cited in support of the opposite view do not pronounce 
opinion in our peculiar circumstances, but speak of a husband demanding 
of another the murder of his adulterous wife, and not of auxiliaries who 
do the killing in company with the husband, as in our case. [Citations.] 

In such contingency, auxiliaries who give aid to a husband while 
killing his adulterous wife have always enjoyed the same indulgence 
as the principal himself; that is, they always escape the capital penalty, 
and indeed go entirely unpunished. [Citations.] 

Nor does the distinction of Caballus make any difference, where he 
holds that auxiliaries may indeed assist with impunity a husband or a 
father killing a wife or daughter respectively, in order that these may 
kill the more safely; but that they can not lend a hand and actually 

3 33 



34 

kill; [xliii] for in the latter case they are to be held accountable for the 
murder. Because, for foundation in making such a distinction, he plants 
his feet upon Paolo de Castro. [Citation.] But this is so far from 
proving his purpose that it rather turns back on him remarkably to his 
own injury. For after the latter sets before himself this kind of a 
difficulty, under No. 2, he adds: " But I hold entirely the contrary: 
that neither the one who did the killing nor he who made the assembly 
(as it may be called) are to be held for the murder for the purpose of 
inflicting the capital penalty." 

This is also true in the council of Rollandus a Valle. [Citations.] 
May that learned authority pardon me;*"' for even if he may attempt to 
confute Paolo de Castro in the said 154th council, which is in our favor, 
under the pretext that he speaks contrary to the common opinion, this 
claim does not suffice in view of the above-cited authorities. And if 
there were time, I would demonstrate this more clearly. 

Furthermore Rollandus alleges Parisius, cotis. 1^4. lib. 4. But he 
could well omit that, because No. 22 proves expressly contrary to him 
on its very face, where it says: "Under our very conditions was 
given that excellent decision of Paolo de Castro in the before-cited 
council. In stronger circumstances (which also include the present 
case) he concludes that those who knew of, or were present, or were 
associated with a husband in the act of the said murder, and who furn- 
ished him aid, ought not to be punished with a greater penalty than the 
principal, according to the rule concerning auxiliaries, beside the accur- 
ate authority of Marsilius." And he concludes that at the very worst, 
when the utmost rigor of it is considered, they should not be punished 
with more than a temporary banishment. 

Furthermore, Rollandus in the said council is expressly confuted by 
Facchinus. [Citation.] Nor is this without vital reason. For just as a 
qualification that modifies a crime in the principal delinquent increases 
it also for the auxiliaries, whenever they are aware of it, so all sense of 
equity demands that a qualification that diminishes the penalty for the 
principal, even though it be unknown to the auxiliaries, shall act in 
favor of them also. [Citations.] Hence Caballus remains without a 
stable foundation, and is opposed to the opinion of the many doctors 
here alleged, who make no distinction between those who simply assist 
and those taking a hand in the murder; and indeed all of them [xliv] 
speak of auxiliaries. Furthermore, it is found that this has often been 
the judgiTient, even in the more extreme circumstances of one com- 
manded to a murder, as was said above. And so strong is the plea of ^" 
injured honor that not only does it extend its protection to mere man- 
datories, but even to mandatories whose case is modified by the circum- 
stance of assassination. And it causes them to be absolved, as we find 
that it was so decided. [Citations.] 



35 

Hence if both mandatories and assassins are redeemed from the 
ordinary death penalty, whenever they kill an adulteress at the command 
of the husband, it necessarily follows that the distinction of Caballus 
is not a true one, nor is it accepted in practice. For if they are man- 
datories, we can not deny that they may kill with their own hands ; and 
nevertheless, not to speak of the other decisions cited above, Clar. 
[Citation] testifies such a decision favorable to the accused was handed 
down, contrary to the opinion of Caballus. 

If, therefore, Blasius and his fellows are not to be punished with the 
death penalty for affording aid in the murders, vain is the question 
whether they can be subjected to the torment of the vigil ^-" for the 
purpose of having the very truth from their own mouths. For this 
procedure demands two requisites : one that the most urgent proofs 
stand against the accused, and the other that the crime be very atro- 
cious, according to the prescript of the Bull. [Citations.] 

And although the powers of this Tribunal are very great for the 
dispensing with one of the said requisites, yet I have never seen the 
said torment of the vigil Inflicted unless when there was no doubt that 
the crime, for which the Fisc was trying to draw confession from the 
accused, deserved the capital penalty. We can not believe that the 
prosecution expects to make a case to this end because of the pretended 
conventicle;^"" since those who are assembled are not to be held under 
the penalty for conventicle, but only the one who assembled them is so 
held, as Baldo well asserts. [Citations.] Nor in this case can the 
penalty for the asserted conventicle be made good [xlv] against Count 
Guido himself, since the cause for which he assembled the men aids 
him in evading the penalty; inasmuch as one may assemble his friends 
and associates for the purpose of regaining his reputation. [Citations.] 

For this has been well proved, that whenever any one for just griev- 
ance assembles men to avenge his injury, he has not incurred the crime 
and penalty of conventicle. 

And although FarinaccI, qtiaest. ii^, n. §^, declares that this holds 
good provided the vengeance be immediate, but that it is otherwise 
if the vengeance be after an interval, yet I pray that It be noted that In 
either case. If it concerns vengeance for a personal Injury (in which 
conditions he himself speaks), and therefore when for an injury which 
wounds the honor, such vengeance is at all times said to be taken imme- 
diately. For such an Injury always urges and presses, because It should 
be termed the restoration and reparation of honor (which the one 
injured in his reputation could not otherwise accomplish), rather than 
vindication and vengeance, as we believe was satisfactorily proved In our 
other plea In behalf of Count Guldo. 

But all further difficulty ceases with this consideration: prosecution 
can be brought for conventicle, if the men were assembled for an evil 



36 

end and no other crime followed therefrom; but when, according to the 
sense of the Fisc, they have been called together for committing mur- 
ders, and these are really committed, no further action can be taken as 
regards the prohibited conventicle, but rather for the murders them- 
selves; for the assembling of the men tended to this same effect. [Cita- 
tions.] And it is for this reason more particularly: because when the 
beginning and the end of an act are alike illegal, the end is given 
attention, and not the beginning, as Bartolo teaches us. [Citations.] 

It is to be added still further, that the assembling of men is not 
illegal in itself; [xlvi] indeed it is possible for it at some times to be both 
permissible and worthy of approval, as in the cases related by Farinacci. 
But it is illegal because of its evil consequences and the base end for 
which it is usually made. Hence, as the assembling of men is prohib- 
ited, not in itself, but because of something else, the end ought to be 
considered rather than what precedes the end. 

Nor should the rigorous penalty of death be inflicted at all upon 
Domenico Gambassini and Francesco Pasquini for the pretended carry- 
ing of arms "' of illegitimate measure; because they are foreigners and 
had not stayed long enough in the Ecclesiastical State so that their 
knowledge of this law could be taken for granted. Nor ought it to be 
inflicted upon the others; for even if the death penalty is threatened by 
the Constitutions and Banns for the bearing or retention of them; yet 
since the carrying of this kind of arms is not prohibited for reasons 
in itself, but because of the pernicious end which follows it, or can follow 
it; and because this bearing of arms was looking toward the said mur- 
ders; and because these, although they are not entirely permissible, are 
not utterly without excuse, the crime of carrying such arms should be 
included with the end for which they were carried; because the one is 
implied in the other, nor may the means seem worse than the end. And 
although, according to the opinion of some persons, the penalty for 
carrying arms is not to be confused with the crime committed with them, 
whenever the latter is the graver, yet this seems to be so understood 
when a crime is committed with them which is entirely illegal and with- 
out excuse. But this is not so when the crime is decreased and exten- 
uated, and indeed excused in part, because of the reason for which it was 
committed. 

In any case, the bearing of arms, according to common law, is but a 
slight crime. [Citations.] 

Although by special Constitutions and Banns the penalty has been 
increased almost to the highest possible point, yet this kind of increase 
does not change the nature of the crime. And just as in the eyes of the 
common law [xlvii] torture is not inflicted for getting the truth from 
those indicted for the said carrying of arms, in view of the insignificance 



37 

of the crime, in like manner it can not be inflicted by the force of Con- 
stitutions and Statutes which have increased the penalty. [Citations.] 

And this is especially true in the case of the torment of the vigil, 
which can not be inflicted for a crime that is not in its very nature most 
atrocious, but that is held as such, so far as the penalty is concerned, 
merely by the strength of a decree. This holds good unless indeed the 
nature of that crime is changed according to the method of proceeding 
in it. [Citation.] 

And we see in the Banns of our Illustrious Lord Governor that he 
expressly declared this, when he wished to proceed with the torment of 
the vigil in cases, in which he could not proceed legally; that of a 
certainty he would not do so. Nor would he indeed have done this, if 
he could have inflicted such tortures in the case of crimes which are not 
capital by common law, but are to be expiated with the death penalty by 
the rigor of the Banns. 

H. Arcangeli, 

Procurator of the Poor. 



[xlvlii] [File-title of Pamphlet 3.] 

By the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend 
Lord Governor in Criminal Cases: 

Roman Murder-case. 

In behalf of B/asio Agostinelli and his Associates, 
Prisoners, against the Fisc. 

Memorial of fact and law. 



At Rome, in the type of the Reverend Apostolic Chamber, 1698. 



[xlix] SUMMARY. 

[Pamphlet 4.] 

June 24, 1694. 
Angelica, the daughter of the deceased 
No. I."" Pietro and Giovanna Battista of Castelluccio, 

The sworn testimony of a j^ jj^^ Dioccse of Arczzo, about ic vears of 

witness as to the poverty or • i i t i i r r !->• 

said Count Guido Frances- age, was examined by me on behalf of Pietro 
chmi and the iniseries suf- Comparlni, against any one whomsoever, 
parini while they stayed in and put On permanent rccord ; as to which 
Arezz'^o""'^ '" "'^ '''^ "^ testimony, she took oath to speak the truth, 

as is seen below. 
I tell you in all truth, sir, that while I was staying in Arezzo last 
January "' in the home of Signora Maddalena Baldi " Albergotti, the 
chance was offered me to go and serve Signora Beatrice Franceschini 
and her sons, etc. I decided to do so, and when I had gone to the home 
of the Signori Franceschini I spoke with the said Signora Beatrice. 
She drew me aside into a little room and told me that she would take 
me as a servant, but that I should never have any private dealings with 
the two old people who were in the house; one of them was Signor 
Pietro Comparlni, and the other Signora VIolante, his wife. She 
charged me still further that if either of the two old people chanced to 
call me into their chamber, I should not go without first asking her 
permission. On these terms I accepted the service. After I had 
entered thereupon, I noticed that Signora Violante stayed in her room 
most of the time, weeping, and though the Comparini were stiff with 
cold, the room was without fire. Hence I took pity on her, and without 
the knowledge of Signora Beatrice, I took the coals from my own 
brazier and carried them to her. But no sooner did I offer them to 
her than Signora VIolante ordered me out of the room, lest Signora 
Beatrice might take offense that I had done this act of charity. Also, 
once among the many times, when Signora Beatrice found it out she 
made me leave the coals in the fireplace and snatched the shovel from 
my hands, and threatened me, saying that If she had wished it she 
herself would have come to bring it; because she did not want me to do 
any service whatsoever for the said Signori Comparini. And the 
Comparlni could not even speak among themselves, because Signor 
Guido Franceschini, the Canon Girolamo his brother, and Signora 
Beatrice, their mother, would stand at one door or another of the 
apartment and listen to what the said Signori Comparini were saying to 
one another. This occurred every evening and morning until the said 
Signor Pietro left the room and the house. And when he returned at 

38 



39 

night they were unwilling for me to make a light for him on the 
stairway. And once when Signer Pietro came back home about half 
past six in the evening, and I heard him scrape his feet, I took up the 
lamp to go and meet him. But Signor Guido noticing that, snatched 
the lamp from my hands, [1] telling me that I had better keep still 
and that I had better not approach unless I wished to be pitched out of 
the window. And this seemed all the worse to me, because when I 
first entered upon the service of the said Franceschini I had heard it said 
around the house that one evening, as Signor Pietro was coming back 
home, he had fallen, while ascending the same steps without a light, 
and that he had made a very ugly bruise, because of which he had had to 
keep his bed for many days. At the same time, while I was in the said 
service, it chanced one morning at breakfast that the Franceschini gave 
some offense to Signora Violante, because of which a mishap befell her. 
For no sooner had she reached her own room than she threw herself 
into a straw-chair and swooned away. When Signora Francesca 
Pompilia, wife of the said Signor Guido, found it out, she began to 
weep and to cry out with a loud voice, saying, " My mother is dying." 
Whereupon I ran to Signora Violante and began to unlace her, and 
turned to bring her a little vinegar and fire. But because there was 
no fire I took some wood and put it in the fireplace to kindle it. When 
Signora Beatrice saw this she snatched the wood from the fire, in great 
anger, and told me to take the ashes, which were quite enough to warm 
her feet. So I took the ashes that were in the fireplace, but because of 
the intensely cold weather they were cool when I reached the room 
where the Signora Violante was half dead. Accordingly, the Signora 
Pompilia and I, both of us weeping, unclothed Signora Violante and 
put her in the bed, which was as cold as ice. And because I was crying 
when I returned to the kitchen, after having put Signora Violante to 
bed, Signora Beatrice said to me : " Do you want me to take a little 
hemp and wipe your eyes? " Signora Francesca Pompilia also heard 
this, and she made some complaint to Signora Beatrice, who did not 
want me to return to the room again nor to make a little gruel, as 
Signora Violante had ordered. 

It happened a few days later, during the month of February follow- 
ing," that while the Signori Franceschini, Francesca Pompilia, Signor 
Pietro, and Signora Violante were at the table, they began talking of 
their purpose of sending me away, as the Franceschini had already 
dismissed me from service. When Signora Francesca Pompilia, who 
was at the table with the others as I have said above, heard this, she 
remarked to Signor Pietro and Signora Violante : " Do you know 
why they wish to send her away? They believe she wished to censure 
me because Signora Beatrice said some days ago that she would take 
hemp and wipe the tears from her eyes, when she was weeping over the 



40 

accident that happened to you, mother." Then Signor Pietro spoke up 
and asked the Signori Franceschini to keep me in their good graces for 
eight or ten days more, for if he wished to return to Rome with Signora 
Violante [li] he would take me with them. And he said he could 
expect this favor at their hands, as it was the first he had ever asked of 
them. To this, none of the Franceschini replied; but Signor Guide 
rose from the table and, approaching me, gave me two very good licks. 
The others then came up. While he was doing this, the Canon, his 
brother, also gave me some kicks, and his mother struck me and told 
me to leave at once. As soon as Signora Violante saw and heard this 
she took pity on me and exclaimed to the said Signori : " Where do you 
wish the poor thing to go now? " And all the Franceschini with one 
accord said to Signora Violante : " You get out with her, too." And 
they called her " slut," and other insulting names, so that Signora 
Violante went to her room to put on her wraps. The Canon " drew a 
sword and ran after her into the room and shut the door. I, fearing 
that he would inflict some wounds upon Signora Violante, ran to enter 
the room and found that the Canon had locked himself within. So 
myself and Signor Pietro and Francesca Pompilla began to weep and 
to cry out for help, thinking that the Canon would kill Signora Violante 
there Inside. And after some little time, I left the house, while the said 
couple and Signora Francesca Pompilia were still making outcry to the 
Signori Franceschini. 

During all the time I remained in the service of the said Signori 
Franceschini at Arezzo, as I have said above, I can say of a truth that 
every morning and evening at the table I served the said Signori 
Franceschini, Signora Francesca Pompilia, Signor Pietro and Signora 
Violante Comparinl. For the food of all this tableful, the Franceschini 
bought on Saturday a sucking lamb, on which they spent, at most, 
twelve or fourteen ^ra;/V. Then Signora Beatrice cooked It and divided 
it out for the entire week. And the head of the lamb "' she divided up 
for a relish three times, and for the relish at other times she served 
separately the lights and intestines. During the days of the week when 
they ate flesh there was no other sort of meat on the table to satisfy 
the needs of all the tableful. When he did not buy the lamb on Satur- 
day,"* as I have said, Signor Guldo gave money to Joseph, the house- 
boy, to buy two pounds of beef. Signora Beatrice herself put this to 
cook every morning, nor was she willing for the rest to meddle with it, 
and they ate therefrom at the table and carved for the evening meal. 
And because this meat was so tough that Signor Pietro could not eat it 
(as they had not cooked It enough), Signor Pietro did without eating 
meat, for the most part, and ate only a little bread, toasted and in bad 
condition, and a morsel of cheese, [lii] Thus Signor Pietro passed the 
days when they bought beef. On fasting days he ate vegetable soup 



ii 



41 

with a little salted pike, and sometimes a few boiled chestnuts. But 
always, whether on fasting days or not, the bread was as black as ink,"* 
and heavy, and ill-seasoned. Then the wine which served for the table 
was but a single flask; and, as soon as the wine was poured into this, 
Signora Beatrice made me put in as much more of water. And so I 
made out to fill the wine flask, half of it being water, and very often 
there was more water than wine."' This flask she put on the table, and 
ordinarily it sufficed for all those eating, although at most, the flask did 
not hold more than 3^ foghliette [half-pints] according to Roman 
measure. 

Furthermore, I say that, not many days after I had left this service, 
it was public talk throughout Arezzo that Signer Pietro had gone home 
about half past six in the evening and had found the street door shut 
so that he could not open it, and he was obliged to knock. When 
Signora Violante saw that no one about the house was going to open the 
door she herself went downstairs to do so, but the door was locked with 
a key. And although she called Signor Guido and others who were in 
the house, yet no one stirred to go and open It. Therefore Signor 
Pietro went to sleep at the inn, and in the morning returned to see 
Signora Violante and Signora Francesca Pompilia. It was likewise said 
throughout Arezzo that when Signor Pietro complained at having been 
locked out of the house by the Canon, and when both Signor Pietro and 
Signora Violante reproached them bitterly about It, a new quarrel arose 
among them, and because of It both the Signor! ComparinI were driven 
out of the house. Signora Violante was received at the home of Signor 
Doctor BorrI, where she dined that evening and spent the night. And 
Signor Pietro went to the inn to dine and sleep. 

When I heard that, I went to the house of Signor BorrI to see Signora 
Violante, but was not admitted. And the wife of Signor BorrI told 
me to go and tend to my own affairs. For she did not wish the Frances- 
chlnl, who lived opposite, to perceive that I had gone there to see 
Signora Violante, as some disturbance might arise therefrom. Then 
the next morning I went to the Inn, where I had been told Signora 
Violante had gone to find Signor Pietro, but I did not find either of 
them, and was told by the host that they had gone out. So, not knowing 
where to find them, I returned to the home of Signora Maddelena 
Albergottl, where I was staying. And I heard afterwards that both 
Signor Pietro [liii] and Signora Violante had returned to the Inn, 
where they had breakfasted. Then by the Interposition of the Governor 
of Arezzo they were reconciled with the Franceschini, and they returned 
indeed to the house of the latter. I heard also that the Franceschini 
continued to maltreat and Insult the said couple, as they had continually 
done while I was In their service. Therefore they were finally obliged 
to leave Arezzo and go back to Rome.""" 



42 

All the abovesaid matters I know from having seen and heard the 
ill-treatment, which the Franceschini inflicted upon the Comparini, and 
the insults which they offered them and Signora Francesca Pompilia; 
and likewise from having heard them talked about publicly throughout 
Arezzo, where it is known to everyone and is notorious, and where there 
is public talk and rumor about it. 



June 17, 1697. 
No. 2. To whomsover It may concern : 

Various attestations"' as •\^^ fhg undersigned, attest as true: That 

to Francesca s recourse to the „. -, ?-, ... „ . . .- 

Bishop and Governor because Signora i'rancesca Fompilia Comparmi, wire 
of the cruelty of her husband ^f Signor Guido Franceschini, has many and 

and relatives. "^ . n i /■ i i • i 

many a time lied from home and hastened now 
to Monsignor the Bishop,"" and again to the Governor,"' and also to 
the neighbors, because of the continual scolding and ill-treatment which 
she has suffered at the hands of Count Guido her husband, Signora 
Beatrice her mother-in-law, and the Signor Canon GIrolamo her 
brother-in-law. We know this from having met her when she was 
fleeing as above, and from the public talk and the notoriety of it 
throughout the city of Arezzo. In pledge of which, have we signed 
the present attestation with our own hands this abovesaid day and 
year, etc. 

I, Canon Alessandro Tortelli, affirm the truth 
to be as abovesaid, and in pledge thereto 
have signed with my own hand. 
I, Marco Romano, affirm the truth to be as 
abovesaid, and in pledge, etc., with my 
own hand. 
I, Antonio Francesco Arcangeli, affirm the 
truth to be as is contained above, with 
my own hand. 
I, Cammillo Lombardi, affirm as is contained 

above, with my own hand. 
I, Francesco Jacopo Conti "" of Bissignano 
affirm as is contained above, and in 
pledge, etc., with my own hand. 
I, Urbano Antonio Romano,"* a priest of 
Arezzo, and at present Curate of the 
parish church of St. Adriano, affirm the 
truth to be as is contained above, and in 
pledge thereto have subscribed with my 
own hand. 
Then follows the identification of the handwriting in due form, etc. 



43 

[liv] Most Illustrious Sir, my most Honored Master: 

I can not do less, etc., departure, she has 

Extract from a letter writ- been little like the Signora Francesca, etc. ; 

ten by p. Tommaso Roman!, g^e fled from home, and went into San 

uncle or Guide Franceschini, . « . i ■ , 

to Pietro Comparini in Rome. Antonio. And thither ran also Signor Guido, 

the Canon, and Beatrice, etc., in order that 
she might come back, and in that belief the Signora Francesca returned 
home, etc. Yesterday, Signora Francesca and my sister were in the 
Duomo at sermon. At its close, while she was going away and was 
near the gate of Monsignore,"* Francesca fled into the Palace, which 
is very near by. This was about seven o'clock in the evening, and there 
was a fine row in the Palace, etc. 

Most Illustrious Signor and most Cherished Master: 

At my return, etc., the Signora, his wife, 

Extract from another letter has been melancholy, and two evenings after 

written by Bartoloraeo Al- ^ departure, she made a big disturbance, 

bergotti, a gentleman, to Z ^ ' & ' 

Pietro Comparini. because She did not wish to go and sleep ^ ° 

with Signor Guido her husband, etc. The day 
before Palm Sunday the Signora went, etc., to preaching, etc., and in 
leaving there she rushed into the Palace of the Bishop,"^ etc. She took 
her station at the head of the stairs "^ and stayed there until half past 
six in the evening; and neither Signora Beatrice nor Signor Guido were 
able to make her return home. Yet the Bishop did not give her an 
audience, but his secretary hastened thither and urged Signor Guido and 
Signora Beatrice not to scold the Signora his wife, etc. And after 
quite enough of such disputes, they took her back home, etc. 

March 21, 1697 [for May.] 
No. 3. Francesca Comparini, when under oath. 

Deposition of Francesca as etc, when questioned whether she had ever 
Lnrri.;:; V;"1\Ta:::. \^"t any letter to Abate Franceschini here in 
Franceschini, and previously the City, while she lived in Arczzo, replied: 
rSed in^ the" prosS ' While I was in Arezzo I wrote, at the in- 

brought for her pretended Stance of my husband, to my brother-in-law 

^^ Abate Franceschini, here in Rome; but as I 

did not know how to write, my husband wrote the letter with a pen- 
cil "* and then he made me trace it with a pen and ink it with my own 
hand. And he told me that his brother had taken pleasure in receiving 
such a letter of mine, written by myself. This happened two or three 
times. 

When questioned whether if she should see one of the letters written 
as is told above, and sent to the City to the same Abate Franceschini, 
she would recognize it, etc. 



44 

She replied : Ti your Honor would cause me to see one of the letters 
written by me, as above, and sent to Abate Franceschini, I should recog- 
nize it very well. 

And when at my command the letter was shown to her, about 
which there was discussion in the prosecution, and which begins 
Carissimo Cognato sono con questa, and ends, etc., Arezzo i^ Giiigno 
i6g4, afetionatissima Serva, e Cognata Francesca Comparini tie 
Franceschini. 

[Iv] She responded: I have seen and have examined carefully this 
letter shown me by the order of your Honor, which begins Carissimo 
Signor Cognato sono con questa, etc., and ends Francesca Comparini, ne 
Franceschini, and having looked at it, I think, but can not swear to it 
as the truth, that this is one of the letters written by me to my brother- 
in-law. Abate Franceschini, in conformity [to my husband's wishes] 
as is said above. 

Dearest Brother-in-law: 
No. 4.1" I wish by this letter to pay my respects to 

The tenor of the letter you, and to thank you for your efforts in plac- 

written as above to Abate . . , . , -^ , ' , ./ 

Franceschini. ing me m this home, where, rar removed rrom 

my parents, I live now a tranquil life and 
enjoy perfect safety, not having them around me. For they grieved me 
night and day with their perverse commands, which were against the 
law, both human and divine : that I should not love Signor Guido, my 
husband, and that I should flee by night from his couch. "'^ At the same 
time they made me tell him that I had no congeniality with him and 
that he was not my husband because I have no children by him. They 
also caused me to run away often "" to the Bishop "° without any reason 
whatever, and made me tell the Bishop that I wished to be divorced 
from Signor Guido. And for the purpose of stirring up great discord 
in the home, my mother told the Bishop, and Signor Guido, and then the 
entire town, that the Canon my brother-in-law had solicited me dis- 
honorably,''- a thing that had never been thought of by him. They 
urged me to continue these evil counsels, which were far from right and 
far from the submission due to my husband. And they left me at their 
departure their express command, by my obligation to obey them, that 
I should kill my husband, give poison to my brothers-in-law and my 
mother-in-law, burn the house and break the vases and other things, 
in order that in the eyes of the world it might not appear after their 
departure that it was they who had counseled me to commit so many 
crimes. And finally at their departure, they left me, as a parting com- 
mand, that I should choose for myself a young man to my taste, and 
with him should run away to Rome, and many other matters, which I 



45 

omit for blushing. Now that I have not her at hand who stirred up my 
mind, I enjoy the quiet of Paradise, and know that my parents were 
thus directing me to a precipice, because of their own rage. Therefore, 
now that I see in their true light these deeds proposed by the command 
of my parents, I pray for pardon from God, from yourself, and from 
all the world. For I wish to be a good Christian and a good wife to 
Signor Guido, who has many times chidden me in a loving manner, 
saying that some day I would thank him for the reproofs he gave me. 
And these evil counsels which my parents have given, I have now made 
known, and I acknowledge myself 

Your most affectionate servant and sister, 

Francesca Comparini ne Franceschini. 
Arezzo, June 14, 1694. 

Outside directed to Abate Paolo Franceschini, Rome. 



[Ivi] 

[The deposition of Pompilia is translated pp. 69-73 in its completer form as 
given in the Summary for the Defense. The only additional fact given in 
this version is the date of the affidavit, Monday, May 13, 1697."' She had 
been arrested at Castelnuovo May i.] 



[Ivii] I, the undersigned, barefooted Au- 

No. 6. gustlnlan priest,^" pledge my faith that Inas- 

Attestations of priests and j„y^,[^ ^g J ^^g present, helping Slgnota 

other persons, worthy to be • ■ r i r • e 

accepted in all respects; who rranccsca Companni from the first mstant or 
gave Francesca assistance f^^j. pitiable case, cven to the very end of her 

even till her death; they ,.. '^^ . ■' , , . 

speak of her honesty, and her life, 1 Say and attest On my ptiestly oath, ni 
declaration that she had never j-hg presence of the God who must judge me. 

violated her conjugal faith. ^ . v j 

that to my own confusion '^^ I have discovered 
and marveled at an innocent and saintly conscience in that ever-blessed 
child. During the four days she survived, when exhorted by me to 
pardon her husband, she replied with tears in her eyes and with a placid 
and compassionate voice : " May Jesus pardon hlm,'^* as I have already 
done with all my heart." But what Is more to be wondered at ''" Is 
that, although she suffered great pain, I never heard her speak an 
offensive or Impatient word, nor show the slightest outward vexation 



46 

either toward God or those near by.'" But ever submissive to the 
Divine Will, she said: " May God have pity on me," in such a way, 
indeed, as would have been incompatible with a soul that was not at 
one with God. To such an union one does not attain in a moment, but 
rather by the habit of years. 

I say further that I have always seen her self-restrained, and especi- 
ally during medical treatment. On these occasions, if her habit of life 
had not been good, she would not have minded certain details around 
her with a modesty well-noted and marveled at by me ; nor otherwise 
could a young girl have been in the presence of so many men with such 
modesty and calm as that in which the blessed child remained while 
dying. And you may well believe what the Holy Spirit speaks by .the 
mouth of the Evangelist, in the words of St. Matthew, chapter 7 : 
" An evil tree can not bring forth good fruit." Note that he says " can 
not," and not " does not "; that is, making it impossible to infer the 
ability to do perfect deeds when oneself is imperfect and tainted with 
vice. You should therefore say that this girl was all goodness and 
modesty, since with all ease and all gladness she performed virtuous 
and modest deeds even at the very end of her life. Moreover she has 
died with strong love for God, with great composure, with all the 
sacred sacraments of the Church, and with the admiration [Iviii] of 
all bystanders, who blessed her as a saint. I do not say more lest I be 
taxed with partiality. I know very well that God alone is the searcher 
of hearts, but I also know that from the abundance of the heart the 
mouth speaks; and that my great St. Augustine says: " As the life, so 
its end." 

Therefore, having noted in that ever blessed child saintly words, 
virtuous deeds, most modest acts, and the death of a soul in great fear of 
God, for the relief of my conscience I am compelled to say, and can not 
do otherwise, that necessarily she has ever been a good, modest, and 
honorable girl, etc. 

This tenth of January, 1698. 

I, Fra Celestino Angelo of St. Anna, 
barefooted Augustinian, affirm 
as I have said above, with my 
own hand. 



We, the undersigned, being Interrogated for the truth, have 
Another made full and unquestioned statement on our oath, that we 
as above. Were present and assisted at the last illness from which Fran- 
cesca Pompilia, wife of Guido Franceschini, died. She was 
often asked by her confessors and other persons whether she had com- 
mitted any offense against the said Guido, her husband, whereby she 



47 

might have given him occasion to maltreat her in such a manner as to 
cause her death. And she always responded that she had never com- 
mitted any offense against hlm,''*^ but had always lived with all chastity 
and modesty. And this we know from having been present during the 
said suffering, and from having heard all these questions and responses 
while we were giving her medical treatment, or otherwise assisting, and 
from hearing her respond to these questions, as above, during the four 
days '"*'' while she was suffering from her wounds, as we have seen and 
heard her; and we have witnessed her dying the death of a saint. 

In pledge thereto we have signed this present attestation with our 
own hands here in Rome this tenth of January, 1698. 

I, NicoLO CoNSTANTio, etc., who assisted at the treatment of 
the said Francesca Pompilia during four days, attest 
as above, etc. 
I, Fra Celestino Angelo ^^' of St. Anna,'" barefooted 
Augustinian, say that I was present from the first instant 
of the case, even to the end of her life, and was always 
ministering to her. She ever said " May God pardon 
him in heaven as I pardon him on earth f''" but as for the 
matter they charge me with, and for which they have 
slain me, I am utterly innocent." ^^^ In proof whereof 
she said that God should not pardon her that sin, 
because she had never committed it.''*" She died as an 
innocent martyr in the presence of another priest, to the 
edification of all the bystanders, as I have affirmed 
above with my own hand. 
[lix] I, Placido Sardi, a priest, affirm with my own hand 
as the abovesaid Father, Fra Celestino, has declared, 
having been present as above. 
I, the Marquis Nicolo Gregorio, affirm as above with my 

own hand. 
I, the undersigned, affirm what is contained in the above- 
written statement, as well as in the attestation of the 
reverend Father Celestino of Jesu and Maria. I 
assisted the abovesaid Signora Francesca Pompilia from 
the first, having picked her up from the earth where she 
lay in utter weakness because of her wounds. She had 
her head upon the legs of Signor Pietro Comparini,'"' 
who was already dead. She made confession in my 
arms to the Principal of the Greek College, because she 
could neither rise up nor lie down. And from that hour 
I never left her, but always ministered to her even unto 
her death. She was the most exemplary and edifying 



48 

Christian I have ever seen. For I saw her resigned to 
the divine will, and she always relied upon her own 
innocence, etc. 
I, Giuseppe d'Andillo, with my own hand. 

I, the undersigned, attest and affirm what is contained in all 
the said affidavits, from having assisted the said Fran- 
cesca Pompilia, etc. 

DiONYSio GoDYN, with my own hand. 

I, LucA CoRSi, affirm with my own hand as is contained in 
all the said attestations, from having assisted day and 
night as long as the malady of the former Francesca 
Pompilia continued, and from having heard as above. 

I, Giovanni Battista Guitens, apothecary, who have 
assisted at the treatment and care of the said Francesca 
Pompilia, affirm with my own hand as is contained in all 
the above affidavits and attestations, from having as- 
sisted continually throughout a night and a day at the 
malady of the same. 

I, Giovanni Battista Mucha, the boy of the said Giovanni 
Battista Guitens, apothecary, affirm with my own hand 
as is contained above in the said attestation, from having 
assisted with the former Francesca Pompilia. 

Full and unquestionable statement is given by me the here under- 
signed, Abate Liberate Barberito, Doctor of Theology, that, as I 
was summoned to assist at the death of the said Signora Francesca 
Comparini, I often noticed, and especially during an entire night, that 
the above-named defendant suffered the pains of her wounds with 
Christian resignation, and condoned with superhuman generosity the 
offenses ''" of the one who had caused her innocent death with so many 
wounds. [Ix] I also observed during that night the tenderness of the 
conscience of the above-named. For she passed it in showing the 
unwavering feelings of an heroic and Christian perfection. And this 
so much so that I can attest ^" that during the experience I have had, 
having been four years Vicar in the Cure of Monsignor, the Bishop of 
Monopoli, of blessed memory, I have never observed the dying with 
like sentiments. And this is all the more so in an evil caused so 
violently by another. Therefore in pledge, etc. Rome, this tenth day 
of January, 1698. 

I, Abate di Liberato Barberito, affirm as above, etc. 



[File-title of Pamphlet 4.1 



By the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend 
Lord Governor in Criminal Cases: 

Roman Murder-case with qualifying circumstance. 

For the Fisc. 
Summary. 



At Rome, in the type of the Reverend Apostolic Chamber, 1698. 



49 



[ixi] Romana Excidii. 

[Pamphlet 5.] 

Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Lord : 

The deplorable slaughter of the entire Comparini family, which 
occurred in this dear city of ours on the second night '" of the current 
month of January,'"^ and the shedding of their blood, cries out from 
earth to God for vengeance upon the criminals. And in order that 
we may fulfill the obligations of the office we are occupying, we have 
paid down the price of toil to narrate here with faithful pen the series 
of events. From this, my Lords Judges may readily see what laws may 
be applicable for a decision as to this cause and for the punishment of 
the delinquents for the same deed, etc., and so Barbosa says in his 
axioms in jurisprudence, axiom 93, No. i : " Just as from the deed 
the law takes its rise, so from the deed the law dies." 

The series of facts, therefore, is as follows:*"* Guido Franceschini, 
of the city of Arezzo, married *^^ *^^ Francesca Comparini, for whom, 
by Pietro and Violante Comparini, there were promised as dowry,"' 
among other matters, certain properties subject to a reversionary 
interest.*" For they had brought this same Francesca up in their home 
as their own daughter, and as such they married her. Then, as the 
aforesaid Pietro and Violante had no other children, they left their 
home in the City to go and live in the home of Franceschini at Arezzo."* 
There, for some time, they continued to live together in peace; but, as 
often happens among friends and relatives, contentions and quarrelings 
arose."^ On account of these, the aforesaid Pietro and Violante left 
that home and the city of Arezzo, and went back to Rome."" In the 
meantime, as the flame of this enkindled hatred increased, a lawsuit 
was instituted -"'' as to the dowry once promised, but now denied by 
Pietro, on the pretext that Francesca was not indeed the daughter of the 
same Pietro and Violante, but that, after a pretense of her birth had 
been made,'"'' she had been received and brought up by them. And for 
this reason the said Guido and Francesca could not hope for the 
inheritance of the properties under the reversionary interest."" But 
although Franceschini gained a favorable judgment on this point,"" 
yet when appeal had been made on behalf of Pietro Comparini, ="* 
Francesca declared that she was Ill-treated in the home of her husband 
by himself, and therefore desired to leave that home. Accordingly, 
with the aid and companionship of Canon Caponsacchi, a relative of the 
said Franceschini, as is supposed, she ran away. But Franceschini had 
notice of his wife's [Ixii] flight and, following her up, he overtook her 

5° 



51 

at the tavern of Castelnuovo. There he went to the governor ^^^ of 
that place and saw to effecting the capture "- of his wife and the Canon, 
as indeed followed. Then the quarrel was continued. A criminal 
suit -'"' was brought in this Tribunal of the Governor of the City;"" the 
process of action was arranged, and the counsel on both sides was often 
heard, both by word of mouth and in writing. At last it was decided 
that owing to lack of proof ^" of adultery the said Canon should be 
banished to Civita Vecchia "^ and Francesca should be held in safe- 
keeping."" But because the Comparini claimed that the furnishing of 
food in the safekeeping was the duty of Franceschini, and the latter 
declared it lay with Comparini,"" -'*^ the most Illustrious Lord Gov- 
ernor, having first secured the consent of Abate Paolo,^*** the brother 
of Guido and his representative in the case, assigned the home ^" of 
the Comparini to Francesca as a safe and secure prison under security. 
While these contests were still pending,^"'* both in the civil and 
criminal cases, as well as in that for divorce brought by Francesca, the 
wife,*"" this same Franceschini schemed to take vengeance upon the 
abovesaid. For the execution of this criminal purpose he brought 
together ^'" Domenico Gambassini of Florence, Alessandro Baldeschi 
of the region of Castello, Francesco Pasquini Antonii of the Marquisate 
of Monte Acuto, and Blasio Agostinelli of the town of Popolo, and 
dwelling at the Villa Quarata. He provided them with swords and 
dagger,"^ prohibited by the Bull of Alexander VIII, and entered the 
City in company with the aforesaid men. Approaching the home of 
the Comparini, at the first hour ^"^ of the night, he secured the opening 
of the door to himself under the pretense of bringing a letter,^^^ sent 
to Violante by the said Canon Caponsacchi, then staying at Civita 
Vecchia. As soon as the door of the home was opened by the said 
Violante,""^ the aforesaid Guido and his companions immediately set 
upon her. She was cut to pieces with their swords and immediately 
fell dead. Pietro likewise was cut down and died. Francesca, however, 
tried to hide under a bed,^" but was found and wounded in many 
places. Then, as if God granted her the favor,'** she was not left 
utterly dead, though after a few days she also passed away; and thus 
she could reveal this monstrous crime. As soon as my Lord Governor 
had notice of this, with most vigilant attention, he saw that the male- 
factors were pursued beyond the City.'^' Accordingly that same night 
they were discovered in the tavern at Merluccia '" with firearms and 
illegal swords, [Ixiii] still bloody,"- and were taken back to prison. 
Then, when a case had been made against them, they were examined 
as to the crime. Some of them indeed confessed it, and although the 
others made denial of the management and knowledge of the killing 
of the entire family, yet against them there are most urgent presumptions 
of the knowledge and management abovesaid. Furthermore, from the 



52 

same prosecution the gravest proofs have resulted, such as can be but 
slightly attacked and controverted by the Defense. 

Hence, when this cause may be presented to receive judgment, we 
believe that no foundation can afford defense for the criminals to 
escape the capital penalty, so far as they have confessed their crime, 
or can release those who have denied it from the rigorous torture of the 
vigil.'^'^ For what if the Defense do strongly argue the question as to 
whether a husband who kills an adulterous wife, not immediately and 
when found in adultery, but after an interval,^"^ ought to be excused 
from the ordinary penalty of the Lex Cornelia de Sicariisl Some 
authorities indeed give an affirmative opinion for the excuse of the 
husband, as is to be seen in Giurba. [Citations.] Yet all of these 
authorities for mitigating the penalty upon a husband who kills his 
wife after an interval are mo\-ed by this reason: That since the 
sense of injured honor always oppresses the heart, it is difficult to 
restrain just resentment; for this reason the defense of the honor is said 
to be immediate when done as quickly as possible. 

But there are indeed many other authorities who stand by the nega- 
tive, asserting that a husband who kills his wife, otherwise than when 
taken in adultery and in acts of passion, should be punished with the 
ordinary penalty. [Citations.] D. Raynaldus [Citation] says this opin- 
ion is the truer and the more advantageous to the state, nor should one 
depart from it in giving judgment. Sanzio says that it was often ad- 
judged in this Senate that a husband was not excused by adultery legiti- 
mately proved, if he killed his wife after an interval; [Ixiv] and for this 
reason, because formerly, according to the law of Romulus, a husband 
could kill his wife, but the Lex Julia permitted him to kill only the vile 
adulterer, as Matthaeus proves. [Citation.] 

But in this our present show of fact we believe we are dealing with a 
matter outside of the difficulty of this proposed question. For the 
authorities cited above for the contrary opinion hold good, and should 
be understood to do so, whenever the contention is about a husband who 
has killed his wife without excess of law and with no concurring circum- 
stances and aggravating qualities, and when moved only by just griev- 
ance. But it is otherwise when, as in our case, excess and contempt of 
law is present and aggravating circumstances and qualities concur."' 
Laurentius Matthasus [Citation] testifies that, according to common 
practice, such a distinction has been followed out. And after he had 
affirmed that a husband should be excused from the ordinary penalty 
and be punished more mildly, he adds: " For these reasons, it is the 
common practice to weigh the effect of the grievance and to punish 
only the excess; so that if the suspicion of guile in the manner of 
killing is present (as he considers any circumstance which tends toward 
treachery) the penalty is aggravated." 



53 

The aggravating circumstances which concur in our case are indeed 
many, and they are so grave that any one of them is enough reason 
for imposing the death penalty or for qualifying the crime. 

The first of these is the assembling of armed men;"^ for according 
to decrees of the Governor of this City the penalty of death and of the 
confiscation of goods is inflicted upon the one assembling the men; and 
this is true even if those assembled are but four,"" as is read in chapter 
82 of the same Banns. This circumstance and quality can not be evaded 
on the authority of certain jurists who assert that it is permissible for a 
husband to kill his wife, even by means of men thus brought together. 
For the said authorities speak, and should be understood, in a case in 
which a husband may kill with impunity an adulterer and his own wife 
in the very act of adultery, or in the home of the husband. But it is 
otherwise if she is killed after an interval, or outside of the home of 
her husband ; according to what is given. [Citation.] Or these matters 
might hold good if in no other way he could kill the adulterer and his 
wife. So think all authorities who can be adduced in favor of the 
husband. This can not be said in our case since Franceschini,^"" while 
following his wife with firearms, could have taken [Ixv] vengeance at 
the inn of Castelnuovo. But he had recourse to the judge,"" and 
chose the legal way of punishing his wife and the Canon with whom 
she fled. Or these claims would hold good if he had assembled a smaller 
number of men, whereby the crime of conventicle would not have been 
established. And this is the more strongly to be held because we are 
not concerned with a deed that is unpunishable, and permissible by law, 
as I have said. 

Nor do we believe that the Defense can make a claim that the husband 
may kill an adulterous wife after an interval with impunity; for all 
the authorities who can be adduced in favor of the husband free 
him indeed from the ordinary penalty, but not from an extraordinary 
penalty, as those adduced by us above in § Hinc cum Causa can be seen 
to hold. If therefore, in our case, the husband committed a crime 
punishable in itself, how could he assemble a number of men forming 
a conventicle prohibited by the Banns, without incurring the penalty 
threatened by them ? 

The second quality and circumstance is the carrying of arms "^ *^^ 
contrary to the specification of the Constitution of Alexander VIII, 
which is extended to the whole Ecclesiastical State. Still less can the 
authority of jurists be alleged in excuse from this threatened penalty, 
if the husband kill an adulterer and the wife with prohibited arms. 
For aside from the response given by us in the explanation of the first 
circumstance of assembling and of conventicle (namely that these 
authorities hold good and should be understood to apply only in cases 
permitted by law, and therefore unpunishable), we say still further 



54 

that they have very little application as regards the arms we are discuss- 
ing; since the said Constitution prohibits not merely the carrying of such 
arms, but even their retention, manufacture, or introduction into the 
City and the Ecclesiastical State, under the penalty of rebellion and 
criminal insult to the majesty of the law."" And so far as we are 
acquainted with such cases as are permitted by law, the authority of these 
jurists should be understood to hold good concerning arms, the carrying 
of which is indeed prohibited, but not the retention and introduction 
under any pretext whatsoever, even the pretext of justice; as is included 
in this same Constitution § i where we read : " Or to carry them on any 
pretext whatever, whether of military service or of the execution of 
justice, and still less to keep them in one's home or elsewhere." And 
in § Ad haec it prohibits even the introduction of them : " the retention 
of them at home, in storehouses, and elsewhere, their introduction into 
the Ecclesiastical State, and their manufacture." 

If therefore the retention and introduction of such arms is pro- 
hibited, even when on the pretext of executing justice, [Ixvi] ridiculous 
indeed would be Franceschini's pretense that he could approach the 
City and the home of his wife with such arms to vindicate, after an 
interval, this pretended offense of honor. This is the more certain as 
the crime concerning such arms is grave and of itself is punished with the 
capital penalty, as we have proved. In this case, when the crime actually 
follows, if the penalty for carrying the arms is greater than for the 
crime itself, the penalty for the graver offense is held to apply, and 
includes the lighter. [Citations.] 

The third circumstance is that Franceschini and the aforesaid men 
committed the murders in the very home and dwelling-place *" "^'" of 
the Comparini; because homicide is always said to be qualified when it 
is committed in the home of the one slain; since the home should be a 
safe refuge for its master, etc. Then also Franceschini entered with 
changed garb ;''^** ^°* in which case the murder is said to be committed 
ex insidiis. [Citations.] 

The fourth quality and circumstance is that the said Francesca was 
under the power of the judge,"" since the home, as we have said in our 
narrative of fact, was assigned to her under bond to keep it as a safe 
and secure prison. And hence she was under the protection of the 
court. [Citations.] And this is especially true when arguing in favor 
of the one who is under protection of the court, whatever may be said 
when arguing to his prejudice. And therefore the law holds that one 
under the protection of the court can not be killed under less penalty 
than the death [of the assassin]. [Citations.] 

But all debate seems to cease since it is proven in the process that 
the said Franceschini approached the said home with his company of 
men with the thought and intent [Ixvii] to kill not merely Francesca, 



55 

his wife, but also Pletro and VIoIante/- These, as he himself acknowl- 
edges he hated -• with a deadly hatred, because of the suit =- they hid 
brought and because - they had urged Francesca to poison her huJband 
and her brother-.n-law, and had kept his wife in their home, so that 
st.ll further, ,n the contmuation of the adultery,-^ his honor was 
offended. But aside from this, as we have said above, Francesca was 
placed •" the said home -^ by the authority of the judge with the 
consent -^ of the brother of this same husband, and so the question does 
not enter as to whether a husband may lawfully kill the relatives 
fnends and servants of his adulterous wife, even if he does suspect 
them of affording their leave or assent to the wife committing adultery 
since the special rights and privileges conceded to the husband should 
not be multiplied against the wife, and be given greater scope, but 
rather should be strictly interpreted. [Citation.] This holds good not 
merely when one is arguing about the prejudice of a third party "'' but 
concerning one's sole prejudice. [Citation.] In our very circumstances 
we read that the permission can not be passed from person to person. 
L^itation.J Yet we can more truly declare that such an assertion of 
adultery on the part of Franceschini is calumniously false; for, in the 
very face of death, Francesca protested, to the very damnation of her 
soul, that she has given no offense ^== to her husband's honor This 
protestation is the more to be believed '"' since those about to die ''^' 
are not presumed to be unmindful of their eternal salvation. [Citation 1 
Ihe other causes adduced by Franceschini himself, so far as they are 
true, can indeed prove hatred and enmity existing between himself and 
the couple, which would tend in that direction and so would serve to 
prove in him a cause for their premeditated murder. But this is not 
sufficient to excuse him from the ordinary penalty of death, which 
premeditated homicide altogether demands. [Citations.] [Ixviii] 
And It IS for this reason, because the laws prohibit private vengeance 
(tfiat IS, vengeance which those without public office usurp to themselves 
because of their hatred, by killing or otherwise injuring men) [Cita- 
tions]. Kaynaldus affirms that In premeditated murder the ordinary 
penalty is inflicted not merely upon the slayer himself, but also upon all 
others who aid and give help, or concur in committing the murder by 
their help or counsel. [Citations.] 

Francesco Gambi, 
General Procurator of the Fisc and of the 

Reverend Apostolic Chamber. 



[File-title of Pamphlet 5.] 



By the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend 

Lord Governor of the City 

in Criminal Cases: 

Roman Murder-case. 

In behalf of the Fisc, against 

Count Guido Francescliini 

and hts Associates. 

Memorial of fact and law of the Lord Procurator 
General of the Fisc. 



At Rome, in the type of the Reverend Apostolic Chamber, 1698. 



S6 



[bdx] Romana Homicidii cum qualitate. 

[Pamphlet 6.] 

Most Illustrious and most Reverend Lord Governor ; 

Since the chief defense of Count Franceschini, the Accused, as we 
have heard, consists in the pretended plea of injured honor, by which he 
was moved to crime, it is the office of the Fisc to disclose the lack of 
foundation for this plea, in order that this atrocious and enormous crime 
may be punished with the due penalty. 

Therefore I assume that we ought to examine the foundations on 
which the asserted plea of injured honor may rest; namely the flight 
of the unfortunate wife from the home of her husband in company 
with Canon Caponsacchi, with whom she was taken at the inn of Castel- 
nuovo, and the pretended love letters which were put forward in the 
prosecution of Pompilia for the said flight and departure. The pre- 
tended dishonesty of the wife is drawn from these two; but along with 
them other proofs were brought together in the said prosecution; the 
latter, however, are either altogether stupid or equivocal, or else 
unproven. This may be inferred from the dismission of the said Fran- 
cesca, his wife, merely with the precaution of keeping her home as a 
prison "" ^** and of the Canon with a three years' banishment to Civita 
Vecchia.-" Such action shows that in this same prosecution there was 
found by the Fisc no legitimate proof of dishonesty and of the pretended 
violation of conjugal faith, which the husband had charged against her. 

And indeed, from the defenses then made and even from the trial 
itself, a very just cause has clearly appeared, which forced the luckless 
girl to flee from the home of her husband and to go back to her own 
home, there to live safely and quietly with her parents. Notorious 
indeed are the altercations "^ which, on account of the parsimony of 
the Franceschini home, straightway arose between the parents of the 
wretched girl on the one hand, and the Accused, his mother, and his 
brothers on the other hand. The former in vain bewailed the fact that 
they had been deceived by the show of no small opulence, on account 
of the false statement of an annual income of 1,700 scudi," which 
was afterward shown to have no existence. Indeed, while they stayed 
in the home of the accused husband in Arezzo, they were so badly 
treated by himself and his relatives "' that after a few months "' they 
were obliged to leave it and return to the City.^"" During the whole 
time they lived there, contentions and reproaches throve continually 
among them. The Comparini were indeed excited with just indignation 
by the deception they had suffered. This is evident from the letters of 

57 



58 

Abate Paolo Franceschini, which presuppose these troubles and which 
were considered for the Defense by the Procurator of the Poor. These 
prove that hostility of mind had even then been conceived against the 
unfortunate parents, especially the one written March 6, where we 
read: " I write again to you that I do not wish to imitate him in his 
manner of writing, not being of his mind to sow broadcast in letters such 
words as would merit response by deeds and not by words; and these 
are so offensive that I have kept them for his reproof and mortification." 
And further on he says: " So that if you give us trouble, which I will 
never believe, you yourself will not be exempt therefrom." But sufficient 
proof results from the letters, as the following advise. [Citations.] 

[Ixx] And although these letters do not make clear the nature of their 
altercations, yet some of them more than prove the reproaches had so 
increased that their bitterness grew into hatred, as is evident from 
the letter of February 12, 1694, where we read: " But hearing from 
the one side or other that the bitterness between them, not to say the 
hatred, is increasing." It would be all too easy for the Accused and the 
Abate, his brother, to prove, by showing letters written to him, that 
the reproaches were unjust and were occasioned by the Comparini 
themselves. This is apparent from the tenor of the said letter, where we 
read: " Because I feel that the enemy of God has put strife among 
them, it is improper that I should fulfill my duty toward you of a reply." 
But since the Franceschini did not show such letters, the presumptive 
truth of these same complaints and of this cause of complaint and 
altercation is strongly against the ones thus concealing them. In such 
circumstances the Roman court thus affirmed. [Citations.] 

But the truth of the charge of ill-treatment toward the parents, 
whom he was obliged by the dowry contract to provide with food, is 
also to be drawn from the deposition of a servant,"" as given in the 
Summary, No. i [cf. pp. xlix-liii]. And since this would excite the 
pity of any who read, it becomes all the clearer that, by such very 
ill-treatment of her parents, the mind of the wretched wife was greatly 
exasperated; for she kept grieving in vain at seeing them thus troubled; 
yes, and she was even prohibited from grieving. 

And anyone may know that the return of her parents to the City 
would indeed disturb with a considerable and very just grief this 
wretched child who was not more than fifteen years old. For she was 
destitute of all aid, and was left exposed to her husband's severity, 
because of which she daily feared that she was in peril of her life. In 
vain did she have recourse to the Reverend Bishop ''° and to the Gov- 
ernor,"'' Summary, No. 2 [cf. p. liii]. In vain was the interposition of 
certain noblemen tried; which had proved utterly useless, as is evident 
from the letter of March 6, where we read : " But what remedy can I 
give you, when so many gentlemen, friendly to both parties have inter- 



59 

fered to settle the troubles and it has not turned out well?" She 
might indeed think that no other remedy was left her than to flee from 
the abode of her husband and to seek again her father's home. As 
therefore she fled to escape deadly peril, her flight can afford no proof of 
dishonesty nor of the violation of conjugal faith; for it is attributable to 
a lawful rather than to a criminal cause. [Citations.] 

But there was another urgent cause for her eagerly desiring to seek 
her father's hearth, namely the ill-health of her father. She speaks of 
this in the letter which mentioned [Ixxi] that she can not look for the 
company of Gregorio Guillichini, and that this task had to be remitted 
to the Canon [Caponsacchi] also. Hence we can well infer that she was 
arranging for the flight for legitimate reasons. 

No reliance whatever can be placed in the letter "' written by this 
same wife to Abate Franceschini. In that she thanks him for having 
joined her in marriage with the Accused, his brother. And she also 
acknowledges therein that, since the departure of her parents, she was 
living a life of utter tranquillity; because their evil persuasion, which 
was alienating her from her husband, had ceased. She also reveals a 
very base plan that had been proposed to her, namely to destroy the 
entire household. Now the wife in her sworn statement frankly con- 
fesses ■*" that she wrote this letter to appease her husband, and that he 
had marked the characters,"* which she had afterward traced with a 
pen. This statement is found in an extract from her sworn testimony as 
given in our Summary, No. 3 [cf. pp. liv-lv]. And a mere reading of 
the said letter so thrills one with horror that it is incredible "- that the 
luckless girl could have written such matters to the injury and detraction 
of her own parents, unless she had been compelled thereto by fear of her 
husband. For this reason the same letter is given in our Summary, 
No. 4. [Cf. p. Iv.] 

But even just ground of fear, because of which the luckless girl was 
moved to flee, has come to light, namely the lawsuit ^"'* brought by her 
father against the Accused for the nullification of the dowry contract. 
This contract had been made on false grounds; for Pietro had believed 
that he was promising the dowry to his own daughter; but then, from 
a confession '"^ made by the mother, he had found out that she was 
none such and that Violante had made pretense of giving birth to the 
child for the purpose of deceiving her husband and barring his credit- 
ors."' Since Pietro had assigned all his property as dowry "^ (and 
indeed it was of considerable value when we consider the quality of the 
persons concerned) he soon raised a dispute about it. And we may well 
fear that very grave and even deadly hatred arose therefrom. Thereby 
the conjugal peace, which had been disturbed by long-continued alter- 
cation, was utterly destroyed by recrudescent hatred. For a lawsuit as 
to a considerable amount of money, much more as to an entire property, 



6o 

would produce this effect, as daily experience well teaches us and as 
Grammaticus and others assert. [Citations.] 

Such just fear should be well considered by a prudent judge, who will 
take into account the circumstance of the persons and of the time. 
[Citation.] In our case it may be absolutely affirmed that these matters 
should be so considered, inasmuch as not merely a girl of tender age (as 
was the unfortunate wife, who was destitute of all aid and exposed to the 
severity of the husband, who had sought her life with a pistoP'" and 
had threatened her with death on trivial suspicion), but even a woman 
of greatest fortitude [Ixxii] would be unable to bear being exposed to 
such constant risk of her life and would see the necessity of taking care 
of herself. And whatever the cause, even if it were merely suppositi- 
tious, it would be enough to excuse her according to the text. [Cita- 
tions.] And Canon Raynaldus holds that it is enough if one sees the 
signs or acts of manifest desire, or preparations thereto. How much 
more excusable and how worthy of pity should Francesca be considered, 
since she had such an urgent and such a well-verified cause for fleeing? 
Mogolon holds that the mere sight of arms, even though the one having 
them does not use them nor unsheathe them, is just cause for fear. 

Nor can presumption of dishonor and of violated conjugal faith arise 
from the company of Canon Caponsacchi, with whom she fled, and for 
which flight he was condemned to three years' banishment in Civita 
Vecchia."" For the luckless girl was destitute of all aid, and the demands 
of her age, of her sex, and of her station in life, did not admit of her 
undertaking so perilous a journey either alone, or in company with any 
baseborn woman. For then, in escaping dangers at home, she might 
incautiously expose herself to even graver perils; as might have hap- 
pened if while alone she had been overtaken by her husband in the 
journey. Nor could she find any safer companion than this very Canon, 
who was bound by friendship to the Canon Conti.'"* And the latter, 
who was a familiar friend and blood-relative of the Accused, although 
he had great pity upon her condition, judged it safer ""* for her to flee 
with Caponsacchi, whom he believed *'* to be apt and far-seeing to bring 
about the desired end. Otherwise she would have undertaken this 
flight with even greater risk. Therefore this necessary and prudent 
choice of the lesser evil excludes all suspicion of pretended dishonor. 
[Citations.] 

This suspicion is also excluded by the manner in which the flight 
was put Into effect, namely in hurrying to the City by the direct route 
and with the greatest possible speed.^"' For if the unfortunate girl had 
fled for the purpose of satisfying her lust with the same lover, the 
Canon Caponsacchi (as was charged elsewhere and as is repeated 
now even more bitterly in order to prove the plea of injured honor), 
she would either have delayed somewhere out of the public highway. 



6i 

where she could not be seized by the Accused, or she would not have 
approached the City with such great speed. She would have done 
neither of these, unless she were making the journey for the purpose 
of seeking again her father's hearth, where she hoped to find security 
for her life and her honor. It would be far too imprudent a plan for 
a lover to take a wife from the home of her husband to some other 
place where he could not possibly satisfy his lust. [Ixxiii] This im- 
probability alone would be enough to prove the truth of the cause 
given by the wife in her affidavit — namely that she had fled to avoid 
the deadly peril in which she feared she was placed, and that she might 
return to her father's hearth. The Canon also gave her his aid and 
companionship out of mere pity,^"° and her honor was kept entirely 
untouched. The probabilities are always to be very much observed 
in arguing about a crime, or in excluding it, as the following hold. 
[Citations.] 

Still less firmly established is the other ground for the asserted plea 
of injured honor, which has been offered elsewhere by the Accused on 
the basis of the asserted love letters."- These letters, it was pretended, 
had been written in part by that most wretched girl to the Canon, and 
in part by the Canon himself. All these, it was claimed, had been found 
in the privy of the inn at Castelnuovo,"' where they were said to have 
been cast for the purpose of hiding them. Response was indeed then 
given by the Procurator of the Poor that the identity of the hand- 
writing was unproved and uncertain; for the letters did not show to 
whom they were directed. And these responses were indeed admitted, 
since no punishment "* was inflicted upon Francesca, and she was 
simply dismissed with the precaution of keeping her home as a prison.^"* 
And even though these letters, when we investigate their bearing, seem 
to give proof of excessive good will,^"- yet Francesca could have made 
pretense of this for the purpose of winning over the Canon, who was 
reluctant (as she herself acknowledges in her affidavit) to afford her 
aid by giving her his company back to the City in the execution of her 
premeditated flight. It is indeed quite evident that the letters were pre- 
pared for this purpose. (Summary, No. 5.) [Cf. pp. Ivi-lvii.] And 
therefore this wretched girl, who was destitute of all aid and was placed 
in imminent risk of her life, should be judged worthy of all pity, if with 
gentle and even with loving words she tried to entice the Canon, whom 
she believed was well suited to afford her aid."" Nor can stronger proof 
of violated modesty be drawn from these letters written for the purpose 
of the flight than from the flight itself. Nor is it a new thing for the 
most chaste of women to use similar arts sometimes for quite permissible 
ends. In the sacred Scriptures we read that Judith *-^ did so to deceive 
Holofernes, for the purpose of freeing her country. This luckless girl 



62 

could therefore do so without any mark of dishonor, for the purpose 
of escaping deadly peril. 

We may speak still further of her confidence in her own continence 
as well as in the integrity of the Canon. Concerning this, a certain 
witness,^* examined by the Fisc in the said prosecution at the instance of 
Count Guido, who was then present, testifies to hearing from Gregorio 
Guillichini "" (likewise a relative of the Accused) as follows: " Signor 
Gregorio then added that the Signor Canon was going there for a good 
reason, and that therefore Signora Francesca had desired to go to Rome. 
And he told me also that no ill could arise from it, because there was 
not the slightest sin between them." The deposition of this witness, 
which is directly contrary to the party who had brought her into court, 
fully proves our point, as the following hold. [Citations.] [Ixxiv] 
And therefore, since the luckless girl can be suspected of no evil from 
her association with Canon Caponsacchi, and since she had no other 
help more suitable for carrying out her plan, her dealings with him by 
letter ought to be excused as ordered to this end, even though we may 
read certain loving expressions in them. The latter, indeed, should be 
considered rather as courtesies adapted to winning his good will, and 
they should always be interpreted according to the thought of the 
one proffering them. [Citations.] 

Still further, there is added the participation of the Canon Conti,'° 
a nobleman and a relative of the Accused, who forwarded the attempt. 
It is incredible that he would have been willing to plot against the honor 
of Guido; but he would merely wish to snatch that wretched girl from 
imminent death because of his pity of her. And such participation is 
made clearly evident from the very letters which it is pretended were 
written by Caponsacchi. 

Of lighter weight still are the other proofs of pretended dishonesty: 
[first] the approach of the Canon ''" to the home of the Accused at 
night time, for the purpose of speaking with the wife who was slain; 
[secondly] the kissing """ on the journey to Rome, concerning which 
Francesco Giovanni Rossi, -"^ driver of the carriage (commonly called 
calesse) ,"'^ bears witness ; and [third] the pretended sleeping together ^" 
in the same bed at the inn of Castelnuovo. As regards the first of these 
three, there is defect of proof; for it rests upon the word of a single 
witness only, Maria Margherita Content!," "^ and she endures the 
most relevant exception of being a public harlot,"^ and so she alone can 
prove nothing. [Citations.] And since such approaching of the house 
was ordered to the permissible end of removing the wretched girl from 
the imminent peril of death, by taking her back to her father's house, it 
can not be brought as a proof of illicit commerce. For the mere possi- 
bility that it was done for this purpose is enough to oblige us to take It 
in good part, according to the text. [Citations.] 



63 

This is especially so since the very witness who swears to this 
approach of the home states, by hearsay from the said Gregorio Guilli- 
chini,"" that it was to a good end [cf. p. Ixxiii], and that no sin was 
taking place between the Canon and the wife who is now slain. And 
as Guillichini was better informed, and was indeed a friend [Ixxv] and, 
as I understand, a relative of the Accused, this excludes all suspicion 
to the contrary. With this testimony another deposition seems to agree, 
namely, that of the Canon Franceschini, brother of the Accused, who 
when questioned as to whether he knew if any intimacy had existed 
between Canon Caponsacchi and Francesca, replied : " This we never 
knew of beforehand; but after the criminal flight the whole town said 
that there must surely have passed some correspondence between them." 
His ignorance quite excludes and renders improbable any furtive and 
illicit approach to the home by the Canon Caponsacchi. For if the 
Accused had indeed threatened to kill his wife on account of unjust 
suspicion of Caponsacchi, we may well believe that Guido himself, his 
brother, and all the household would have kept guard for her safekeep- 
ing with all their might. And so, the said approach to the home, if it 
had been frequent (as is alleged) , or if it had been for an ill end, would 
have been observed by them. 

[Secondly] under this same defect of proof lies the pretended kissing 
of each other on the journey. As to this matter only a single witness 
testifies, whose excessive animus is shown by his assertion; for he asserts 
that he saw this at night; nor does he give any reason for his seeing it, 
such as that the moon was shining, or that he could see because some 
artificial light was dispelling the gloom. As no such reason is given, he 
deserves no credence, as the following observe. [Citations.] Another 
very great improbability is added thereto — namely, that while he was 
driving the carriage with such velocity that it rather seemed to fly than 
advance swiftly, he could not have looked back to see such mutual 
kissing.""" This improbability likewise takes away from him all right 
to belief, according to what the following hold. [Citations.] 

But the assertion of that most wretched girl herself is also well suited 
to exclude all suspicion of her pretended unchastity. This was made 
by her after she had suffered many severe wounds, in the very face of 
death ^"^ itself, at the demand of the priests and other persons minister- 
ing to her. For, according to their attestation, she asserted that she 
had never sinned against her conjugal faith ^^^ and had always conducted 
herself with all chastity and shame [cf. p. Ivlii] : " We were present 
and assisted at the last illness from which Francesca Pompilia, wife of 
Guido Franceschini, died. She was often asked by her confessors and 
other persons whether she had committed any offense against the said 
Guido, her husband, whereby she might have given him occasion to 
maltreat her in such a manner as to cause her death. And she always 



64 

responded that she had never committed any offense, but had always 
lived with all chastity and modesty." And Fra Celestino Angelo of 
St. Anna, of the order of barefooted Augustinians, in his testimony ^" 
bears even more exact witness to this constant assertion of her innocence, 
where he writes [cf. p. Ivlii] : " She always said, ' May God pardon 
him in heaven, [Ixxvi] as I pardon him on earth, but as for the sin 
for which they have slain me, I am utterly innocent ' : in proof whereof 
she said that God should not pardon her that sin, because she had never 
committed it." ^^^ An assertion like this, indeed, given In the very face 
of death, ^"^ deserves all credence, since no one is believed to lie at such 
a time,^"'' as the following assert. [Citations.] Menocchius speaks in 
these very circumstances of one suspected of heresy, saying that such 
suspicion is removed if in the hour of death the accused say and protest 
that he had lived and wished to die and to trust according to what is 
pleasing to the Sacred Roman Church, etc. [Citation.] And Decian 
cites the opinion of Alberlc, who declares that by means of an assertion 
of this kind, made before the Cardinals, the memory of Pope Boniface 
had been defended, and that this very Alberlc had in this way defended 
Galeatius, Viscount of Mediolanum. 

And this is more especially true since all the said witnesses agree that 
this most wretched girl died with the highest edification of the bystand- 
ers, and that she had always shown the deeds of Christian perfection, 
as we find in the said attestations, where we read: " And from having 
seen her die the death of a saint." [Cf. p. Ivill.] And there is another 
statement of the said Father Celestino Angelo, which infers the Inno- 
cence of her past life from her conduct just before death. All these 
matters are given In our Summary, No. 6. 

But, however, rightly the Accused might draw some suspicion of his 
wife's dishonesty from her flight and from these letters, the tenor of 
which seems to prove them love letters (which suspicion could excite 
due anger), yet this would not make excusable such truculent vengeance, 
taken after so great an interval. For this vengeance was taken, not 
merely upon his most wretched wife, but also upon her parents, who 
were entirely off their guard and quite undeserving of such a fate. And 
these murders were attended with such grave circumstances, aggravating 
the crime, that he would have to be punished with death even if he had 
not confessed the murders. For although just anger because of violated 
conjugal faith usually moderates the penalty for a husband killing his 
adulterous wife, yet one can no longer argue for total impunity after 
an opportunity to take vengeance on the adulterer and adulteress has 
been thrown away. [Citations.] 

But an especial and Indispensable requisite is that the wife [Ixxvii] 
be taken in adultery, according to the text. [Citation.] " For thus 
it wishes this power to lie with the father, if he take his daughter in 



65 

her very sin." Labeo also approves this, and Pomponius writes that she 
may be killed when taken in very licentiousness, and this is what Solon 
and Draco say. [Citations.] Much more does this hold good in the 
case of a husband, whose wrath may be kindled much more easily 
against a wife by sinister and unjust suspicion conceived about her. For 
the husband Is not always accustomed to take good counsel for the 
wife, which the law presumes that the father does by natural instinct, 
etc. ; and it excuses the father only when he kills his daughter along with 
her defiler, or inflicts wounds unhesitatingly upon her. 

And this is so true that it is not enough if the wife be found only in 
acts that are remote from, or merely preparatory to adultery, as 
authorities commonly affirm. [Citations.] John Teitops holds thus, 
and I think it well to quote his words, since the Judges may not have him 
at hand, and he thus explains the words of the said text: " Therefore 
they argue that acts preparatory to adultery do not suffice, but the 
obscene commingling of limbs is required." And after citing his author- 
ities, he adds: " And this is more clearly evident from the words of 
Solon as given by Lucian, the Eunuch," where we read: " Unless they 
lie who say that he was taken in adultery." And then he criticizes the 
opinion of Accursius, who asserts that acts preparatory for adultery are 
enough. And in the second paragraph after this decision is given he 
asserts that his opinion should be understood to be concerning immediate 
preparations, and he so explains his decision, where he says: " From 
the taking of the adulterer alone and naked with her alone and naked, 
and lying In the same bed, violent and certain suspicion of adultery 
arises, wherefrom the sentence of divorce may be granted." 

But the laws adduced (at letters I & J) show that strong suspicion 
does not indeed suffice. For this sort of discovery Is the true taking in 
the act of adultery. And from a civil case under the said letter, one 
argues weakly for proof In a criminal cause. [Ixxviii] For no one can 
be condemned, much less killed, on suspicions alone in the absence of 
law. And violent suspicion Is not indubitable ground for proof, such as 
is required in criminal cases. But indeed such suspicion is fallacious, 
because persons might be found to act thus for the purpose of com- 
mitting adultery, and yet not actually to have committed the adultery, as 
Gravetta and others say. 

The Accused might indeed have contended merely for the tempering 
of the penalty If he had killed his fugitive wife in the act of taking her 
at the inn of Castelnuovo "^ In company with Canon Caponsacchi. But 
when he neglected to take vengeance with his own hand and preferred 
to take it by law, he could not then kill her after an Interval. This Is 
according to the text [Citation], which affirms that one can not put off 
vengeance from day to day. [Citations.] Farlnacci asserts that it was 
so held in practice, lest men should be given the opportunity of avenging 
5 



66 

their own wrongs. And he confutes Bertazzol, who places on the same 
footing a case of taking in adultery, and says that the wife may be con- 
victed of it provided that there be no doubt of it. Nor may the suspicion 
of the husband, which gave a strong ground for the difference, be unjust 
or too ready. Because just grievance, exciting a wrath which usually 
disturbs the mind of the husband, is verified by the actual taking of the 
wife in adultery or in acts very near to it and not after an interval, 
although his suspicion may be very strong. And so the laws which 
excuse a husband because of just and sudden anger can not be extended 
to cover vengeance taken after an interval. For in the latter case 
neither the impetuosity nor the suddenness of the anger is proved, but 
the murder is said to be committed in cold blood. But if for the purpose 
of restraining the impetus of raging anger, lest the husband take ven- 
geance on his own authority, he is not excused from the penalty of the 
Lex Cornelia de Sicariis, provided he kill his wife after an interval, how 
much less excusable will he be if after choosing the way of public ven- 
geance by imprisoning his wife and her pretended lover he shall, after 
a long intervening time, slaughter her and her parents so brutally? 

It should be added, for increasing his penalty,^*" that as regards the 
unfortunate parents there was no just cause for killing them unless he 
wishes to consider as such the lawsuit ^'"' which they brought for the 
nullification of the dowry contract because of the detection of her pre- 
tended birth. But this cause rather increases "* the offense to the most 
atrocious crime of JiFsa majestas,"" because of the utter security which 
the Pontifical Majesty wishes to afford to all litigants in the City. This 
point is found in the well-known decree of Alexander VI where we read : 
" The inhumanity and savagery which thirsts for the death of others is 
horrible and detestable," and in the end we read: " In offense of the 
jurisdiction of his Divine Majesty, and to the injury of the Apostolic 
Authority." And, " They incur ipso facto the sentence of the crime of 
lasa majestas." And a little later: "And they may always be dis- 
trusted [Ixxix] in all their good deeds by every one, and may be held as 
banditti and as infamous and unfit." 

Very worthy of consideration, also, is that other aggravation of this 
inhuman slaughter, namely, that it was committed in their own home,"' 
which ought to be for each person the safest of refuges, according to 
the text. [Citations.] And Cicero elegantly says: "What is more 
sacred, what is more guarded by all religious feeling, than the home of 
each of our Citizens! Here are our altars, here are our hearths, here 
are our household gods, and here the sacred ceremonies of our religion 
are contained. This refuge is so sacred to all that it would be base for 
anyone to be snatched hence." Much more is this true as regards the 
wretched wife, who was held in that place as a prison,"' with the 
approval also of the Abate Franceschini.^*^ And hence the public safe- 



67 

keeping may be said to be violated thereby, and the majesty of the Prince 
wounded,*"" since the same reasoning is observed as regards a true and 
formal prison, and a prison assigned by the Prince, as the following 
assert. [Citations.] 

Finally we should also consider the aggravation of " prohibited 
arms," "^ with which the crime was committed. This of itself demands 
the death penalty, even though the principal crime should otherwise 
be punished more mildly, as Sanfelici advises, stating that it was so 
adjudged. [Citation.] 

Giovanni Battista Bottini, 
Advocate of the Fisc and of the Apostolic Chamber. 



[IXXX] [File-title of Pamphlet 6.] 

By the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend 
Lord Governor in Criminal Cases: 

Roman Murder-case with qualifying circumstance. 

For the Fisc, against 
Count Guido Franceschini and his Associates. 

Memorial of the law in the case by the Advocate 
of the Fisc. 



At Rome, in the type of the Reverend Apostolic Chamber, 1698. 



[Ixxxi] SUMMARY. 

[Pamphlet 7.] 

My most Illustrious and Dearly Beloved Master: 

Your favored letter of the twenty-fourth of 

No. i."s last month has reached me, and I am exceed- 

Letter of the Honorable ingly sorry for the uneasiness in which you 

Marzi-Medici, Governor of,.^ < 11,1 ij-^- l'L 

Arezzo. "mt you are placed by the maledictions which 

Signor Pietro Comparini and his wife have 
disseminated "^ throughout Rome, concerning the ill-treatment they say 
they suffered in your home while staying in Arezzo. As your letter 
questions me for true information, I answer with all frankness, that both 
among the noble connection and in Count Guido's home they were 
treated with all respect and decorum. The cause of the first disturb- 
ance "^ which sprang up between them and your mother and brothers 
was that Signora Violante,'" a few days after her arrival, presumed to 
domineer over the house and to keep the keys of everything, and in 
fact to turn out of house and home Signora Beatrice, your mother. 
With good reason, neither of the brothers was willing to consent thereto, 
and this gave occasion for the first insults and domestic broils. These 
afterwards increased when they saw that Signor Pietro °' had given over 
the company and conversation of the best people of the city, and had 
struck up acquaintance with the most vulgar. And v/ith them he began 
to frequent daily all the taverns there. This cast discredit upon him, 
and was little for the good name of the Franceschini. Of much greater 
scandal were the many "" flights and petitions made by Guido's wife, 
their daughter, to Monsignor the Bishop.'"" These were made for no 
other reason than that neither she nor her parents wished to stay any 
longer in Arezzo, but desired to return to Rome. When she had been 
rebuked by that most prudent Prelate, he always sent her home in his 
carriage."^ It is true that ever since the Comparini left this City until 
the present time the Signora has conducted herself with much modesty 
and prudence. From this fact everyone infers that the poor child was 
led to such excesses by her parents, as she herself declares to everybody. 
Now she detests even the memory of them. Therefore, she is getting 
back into the good opinion of everyone, and especially of those ladies 
of the city who had ceased having anything to do with her. Finally 
these same Comparini had taken away all her jewelry from the Signora, 
which I forced '" them to [Ixxxii] restore. Altogether, such and so 
great are the scandals to which they have given rise before the whole 
city in the lapse of the few months they have stayed here, that I write 
you only a few of them. I assure you that with them your brothers have 

68 



69 

had the patience of martyrs. Accordingly when I saw that they had 
become Incorrigible, and were the talk of the town, and that they might 
force your brothers to commit some excess against them, for the mainte- 
nance of good discipline, I availed myself of the authority vested in me 
by His Serene Highness, and threatened '" them with prison and punish- 
ment unless they behaved themselves. After these threats, which they 
evidently merited and which might have overtaken them, they decided 
to go to Rome,'"" as they did a little later, leaving behind them in this 
city a very bad reputation. 

As for the rest, there is now in your home an utter quietude, and the 
Signora lives with exemplary prudence, detesting the ill example she had 
shown the ladies of this city, and she confesses freely that it was so 
commanded by her parents. In my judgment, it is the hand of God 
that has freed your family from such turbid heads. This is all I can 
here put down, out of much else there is to say about it. Therefore 
rest at ease, and believe me that the discredit has been entirely their 
own. I need only sign myself, with all my heart, to your most illustrious 
self, 

Your most devoted and obliged servant, 

ViNCENZO Marzi-Medici."' 
To Signor Abate Paolo Franceschini, Rome. 
Arezzo, August 2, 1694. 



I will tell your Excellency why I have fled from the 
'^°".*' home of my husband. Here in Rome, three years ago, 

Francesca'.°" ° I was married by my father and mother to the said 
Franceschini, and after I was engaged to him he stayed 
here in Rome for two months without consummating the marriage.** 
Then with my father and my mother I was taken by my husband to 
Arezzo,'* because in the marriage contract "' it was agreed that my 
father and mother should go and live in Arezzo, as they did. After 
they had remained [Ixxxiii] there four months,"'' they departed and re- 
turned to Rome,'"" because of the ill-treatment they suffered, at the 
hands not only of my husband, but of the others in his house. 

I was left behind in Arezzo, and when about a year had passed 
after the consummation of the marriage, as I did not become pregnant,'" 
my husband and my mother-in-law Beatrice,*' began to turn against me 
because I had no children. He said that because of me their house 
would die out and that he could not hope for an heir by me after a 
while; for by chance he had heard my father say that during a girlhood 
sickness certain seeds had been given to me as medicine, which possibly 
hindered me from having children. For that reason I came to be con- 



70 

tinually mistreated by my husband and mother-in-law," though I an- 
swered that I was not to blame for that. Yet they continued always to 
threaten my life and, without any real occasion, they sought every 
pretext to maltreat me. 

Then my husband began to be jealous "^ of me and forbade me to 
show my face at the window."* And to remove that occasion of jealousy 
I never showed my face save when it was absolutely necessary.'^" So one 
day, while we were on the balcony, he said to me that I was staying up 
there to make love, without telling me with whom. I replied that these 
were mere pretexts, and that from that place one could see only the 
street, without looking into the windows of the houses; for the loggia 
was entirely upon the roof. 

And then because the Canon Caponsacchi,"' with other young men 
of the place, used to pass before our house "^ and stop to talk with 
certain hussies,^^ who were standing there in front, my husband began 
to fume with anger at me because the said Canon kept passing there as 
above, "^ although I was not at all to blame. His suspicion increased 
all the more because, while we were in a great crowd at the play '^' one 
evening. Canon Conti,^'^ the brother of the husband of my sister-in-law, 
threw me some confetti. My husband, who was near me, took offense at 
it — not against Conti, but against Caponsacchi, who was sitting by the 
side of the said Conti. Then because Conti frequented our house, 
as a relative,^" my husband took offense at him likewise ; and this so much 
so that I, being aware of it, retired to my room "' whenever he came to 
our house, that I might not have to take even more trouble; [Ixxxiv] 
but my husband was not thereby appeased, but said 

g, . ■ , , that I did this as a trick, and that his suspicions of 
husband'sthreatsbe- me Were not removed. He began anew to torment 
fo"heHover "^°^ ^^ ^°' *^" account of Caponsacchi, that I was reduced 
to desperation and did not know what to say. Then 
to remove that occasion for his ill-treatment, I spoke to the said Capon- 
sacchi ^^^ one day as he was passing our house and begged him not to 
pass that way,"" that he might relieve me from all the distress I suffered 
at the hands of my husband on that account. He replied that he did 
not know whence my husband had drawn such a suspicion, as he used to 
pass along there on other affairs, and that, in short, Guido could not stop 
his passing along the street."" And although he promised me not to 
pass along there, he continued to do so. But I did not show my face at 
the window. Yet with all this my husband was not appeased, but con- 
tinued to maltreat me and to threaten my life, and he said that he 
wished to kill me."° 

At the time of the affair of the play told above, as soon as we had 
returned home, he pointed a pistol at my breast saying:"^ "Oh 



71 

Christ ! What hinders me from laying you out here ? Let Caponsacchi 
look to it well, if you do not wish me to do so, and to kill you." 

Furthermore, at the beginning of these troubles I went twice "" to 
Monsignor the Bishop,^'"' because he might have remedied it in some 
way; but this did no good, because of his relation with the house of my 
husband. And so as I was a stranger in that city and did not know 
how to free myself from these perils and abuses, and as I feared that if 
Guido did not slay me with weapons he might poison "^ me, I planned 
to run away and go back to Rome to my father and mother. But as I 
did not know how to accomplish this, I went about a month later to 
confession to an Augustinian Father,"* whom they call Romano. I told 
him all my distresses, imploring him to write to my father in my name, 
g as I do not know how to write, and to tell him 

She lies asserting that I was desperate, and that I must part from 
that she does not my husband and go to him in Rome. But I had no 

know how to write. 

response. 

Therefore, not knowing to whom I might turn to accomplish my 

desire, and thinking that no one in the place would assist me, because 

of their relationship or friendship to my husband, I finally resolved to 

speak of it to the said Caponsacchi,"" because I had heard said that he 

was a resolute man. Accordingly, as he was passing 

g, ', , one day before our house, at a time when my husband 

strength and audac- was out of the city, I Called him ^'^ [Ixxxv] and spoke 

ity of her lover. jq Jj|j^ f^Q^ ^j^g Stairs. I told him of the peril in 

p_ which I found myself on his account, and begged him 

She confesses a to bring me here to Rome, to my father and mother. 

conversation with j^g replied, howcvcr, that he did not wish to meddle 

her lover. ^ 

at all in such an affair,^*" as it would be thought ill of 

by the whole city, and all the more so as he was a friend of the house of 

my husband. But I implored him so much and told him it was the duty 

of a Christian '" to free from death a poor foreign woman. At last I 

induced him to promise me that he would accompany me as above. 

Then he told me he would secure the carriage, and when that had been 

arranged he would give me a signal by letting his handkerchief '*" fall 

in passing before our house, as he had done before. But the next day 

went by,"^ and although I stood at the blinds he did not give the signal. 

When the day following had also passed, I spoke to him again as above, 

and complained to him that he had broken the word he had given me.'** 

And he excused himself, saying that he had not found 

E- a carriage in Arezzo. I answered him that, at any 

She confesses a ^^ pjg should have procured one from outside, as 

new conversation ' r ' 

with her lover. he had promised to do. Then the last Sunday of the 

past month,'"* he went by our house again and made 

the signal with the handkerchief, as he had promised. And so I went 



72 



to bed with my husband that evening, and when I had assured myself 
that he was asleep '"'' I arose from bed and clothed myself. I took, 
some little things ^^^ of my own, a little box with many trifles inside, 
and some money, I know not how much there was, from the strong- 
box."" These were, moreover, my own, as is evident from the list 
of things and moneys made by the treasurer of Castelnuovo. Then I 
went downstairs at dawn,""* where I found Caponsacchi, and we went to- 
gether to the Porta San Spirito. Outside of it stood a carriage with two 
horses and a driver,"" and when we had both entered the carriage we 
^ journeyed toward Rome, traveling night and day "* 

without stopping until we reached Castelnuovo, except 
for them to take refreshment and to change the horses. 
We arrived at dawn,"'- and were there overtaken by 
my husband as I have told heretofore to your Honor. 
The said Caponsacchi is not related in any degree to 
my husband, but was certainly a friend. 

The said Caponsacchi, before the said affair, did 
not [Ixxxvi] send me any letter,'™ because I do not 
know how to read manuscript, and do not know how 
to write. 

Before the said affair, I did not at all send a letter 
of any sort to the said Caponsacchi. -°' 

When again put under oath, she responded : While 
I was in Arezzo, I wrote at the instance of my hus- 
band to Abate Franceschini, my brother-in-law here 
in Rome. But as I did not know how to write, "^^ my 
husband wrote the letter with a pencil and then made 
me trace it with a pen and ink it.'" And he told me 
that his brother had much pleasure in receiving such a 
letter of mine, which had been written with my own 
hand. And he did this two or three times. 
If your Honor should cause me to see one of the letters written by 
me as above, and sent to Abate Franceschini, I should clearly recognize 
it. 

And when it was shown, etc., she responded : " I have seen and care- 
fully examined the letter shown me by the order of your Honor, which 
begins — Carissimo Sig. Cogtiato, sono con questa — and ends Francesca 
Comparini tie Fraucesch'uii, and having examined it, it seems to me, but 
I can not swear to it as the truth, that it is one of the letters written by 
me to Abate Franceschini, my brother-in-law, in conformity to my hus- 
band's wishes, etc. 

And after a few intervening matters, etc., when questioned, etc., 
she replied : " I have never sent letters of any sort by the said Maria 
to anyone." '" 



The lie about the 
arrival at Castel- 
nuovo. 

G. 

The lover is not 
a relative of her 
husband. 

H. 

New lies, that she 
did not receive let- 
ters from her lover, 
and that she does 
not knovf how to 
write.-^^ 

I. 

Another lie, that 
she did not send 
letters to her lover. 

K. 

She does not know 

how to write, and 

her husband had 

traced the letter.*"^ 



73 

In all truth, I arrived at Castelnuovo at the blush 
4 .u 'i- K . of dawn."- 

Another lie about i . i /■ ^ i 

the arrival at the We shut ouFselves in there at the tavern of Castel- 

tavern of Castel- nuovo for the space of more than an hour.'^'^ During 

nuovo. . "^ . ° 

that time we stayed in a room upstairs."'" 
^^- And after a few other matters, when questioned, 

New lies that she , i- j ii t j-j .. ^ i i- j 

did not lie down to she replied: 1 did not go to sleep, nor lie down to 
sleep at the Inn of rest in the tavem at Castelnuovo during the time I 
Castelnuovo. ^ j . u u " 

Stopped there, as above. 
I know that your Honor tells me that the authorities pretend further 
that I slept all night in the abovesaid tavern of Castelnuovo in an 
upstairs room, in which Canon Caponsacchi also slept. And I say and 
respond that no one can truly say so, because I did not rest at all in the 
said tavern, and stopped there only for the time stated above. 



[Ixxxvii] [The letter of Pompiiia to Abate Franceschini occurs also on 
page Ivi, and is translated on p. 44.] 



[Ixxxviii] Outside to Abate Paolo Franceschini, Rome: but inside: 
My very dear Sir and Brother: 
A letter of Fran- I ^ave received the fan which you sent, which 

cesca written to has been most welcome to me. I accept It with 
pleasure and thank you for it. It displeases me that, 
without reason, my parents tear our house to tatters. I for my part am 
well and am happy in not having them now to stir me to evil. I wish 
well to all our house, in the sacred fear of God. In fact you may well 
laugh at the maledictions of my parents. Command me, who reverence 
you from the bottom of my heart. Arezzo, July 19, 1694, 

Your deeply obliged servant and sister-ln-law, 
Francesca Comparini Franceschini. 



No- 5-'^ I had to go to Rome on my own business,"^ and as 

of'^Cano^'^Capon- ^ ^"''^ ^^ ^^^^^*^ *° Giovanni Battista Conti,'^' a rela- 
sacchi. tive of Franceschlnl, who frequented the home of the 

latter, Francesca might have learned about It from 
the same Canon, although there was talk about town of my coming to 
Rome, which was to follow soon. Hence a letter,'" sent to me by the 
said Francesca, was brought one day by a certain Maria," then a servant 



74 

of the Franceschini. In it she told me that she had heard of my going to 
Rome and that, as her husband wished to kill her, she had resolved to go 
to Rome to her father; and not knowing with whom she might intrust 
herself, she asked me to do her the service of accompanying her as 
above. I answered her that I was unwilling to do anything of that 
kind,^®" or to expose myself to such a risk;"^ and I sent her a reply by the 
same servant. I do not remember the precise time that she sent me the 
above letter. Thereafter, when I passed the house, she continued mak- 
ing the same request to me,^°' by flinging from time to time from the 
window a note that repeated the request. And I replied to her, sending 
the response by the same servant, and telling her that I did not care to 
involve myself in such affairs. And therefore she finally cast me another 
note from the window, which, as I learned, was seen by a working- 
woman living across the street, whose name I do not know, and she car- 
ried it to the husband. The same servant was then commissioned to tell 
me that there had been a great commotion in the house because of it, and 
that the sister of Guido, who had been married into the house of Conti,^" 
had declared furthermore that that servant had carried the letter to me. 
She also told me that Guido said he was going to kill [Ixxxix] his 
wife '" in some way after a little while, and that he would also be 
avenged on me."^ Accordingly, with this purpose, to free myself from 
every difficulty and danger, and also to save from death the said Fran- 
cesca,***" I resolved to leave for Rome and to accompany her thither, 
conducting her to her father. And so one evening — I do not remember 
the exact time — as I was passing their house I gave her a letter, which 
she drew up to the window with a string. In it I told her that to free her 
from death I would accompany her as above. Another evening she 
threw to me from the window a letter in which she renewed the above 
insistence, declaring to me that her husband was always threatening to 
kill her; she would therefore have to receive the favor of my company as 
above, of which I had spoken. And finally, the last Sunday of the past 
month of April,"* while I was going by their house and she was standing 
at the window,'" I told her that I had secured the carriage for early the 
following morning and that I would have it await her at the gate of 
San Clemente.'"' Accordingly, at about one o'clock '"^ in the morning, 
she came alone to the said gate. We entered the carriage and turned 
along outside of the city wall to go to the gate of San Spirito,'"^ which 
is in the direction of Perugia. This carriage belonged to Agostino, 
tavern-keeper in Arezzo, and a driver, surnamed Venarino,^"^ the 
servant of the said Agostino, drove it. I had had him leave the city 
Sunday evening at the Ave Maria. Then we pursued our journey with- 
out stopping to spend the night anywhere,"* and we paused only as it 
was necessary for refreshing ourselves and changing horses, until we 
reached Castelnuovo -" on Tuesday evening, the last day of the said 



75 

month of April.^" Then because Francesca said that she was suffering 
some pain, and that she did not have the courage to pursue the journey 
further without rest,"^ -^' she cast herself, still clothed, upon a bed in 
a chamber there, and I, likewise clothed, placed myself on another bed 
in the same chamber.^'^ I told the host to call us after three or four 
hours, for resuming our journey. But he did not call us, and the 
husband of the said Francesca arrived in the meantime, and had both 
of us arrested "• by the authorities, and from there we were taken to 
Rome."" 

I have not spoken in Arezzo to Francesca at other times than those 
I have recounted above to yourselves."* 

The husband of the said Francesca is not related 
E- to me in any degree whatsoever. 

The lover is not pxc] J have no profession at all, but am a Canon 

related to Count /• i t->- re at- r \ 

Guido. of the Fieve, of Santa Maria of Arezzo,"' and am 

merely a subdeacon. 

When I was imprisoned at Castelnuovo, certain moneys, rings, and 
other matters were found, of which a memorandum was made by the 
authorities. 

I have never written any letter to the said Francesca, except as stated 
by me above. 

The letters sent to me as above by the said Francesca were burned "" 
by me in Arezzo. 

Although in the prison of Castelnuovo, where I was placed, a diligent 
search was made by the authorities and also by the husband "" of the 
said Francesca, nothing at all was found there. 

The said Francesca when leaving Arezzo carried with her a bundle 
of her own clothing and a box, in which she said there were some 
trinkets,"" but I did not see them. And she had it in a handkerchief 
with certain coins, which were then described at Castelnuovo by the 
Treasurer. 

I do not know precisely by whom the letters "^° sent to mc by the said 
Francesca were written,"*' but I suppose that they may have been written 
by her, but I do not know whether she knows how to write. 

In the chamber -'^ of the inn at Castelnuovo where we stopped, as I 
said in my other examination, there were two beds. Only one of these 
was provided with sheets by the chambermaid of the tavern, that it 
might serve for Signora Francesca. I did not have sheets placed on the 
other, because I did not care to undress myself. Nor did she undress 
herself, as I said in my other examination. 

If I should see one of the letters written by me to Signora Francesca, 
I would know it very well. 

I have seen and I do see very carefully these two letters which have 
been offered as evidence in this suit and have been shown to me by the 



76 

order of your Honor. One [cf. p. xcviii] of them begins Adorata mia 
Sigttora, vorrei sapere, etc., and ends mi ha detto il Cotiti. Having well 
considered this letter, I declare that it was not written by me, though 
the handwriting of the same has some resemblance to my own."* I 
have also seen the other letter [cf. p. xcviii], which begins Amat'tsshna 
mia Signora, Ricevo, etc., and ends questa mia, and having well exam- 
ined it I say that the same was not [xci] at all written by me, and is 
not in my handwriting."" Furthermore, it has not the slightest resem- 
blance to my handwriting. 

I have never spoken in Arezzo to Signora Francesca, except when I 
spoke to her at the windoAv,'" as I said in my other examination. 

I have never received other letters -^" from the said Signora Francesca 
concerning other matters than her flight to Rome, as I have said in my 
other examinations. 

I marvel that the Fisc pretends that, before the flight, several other 
love letters^" had been sent to me by the said Signora Francesca;^" 
for she was a modest young woman and such actions would be out of 
keeping with her station and her birth. And therefore I declare that the 
abovesaid pretense is false and without foundation. 

I turn back to say to your Honor that in the prison "^ of Castelnuovo 
there was not found by the authorities anything whatsoever. And if 
your honor tells me that certain love letters were found, which the Fisc 
pretends are those sent me by Signora Francesca, I say and respond that 
it is not at all true. 



Outside : To the Most Illustrious and Most Respected Signor Paolo 
Franceschini, Rome. 

And inside : 
My Most Illustrious and Respected Signor: 

J, „3 I understand why you desire to tell me about 

Letter of the most Ae quarrels ^'^ which have arisen between Signor 
Reverend Bishop of Guido, your brother, and Signor Comparini. And I 
can not but pity you for the trouble you have had in a 
case so rare, and indeed so unprecedented. The Signora, your sister-in- 
law, had some recourse to me,"° "° but her great excitement, taken along 
with the excessive passion of her mother, revealed to me that the 
daughter had taken this step entirely by mere instigation. So I tried to 
make peace between them, thinking that when the instigations of the 
parents were removed she might be brought to right reason. I believed 



17 

this the more readily, as she was of tender age. And the more she 
spoke, and the more she made outcry, that much the more had she been 
urged thereto by the instigation of her mother. And that she might not 
be excited even more, I had her taken home in my carriage twice."- 
I have some knowledge of this because Signor Senator Marzi-Medici,"" 
who presides over the laic government of this town for our Most Serene 
Grand Duke [xcii], has told me all. And I need only add that I 
reaffirm what I have written with entire sincerity. Wishing for new 
chances to serve you, I affirm myself 
To you. Sir, 

Your Most Obedient Servant, 
The Right Reverend Bishop of Arezzo. 
Arezzo, September 15, 1694. 



My dear Sir: 
^°- 7-"'^ I do not multiply my assertions for the purpose of 

Reciprocal love • i ^ i i ^- j 

letters provmg my love to you, because my resolution and 

your desert is enough proof of it. My affection no 
longer has any rein, etc. May grace be to him who gives grace. 

My own Signor : 

I tell you, do not be surprised if my mother was at the window, 
because she was looking at the one who was setting the sofa in order. 
And therefore you can pass here without fear. When more at my 
leisure, I will write you some fine matters, etc. When they tell me any- 
thing, I will advise you of it. 

My Adored Mirtillo,'" My own Life: 

I pray you pardon me that I did not look at you yesterday when I 
was at the Cappucchini, because I saw that the two were watching to 
see if I would look at you. Therefore I suffered much pain in not being 
able to look at my Sun. But I saw mine own with my heart, in which 
I have you engraved. I remain as I am and shall be 

Your devoted servant and faithful sweetheart, 

Amarillis.'" 



My well-beloved : 

I have received your letter, which has given me much pain, etc., that 
the Jealous One "" might have seen the letters. And he did see them, 
but did not open them, because they were tied up together, and he 



78 

supposed that they were other letters, and did not take them into his 
hand, [xciii] This fellow is telling it because he would like you to 
get angry with me, etc. You ask me if I am of the same thought, and 
I tell you yes. If you have not changed, I am ready to do what I have 
told you, etc. Then soon, if they continue to drink red wine,"" I will tell 
you so. Whether you are of the same mind still, or have repented of it, 
I am content to do what you wish, etc. I remain as I have been 

Your faithful Sweetheart. 



Most beloved Signor : 

I do not know why you did not pass here yesterday evening; for I 
took my stand at the window and saw no one. I forsook the window 
because the Canon, my brother, was there. I left there to go to the 
other windows lest he might see me, etc. But you turned toward the 
door of your sweetheart, because there is the one adored by you. Conti 
has asked me for those octaves,"^ which you gave me, etc. Therefore 
tell me if I must give them to him or still keep the precious verses for 
myself. And I remain as I am and shall be 

Your faithful, yes, your most faithful Sweetheart, 

Amarillis."' 

I forgot to tell you that the Signora my mother no longer has the 
fever, and is drinking wine, but by herself. Her wine, however, is red 
like ours."" Therefore tell me what to do, that I may do it. I close with 
sending you a million kisses. But I know that in this way they are 
not so dear as a few would be if you would give them to me. But those 
of the Singer ^^ are very dear to you, though I tell you that they are 
poisoned, etc. Be the scrupulous one with others that you have been 
with me. For you have reason for this with others, but you have no 
occasion for it with me, etc. 



Most Cherished Narcissus: 

This evening I received your letter, and it gives me great comfort to 
know that you are not angry, etc. I do not know when he will give it to 
me, but if he gives it to me I will give it to you. The Jealous One "' "' 
is away,^^" but I shall still be here, and all the rest; but because my 
mother has not found a servant, etc., they have said that they will stay 
here a while. Therefore you will not pass [ ?] out of my mind because 
of my not seeing you for a while. But whoever loves [xciv] from so 
good a heart as I do, will keep one in mind. I pray you pardon me if I 
make myself tedious by writing too often. Acknowledging myself as I 
am, I remain 

Your devoted Servant and most faithful Sweetheart. 



79 

Most beloved Signor: 

If you could imagine with what haste I have written to you these two 
verses/^' etc. I met Signor Doctor, as usual. He asked me where 
I was going, and along the street he asked me why I had written 
scornfully to him. I told him that he deserved even worse, because he 
had given evil deeds and good words; for he had said he was fond of 
me and that he wished him and the rest of them in Sovara, etc. He 
replied it did not come from this one, but on account of another gentle- 
man whom I used to like, who was more gallant than he. I answered 
him that if that one was not more gallant than himself, he was at least 
more faithful, etc. Professing myself, as I have ever been faithful, etc. 

My Adored and Revered Signor: 

I wish by this letter of mine to excuse myself from my error in 
sealing the letter which I sent to Rome, etc. I tell you that they have 
not found any letter at all of mine, because I do not let them lie around 
the house, but give them to the flames."" And while I keep them, I 
place them in my bosom. This is not an excuse, why you should surmise 
[it to be] one of my letters; for I tell you that I give it place in my 
bosom, etc. Inasmuch as one of the family may be behind the curtain, 
as I believe, do not make any signal when you are under the windows. 
I shall be at the window this evening, or else at the blinds, and when 
I shall see you I will show myself at the window. But it is necessary to 
be prudent, that he may not see me. Because he has told me that if he 
sees me he will wish to do such things as not even iEneas, the Trojan, 
did. To avoid arousing his suspicion I will not stay there. But I pledge 
myself 

Your Most Devoted Servant. 



My Longed-for Blessing: 

If your saying that I do not love you, because you do not know me, is 
not an error, it is at least displeasing to me. Hear me, my dear: I am 
offended with you, because either you consider me blind or you do not 
consider me amiable. You can not say of a truth that I do not love you, 
nor can you say truly that any one does love as much as I love you. 
Look into my eyes, and you will be astonished; for when bright with 
my tears they will be faithful mirrors to reveal to you that your face 
is copied there (in which an outline of it is made in the Sun) , that your 
whiteness is snow in comparison with the Milky Way, that the Graces 
have directed your movements by their own hand, that Venus in fashion- 
ing you took the measure of your limbs with her own girdle. Ah yes, 
I love you so much that in one respect I would wish alone to love you in 
the world, because It seems to me that I could love you for all in central 



8o 

Latium. I should like that all might love you, because you would see 
that all of them put together can not love you as much as I alone do. 
My breast is envied by every other part of me, because it alone is able 
to love you. These are matters one can not know by mere hearing; 
they are matters to render one excusable to any one else who does not 
believe it. But you are a cruel beauty; for if you see a face composed 
by the miracles of angels you should not consider it a lie if a heart is 
found fashioned by the miracles of love, etc. I leave you a thousand 
thousand kisses. 



My well-beloved : 

I pass by compliments, because I can not match your very gallant 
verses,-^^ which are so far different from what I merit. You tell me that 
you wish to know what has happened in our house. I tell you that noth- 
ing has happened, so far as I can see, because none of them have said 
anything to me — none of them. But Signor Guido seems rather well 
disposed toward me than otherwise, and therefore I can not find out 
whether they are angry with me. Let my brother-in-law lock the door; 
he does it often, etc. If you do not wish to pass by here any more, I 
leave that to your own judgment, and I will suffer quietly the pains 
which are pleasing to you. Therefore I tell you that you may do as you 
wish. For as gold is refined in the fire [xcvi], so love is refined by 
suffering. I can well say that I shall suffer pain at not seeing you as I 
have been accustomed, etc. With a loving kiss, I remain as I have ever 
been, your most sincere sweetheart and your most faithful slave. 

I had quite forgotten to tell you that I stay in the same room as at 
first, and that Thursday evening I went to bed at eight o'clock, and so 
you did not hear me enter the room. I told the servant that she should 
make the signals agreed upon, etc. 

Signor Guido returns Saturday ^'^^ "' morning and you may pass this 
evening at ten o'clock or sooner, when you shall see the light in the 
room, etc. 

My well-beloved : 

I received your letter, which was most pleasing to me, as are all the 
rest you have sent me, etc. I see that you like the Pastor Fido. But I 
would wish you to imitate him, and I will imitate another Vienna. I 
hear from her that you will want to come to see me at the Villa, etc. If 
I could only bring it about, I would more willingly be your wife than 
your servant. You tell me that Conti is unwilling to bring any more 
letters for you. But let me inform you that I am wheedling him, and 
I have the wits to bring it about that he will carry them to you; because 
I say two kind words to him and he is charmed and Avill do what I 



8i 

wish. You tell me that I shall let a cord down through the lattice, but 
you do not tell me what evening, etc. But I tell you that the Jealous 
One "° has gone to Sovara, if I might speak to you. But the Confessor 
is utterly unwilling, and for that reason I do not have you come here, 
because now the street door is no longer opened, but you might be able 
to open the back door,"* etc. But that Frate " does not wish it, and you 
do not. I thank you for the kisses you send me, but if you yourself 
could give them to me, I would hold them dear. And I give you others 
in reply, as many millions as you have given to me. 

Your Most Faithful Sweetheart. 

I do not know what name to give myself, whether Vienna, or Amar- 
illis or Dorinda, or Lilla, but I wish to call myself Ariadne, for I 
believe I have had to be such. I wish to call myself such, only so you are 
not a Theseus, but a chaste Joseph, or a dear Narcissus, or an Ilago, or 
a Fedone. Adonis indeed took pity on Venus, but I am none such, but 
even a Medusa. Therefore I deserve, etc. If you have read Tasso, 
you will know who this was, etc. 



[xcvii] My Beloved Idol :'" 

I know of the affairs which have happened to you. I do not take it 
in bad part when you tell me that it is not possible to make my mother 
sleep, while she is ill and drinks no wine,"' and therefore can not sleep. 
It may be in the next few days that she will get well. Then I will 
inform you of it, etc. 

Your faithful Sweetheart, 

Amarillis.'" 



My Adored, Beloved, and Revered Heart: 

I am confused at such praise, etc. You write to me oftencr than you 
might about the Doctor. You offend me by saying that I will love him 
again. I tell you as sure as the Sun shall rise upon this world, I have not 
the heart for another such blow. But he who does ill, thinks ill, etc. 
As to what you wish to know about the wine, I tell you that it is red -*" 
now, but I do not know how much longer it will be so, but I will let you 
know about it. Sending you a thousand and a thousand, and a million 
of kisses, I remain, etc. 

Come this evening at seven o'clock,*"' because I wish to speak to you, 
and cough when you are under the window. 

Amarillis.'" 

She *" is bursting because she can not say, as you tell me here, that she 
is white as milk, and that you are darker ^'' than I.*' If I had been you, 

6 



82 

I might have called you ivory, as I do call you. Watch this evening lest 
it be the Jealous One,"'" and not myself. Therefore I will cough, and 
if you do not hear me cough, do not move. 

I let you know that Signor Guido is going out of the city,'"" and will 
be gone several days. Therefore I pray you come this evening about 
seven o'clock."'^ And when you are under the window, cough and wait 
a little while, that I may not make a mistake. He goes away Monday 
morning, etc. 

My Dearest and Most Deserving Well-beloved : 

I give the infinite thanks of Rosalinda, etc. I wish you to know that 
he makes me signals along the Via del Poggio, etc., and not because I 
wish to make proof of your love, which I know very well. You are as 
constant as myself, and therefore I do not wish to make these proofs, 
etc. So that you can not say that I no longer love you, because all my 
good wishes for Signor Guido are turned to you, who deserve it. 

Amarillis. 

[xcviii] My adored Signora : 

I wish to know whether you can leave Sunday evening, that is, to- 
morrow evening, for if you do not go away to-morrow evening, God 
knows when you shall be able to do so, because of the scarcity of car- 
riages, owing to the fact that on Wednesday the 
Bishop "" departs with three carriages. Therefore, 
if you can go, as soon as you have read this letter of mine, return to the 
window and throw it to me as a sign that I may reserve a carriage 
beforehand, which may be secured from some one or other. If I secure 
the carriage to-morrow, in passing along there I will let fall my handker- 
chief "' one time only. Then for the rest, to-morrow evening I will 
wait from eight o'clock in the evening on as long as necessary. And as 
soon as you see that they are sound asleep, open the door for me, that 
I may help you make up your bundles and collect the money. Above all, 
try to put some into all their cups, and do not yourself drink it."* And 
if by ill luck they shall find it out, and shall threaten you with death, 
open indeed the door, that I may die with you or free you from their 
hands. And praying God that he will make this design of ours turn 
out well, I declare myself as ever. 

Your Most Faithful Servant and Lover 

MiRTILLO.'*' 

It is a very bad sign that the Jealous One -^^ seems pacified, and that 
he has said that you were at the window. Because he will wish to find 
out in that way what you are doing at the window, and for what purpose 



83 

you are there. For Conti '" has told me that now he Is more jealous than 
at first, and that if he finds out about anything he will wish to avenge 
himself by putting us to death. He wishes to do the same to me, and 
that Is what will happen. Here then has come at last the breaking of 
the chord. 



Most Beloved Signora : 

I have received your note full of those expressions (and then loving 
words follow). Be pleased to receive me Into your bosom, in which I 
rest all my affections, etc. Consign to the ashes this note of mine.'" 

My Revered Signor : 

Driven by the affection which I feel for you, 
Another letter of j ^^ forced to contradlct what I sent you yester- 

Francesca. . . , , , t • i t j-j 

day evenmg m that letter when 1 said 1 did not 
wish to tell you to come here. If you did not tell me then, I tell you 
now that I would wish you to come here this [xcix] evening at the 
same hour as day before yesterday evening. I have indeed thought that 
towers are not moved by such light blows. But if you do [not?] wish to 
come here (that there may be no occasion for you to break, your promise 
to some beloved lady or even though it may not be inconvenient), I do 
not wish to be the cause. Therefore if you wish to come here, pass 
along as soon as you have read this, etc. 



^^ g Tuesday, September 24, 1697. 

Decree of ban- Gluseppc Maria Caponsacchi,"" of Arezzo, for 

ishment of the complicity In flight and running away of Francesca 
ComparinI, and for carnal knowledge of the same, 
has been banished for three years to CIvita Vecchla. 



[c] [File-title of Pamphlet 7.1 

By the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend 

Lord Governor of the City 

in Criminal Cases: 

Roman Alurder-case. 

For Count Guido Franceschini 
and his Associates, Prisoners. 

Summary. 



At Rome, in the type of the Reverend Apostolic Chamber, 1698. 



84 



[ci] Romana Homicidlorum. 

[Pamphlet 8.] 

Most Illustrious and most Reverend Lord Governor: 

The confession of Count Guido and his fellows as to the murder of 
Francesca, his wife, and of Pietro and Violante Comparinl, his father- 
in-law and mother-in-law, falls far short of supporting the Fisc In 
demanding the ordinary death penalty. But, rather, it is remarkably in 
our favor in excluding that penalty. For there is no longer any doubt 
as to the cause of the murders, namely causa honoris. This at first 
was denied by the Fisc because of the presence of other causes, though 
these either were Insufficient or were indirectly hurtful to the sense of 
honor. We will go over them hereafter, not " with unwashed hands." 
For a confession Indeed should be received along with all Its details, and 
is not to be divided according to a preconceived purpose. [Citations.] 
This cause alone would be ground enough for demanding that he 
and his fellows be dealt with more mildly, if we bear in mind that 
causa honoris is quite sufficient for the moderating of this penalty. 
For we have proved In our other argument that a husband may kill his 
adulterous wife, even after an interval, without incurring the death 
penalty, wherever the adultery is really proved, as the Advocate of the 
Fisc concedes In his response. § Solamqiie suspicionem. [Cf. p. cxcvli.] 
And In very truth, we have in our other plea adduced a great many 
decisions of the highest courts, wherefrom It Is evident that the penalty 
has been diminished for husbands who have had their wives killed even 
by means of an assassin ; and, on the contrary, no decision favorable to 
the Fisc is cited. Such an opinion is therefore to be accepted more 
readily, Inasmuch as it is sanctioned by the greater number of authori- 
ties. And even although Farlnacci and Raynaldus seem to take the 
other side, yet Farlnacci, in his Questions, shows himself very much in 
doubt, as I have shown in my other plea; and in cons. 141, he shows 
that he Is very changeable, since in cons. 66, No. 5, he has proved 
the contrary. Therefore, when his attention was called to this change- 
ableness. In excusing himself, he asserted, in the said cons. 141 , under 
No. 16, that Beatrice, in behalf of whom he had written [cii] In cons. 
66, had been beheaded; as if this kind of rigorous sentence should be 
followed in practice. And may this distinguished authority pardon 
me,""' but he responds inconsistently,"' having forgotten what he had 
written In the end of cons. 66: that is, that Beatrice was put to death 
not because she, after an interval, had commanded that one be put to 
death who was plotting against her honor, but because she did not 

85 



86 

prove her right to this latter exception, where he says: " So also there 
was strong hope for the sister Beatrice, if she had proved the excuse 
she offered, as she did not prove it." 

But the Honorable Raynaldus, whose words and writings I venerate, 
in his Observationcs Criminales, cap. 2, § 4, No. i ^6, after he asserts 
that some remission from the ordinary penalty may be hoped through 
the benignity of the Prince, does not decide the point by citing Gizzar- 
ellus and Giurba, who affirm that in justice the penalty should be 
decreased. But he goes back to what he had written, cap. 7 bi Rubrica 
sub No. 60, where, however, he does not openly examine the point as 
to murder permitted for honor's sake. Otherwise he would go contrary 
to the general opinion of authorities, and to many decisions of the 
highest magistrates, that is to the common practice of the courts. 
[Citation.] " And this opinion is followed in practice, as I find in the 
event of such a fact the Neapolitan court has so decided." And concern- 
ing this same practice, Matthaeus likewise bears witness. [Citation.] 

Yet, as I have said, it would be enough to clear Guido of conviction 
if only his confession be taken in its entirety without subdivision. For 
greater completeness, however, we offer full proofs of the adultery, as 
brought out in the prosecution for the flight from home. The Fisc has 
attempted to attack these proofs lest he might have to lay down his 
arms; and the Achilles of his pretense is solely a preposterous cross- 
examination,"" which was not admitted into the suit for permanent 
record. It gives the word of a certain baseborn woman, formerly a 
servant in the home of the Accused, who was severely maltreated by 
Guido, by the Canon his brother, and by their mother. All too eagerly 
she narrates the ill-treatment suffered by Pietro and Violante, and by 
Francesca their daughter, and his wife, respectively, especially in the 
matter of their food, on account of which Pietro and Violante preferred 
to return to Rome. [Cf. pp. xlix-liii.] 

Yet Guido by a written agreement "^ had bound himself to furnish 
food to the abovesaid couple. And furthermore it is claimed that the 
flight of Pompilia also was necessary [ciii], because she was being 
threatened with death; in order that her own base desire of violating 
her matrimonial fidelity may not be deduced therefrom. 

If, however, we have any regard for the truth, the domestic affairs of 
the Accused were not so pinched, because they were more than enough, 
not merely for frugal, but even for lavish living. The theft of the 
moneys '"" committed by Francesca in the act of flight demonstrates this. 
(See the prosecution for flight, pages 5, 63, and 92.) 

The real and true cause "" which moved Pietro and his wife to go 
back to Rome was undoubtedly that the mother of Count Guido could 
not bear that the aforesaid Comparini should regulate family matters 
and should at their own pleasure dispose of everything looking toward 



87 

the government of the home;'" this with greatest flagrancy and with 
none the less boldness they desired to do. Furthermore, Pietro took 
it ill that he was rebuked for leaving the company of the noble class and 
associating in taverns "^ with the commonest persons in town, to the 
scandal of well-born men. And still more because he was compelled 
by the Governor of the City, under fear of imprisonment, to restore 
certain trinkets and gems of his daughter,"' which he had taken away, 
as Count Guido testified in his examination, pp. 96 and 97. And this is 
admirably proved by a letter of the same Governor recently presented 
by ourselves, which we give In Summary, No. i. [Cf. pp. Ixxxi-lxxxII.] 

With these statements the cross-examination of the same Francesca, 
when arrested In her flight, agrees; in it we nowhere read that she was 
maltreated, nor that she ever complained of that home of decent 
poverty. And yet it Is very probable that, to put a good face upon 
her flight, she would have alleged the domestic want and home miseries, 
if she had ever suffered them. 

We do not deny that disputes Immediately arose between Francesca 
and her husband, and possibly he threatened her with death. But this 
was for another reason, namely that she should quit the illicit amours '"' 
she had begun at the suggestion of her parents, and that she should live 
with evident chastity, as is to be read expressly in her deposition (our 
Summary, No. 2, letter A). [Cf. p. Ixxxlv.] 

It is verified from the fact that Francesca herself, In a letter "' 
written to Abate Franceschlnl, ingenuously confesses (Summary of the 
Fisc, No. 4, and our Summary, No. 3) that her parents Indeed were 
sowing strife between the couple and were urging her to have recourse 
to the Bishop ^^^ under the false pretense of ill-treatment; and day and 
night they kept instigating her to poison her husband, her brother, and 
mother-in-law, to burn the house [civ], and what Is still more awful, 
to win a lover and return to Rome In his company. Nor did she fail 
to obey them in several of these matters. 

And In another letter written to the same Abate, and shown by us, 
and given in our Summary, No. 4, we read : " Not now having those 
here who urge me to evil." [Cf. p. IxxxvII.] 

Of no counter-effect is the response *^° ^"'^ that the single characters 
of the said first letter had been previously marked out by Guldo, and 
were afterward traced with a pen by herself,"* as she asserts in our 
Summary, No. 2, letter K. [Cf. p. Ixxxvi.] For proof of this statement 
she can bring no other evidence than that she does not know how to 
write.-^' Summary, No. 2, letters B, H, and K. [Cf. pp. Ixxxiv-lxxxvi.] 

In this, furthermore, she stands most clearly convicted of falsehood 
by her signature, which was recognized by herself at the command of 
the court while she was in prison, as we find In the prosecution for 
flight, p. 39. She also stands convicted of falsehood by the signature 



88 

of her marriage agreement, concerning the truth of which it would be 
ill to doubt, both because there is along with it the signature of one of 
the Lord Cardinals,^'" and because her handwriting was recognized by 
herself who had written it, at the demand of the notary, as is to be seen 
in the copy filed in the prosecution for flight, p. 132. And furthermore 
she is convicted by the priest with whom she fled, who asserts that more 
than once at night he has received letters which were either thrown out 
of the window by her or were sent by a servant; we give his deposition 
in our Summary No. 5, letters A, B, C, and D. [Cf. pp. Ixxxviii-lxxxix.] 
This is verified by the Fiscal witness, p. 108, where we read : " And she 
threw down a note, as I saw very clearly, and the Canon picked it up, 
and went away." There are, besides, the letters '^^ and sheets of paper 
filled with mutual love, found in the prison ''^ at Castelnuovo, where 
they themselves were overtaken. But it is utterly impossible that the 
characters of these were also marked by her husband, nor is it told by 
whom they v.ere written ; accordingly it is to be presumed that they were 
devised by herself, lest she might betray their forbidden love-intrigues, 
which they would have to hide with the greatest care. And I pray that 
the abovesaid letter be submitted to our eyes, and it will be clearly seen 
whether the characters were formed by one not knowing how to write, 
but forming them in ink in imitation of certain signs, or rather by the 
expert hand of the woman herself. 

In the first place, the truth of the said letter of which we are speaking, 
we may gather from the letter of the Governor of Arezzo, in our 
Summary, No. i [cf. pp. Ixxxi-lxxxii], where we find: "Of much 
greater scandal were the flights and petitions made by the said wife, 
their daughter [cv], to Monsignor the Bishop. These were made for 
no other reason than that neither she nor her parents wished to stay any 
longer in Arezzo, but desired to return to Rome. When she had been 
rebuked by that most prudent Prelate, he always sent her home in his 
carriage." 

And this is likewise expressly deducible from another letter "' of the 
most reverend Bishop, which is given in the Summary, No. 6 [cf. p. 
xci], where we read : " The more she made outcry, that much the more 
she had been urged thereto by the instigation of her mother." And 
after a few words: " I have some knowledge of this, because Senator 
Marzi-Medici, who presides over the secular government of this city 
for our Most Serene Grand Duke, has told me all." 

It is verified still further bv another letter of Signer Bartholomeo 
Albergotti, produced by the other side, which is given in the Summary 
of that side. No. 2, at the end. [Cf. p. liv.] But the letter is not 
given in its entirety, for, where it speaks of the Secretary of the Bishop 
urging Count Guido and his mother, we should read there: " Not to 
maltreat the Signora for the affront offered him. After disputes enough 



89 

of this kind, he took the Signora back home. And she declared that she 
was absolutely unwilling to live with Signora Beatrice and with the 
Canon Girolamo, her brother-in-law." And after a few other matters: 
" I pray yourself and Signora Violante to be willing to offer a remedy 
by instilling the wife with a tranquil peace, which will be for the quiet 
of all," as we read in page 190. 

This is also proved by the letter of the Abate produced on the other 
side, p. 182, where we read: " By Signor Guido, my brother, several 
offers have been made to him, but have not been accepted; and they 
insist that we force our mother and the Signor Canon to leave the house. 
But this shall never be, even if there do not follow both love and 
concord. I will never advise that." 

And from the letter of D. Romano, 188, later, where we read 
[cf. p. liv] : " I have known why she fled to Monsignor, and it was 
because she did not wish to live with the Canon and Beatrice," etc., 
which words are not noted in the Summary of the Fisc, No. 2. 

See for yourselves, therefore, that Francesca was not maltreated, 
although she so deserved because of her eager and indecent recourse ^'■"' 
without cause to the most reverend Bishop. Hence it is evident whether 
the ComparinI left Arezzo and Francesca fled from home because of 
ill-treatment. 

It remains now that we see — even granting this ill-treatment — what 
cause of fleeing from the home of her [cvi] husband Francesca might 
have, or rather if her flight were not scandalous. This will not be 
difficult to make clear, if we will dwell for a little while upon the 
deposition of the same Francesca and upon the letters '^'- found in the 
said prison of Castelnuovo. These latter were produced by the Fisc 
in the prosecution for flight, though they were not given recognition. 
The lack of this acceptance can not stand in our way, nor do I think it 
can be denied that they are of the same handwriting, if they are com- 
pared with the assured writing of the command of the court. Further- 
more, as they contain love affairs, and the name of Guido himself, no 
sensible person will think that they were not written by them. 

From her own deposition, it is evident that she was often abused for 
her sterility, and was terrified by threats of death on account of her love 
affairs with the said priest, as we see in the said Summary, No. 2, letter 
A. [Cf. p. Ixxxiv.] Nor was the cautious husband deceived, since her 
love increased day by day, while her conjugal affection indeed decreased 
just as her feeling for her lover increased. In the said letters which 
are given in Summary, No. 7 [cf. pp. xcii-xcix], that priest is called: 
Beloved, Adored, Mirtillus, My Soul, Most Dearly Beloved, Narcissus, 
My Eagerly Craved Blessing, Dearest Idol; and she signs herself " Thy 
faithful Sweetheart," and " Amarillis." And conversely, she is called 
by her lover " My Adored Signora." And in the details of those letters 



90 

is expressed her intense love and the ardor with which that unfortunate 
one was burning for her lover, as is evident. Nor may I without shame 
refer to the very tender expressions of her love. But one of them, and 
possibly a second, I may not omit, that " from the claw, you may 
recognize the lion." Thus in letter 17, we read: " So that you can not 
say that I no longer love you ; because all my good wishes for Signor 
Guido are turning toward you, who deserve it." And this possibly 
is the reason why she refused to lie with her husband, as the said letter 
of Signor Albergotti points out, where he says [cf. p. liv] : " The 
Signora has been melancholy, and two evenings after your departure 
she made a big disturbance, because she did not wish to go and sleep ^^'^ 
with Signor Guido, her husband, which displeases me very much." 

In the first letter [we read] : " My affection no longer has any 
rein "; in the fourth: " I am ready to do what I have told you "; in 
the tenth: " I will suffer quietly the pains which are pleasing to you." 
And it would be a long task, and a disgusting one, to tell them over 
singly. For she was unwilling to conform herself to the chaste manners 
of Arezzo, accustomed as she was to living a freer life. This may be 
read in the letter of Abate Franceschini produced by the other side, 
page 1 79, and following, where we read : 

" These occasions for bitterness, which have arisen between your- 
selves and Signor Guido, I do not wish to examine. I know enough to 
say [cvii] that this has arisen from your wishing to turn the wife from 
what, according to the custom of the country, her husband both may 
and ought to do. Because over the wife God has given him authority, 
and likewise it is the general usage and the custom of the country. If 
yourself and Signor Pietro should stand in the way of this, you would do 
wrong, and it would be the duty of the husband to admonish his wife." 
And in another letter, p. 124, we read: " I can not persuade myself 
that my mother and brothers would conduct themselves in such a way 
as to force her to have such recourse." And after a few words we read : 
" And know well that what I have endeavored by my words to urge 
upon Signora Francesca, Signor Pietro, and yourself is only out of pure 
zeal for the honor of your house and of yourselves." 

On the other hand, the same thing is to be drawn from the letter 
of the said priest, as we read in letter 20; " I have received your notes, 
full of those expressions [of love], etc. Be pleased to receive me into 
your bosom, in which I rest all my affections." And the letters which 
have reference to the flight, give clear proof of the mutual exchange 
of affection, as is well proved by the effect that followed. Thus, in 
letter 18, we read: " I wish to know whether you can leave Sunday 
evening, that is to-morrow evening; for if you do not go away to- 
morrow evening, God knows when you will go, because of the scarcity 
of carriages." And after a few intervening words: " As soon as you 



91 

see that they are sound asleep, open the door for me, so that I may 
help you make up your bundles and collect the money." And after a 
few more words : " Praying God that he will make this design of ours 
turn out well." 

And letter 19 of the same lover, in which proofs of love are given by 
no means obscurely, also shows us of what quality those loves were, 
where we read : " That the Jealous One seems pacified, and that he has 
said you were at the window, is a very bad sign ; because he will wish to 
find out in that way what you do at the window,"^ and for what purpose 
you are there. For [Conti] has told me that now he is more jealous 
than at first, and that if he finds out anything he will wish to avenge 
himself by putting you to death and will wish to find means to do the 
same to me." 

It is proved still further that the wretched Accused complained 
bitterly that she was not content merely with a single lovxr at Arezzo, 
but that she has been defiled by many suitors,^" so that she multiplied 
the disgraces to his house, page 98, and following. We also read clearly 
in the seventh letter : 

" I met Signor Doctor, as usual. He asked me where I was going, 
and along the street he asked me why I had written scornfully to him. 
I told him that he deserved even worse, because he had given evil deeds 
and good words ; for he had said he was fond of me, that he wished him 
and the rest of them ' in Sovara.' " 

And in the thirteenth [cviii] : 

" As to the Doctor, you offend me by saying that I will love him 
again. I tell you, as sure as the Sun shall rise, I have not the heart for 
another such blow." 

It is therefore quite evident whether Francesca had an honest cause 
for leaving the home of her husband, or whether she was not rather 
impelled by the more urgent spurs of love. It may be said now that 
these letters were sent for a good purpose,"" that the priest might be 
induced to accompany her so that she might shun the danger of death, 
since she found herself therein without any just cause. And it may be 
said that she could have kept her modesty uninjured in the company 
of her lover. But since without doubt the amorous expressions used in 
the letters do not show chastity of mind and a modest disposition, and 
as just cause for flight is lacking, the veil wherewith her viciousness tried 
to hide itself is destroyed. I acknowledge that Judith,*-" who was an 
entirely chaste widow, of decorous appearance and fine looking in many 
ways, made advances toward a very licentious enemy; but this was for 
the purpose of accomplishing a pious work, namely, to liberate her own 
native land. She was provided not with lascivious letters, but with 
earnest words, the unimpaired modesty of which it were evil to doubt, 
since she was moved by the breath of the Holy Spirit. But to-day, 



92 

how very few Judiths are found; yet the daughters of Lot are multi- 
pHed, who when they could not preserve their sense of shame even in 
their father's company made him drunken with wine, lest he, when 
sober, would deny them because they were sinning weakly, so that, when 
out of his own mind, he was involuntarily polluted with nefarious incest. 
(Genesis, chapter 29.) Do we believe that a girl who was dying for 
love, and who burned most ardently for the company of the loving 
Cupid and her lover, would keep safe her modesty during a long 
journey? Which modesty I only wish she had preserved in the home 
of her husband ! 

And even if Guido had imposed upon her, without due reason, a just 
fear of death, she should not therefore have increased his suspicion 
of base and lustful acquaintanceship by choosing as her companion in 
flight that priest whom her husband had suspected; for Caponsacchi 
was not at all related to herself or her husband, as each of them con- 
fesses in our Summary, No. 2, letter G [cf. p. Ixxxv] and No. 5, letter 
E. [Cf. p. Ixxxix.] Thus she would prove her dishonor. But while still 
guarding carefully her matronly shame, she might either have entered 
some monastery with the help of some church official, if she had used 
truth and not falsehoods; or she might have had recourse to the civil 
governor, who, after examining all things, would have afforded her a 
safe return to the City in company with honest men and women; or he 
might have placed her in the home of some honest matron [cix], with 
due safeguards. But even if she had no faith in either of these, and was 
determined to go back to Rome, she might at least have entered upon the 
journey with one of the servants.'" 

Likewise, the other excuse for putting an honest face on the illicit 
amour falls to the ground — namely that concerning the aforesaid flight 
another priest,'" the brother-in-law of the sister-in-law "^ of the said 
Francesca, was informed. For if the abovesaid letters are read through 
carefully, the suspicion of illicit correspondence with his connivance 
is very greatly increased. We read in letter 1 1 : 

" You tell me that [Conti] is unwilling to bring letters for you. But 
let me inform you that I am wheedling him ; and I have the wits to bring 
it about that he will carry them for you. Because I say two kind words 
to him, and he is charmed and will do what I wish." 

And in letter 19 of the lover: 

" For he has told me that now he is more jealous than at first, and 
that if he finds out about anything, he will wish to avenge himself." 

But who would judge that we can deduce from the said words that 
their mutual love was chaste, because another priest was aware of it. 
I know that for Francesca to show herself at the window at the hiss '" 
of her lover in company with the other priest does not savor well. Of 
this a witness " for the Fisc, in the prosecution for flight, gives oath, 



93 

pp. 107-8. Therefore, not without cause did Count Guido hav-e sus- 
picion also of the other priest, as Francesca herself asserted in her 
deposition in our Summary, No. 2, before letter A. [Cf. p. Ixxxiii.] 

These [two] things are taken as proved therefore : [first] that it is 
not established that Francesca was threatened with death without just 
and legitimate cause, and [second] that a most suspicious correspond- 
ence with her lover is established. It will follow that the threats were 
offered by her husband to preserve his honor, and so it was in the 
power of Francesca to free herself from these threats without scandal, 
without flight, and without shame, by living chastely. She, however, 
was too prone to the tickling of the flesh, and had deferred all things 
to the fulfilling of her vicious desire, without respect to her violation of 
conjugal faith. It is all too foolish to doubt her utter recklessness, since 
it is manifestly evident from matters brought forward in the prose- 
cution for flight, and especially from the reciprocal love between the 
lovers, etc. It is also clear from the letters containing such very tender 
expressions. [Citations.] 

As to the entry and egress ''° of the said priest from the home of 
Francesca [ex] at a suspicious time, a witness ^* ^'^ for the prosecution 
testifies, p. 107 : " At the sound of the Ave Maria, while I was at the 
same window, I saw the door of the said Signori Franceschini open very 
softly, and from it passed the said Signor, etc. He pulled the door to 
as he went out, but did not in fact close it, and therefrom, after a little 
while, I saw the said Signora Francesca Pompilia, with a light In her 
hand, who closed the said door." It is also proved from letter 1 1, where 
we read : " For that reason I do not have you come here, because now 
the street-door is no longer opened, but you might be able to open the 
back-door," etc. This of itself is enough to prove adultery, even when 
trial is being made to demand punishment therefor. [Citations.] 

Her leaning from the window at a hiss,"' day and night, and their 
mutual nods, concerning which a witness" testifies, p. 108, are quite 
enough to prove carnal communication. [Citations.] 

Then there is the manner in which they prepared for the flight, 
which includes, as I may say, a show of treachery, as is to be understood 
from the letter of the priest. No. 18, where [we read] : " Above all, 
try to put some into all their cups, but do not yourself drink it." For In 
seeking an opportunity to mingle an opiate ""■ for them,"*' he was inquir- 
ing what colored wine they were drinking in the home, lest, as I suppose, 
the color of it when altered by the drug mixed therewith might betray 
their plots. So in letter 4, where we read: " Then further, if they 
continue to drink the red wine T will tell you so." In No. 12: " When 
you tell me that it is not possible to make my mother sleep, while she Is 
ill, and drinks no wine." And in letter 13: " As to what you wish 



94 

to know about the wine, I tell you that it is red now, but I do not know 
how much longer it will be so; but I will let you know about it." 

Still further this most wretched wife was moved with a burning ardor 
for the said priest, as is noted in letters 5 and 2 1 ; this is usually con- 
ceived by lovers only. Therefore, since it is undeniable that the carnal 
love ^^'' was reciprocal between them, I think it can not be doubted that 
her departure from the home of her husband and their association 
through a long journey prove their adultery. [Citations.] 

In the progress of the journey kisses were given on both sides;''"' of 
this the witness ""'^ for the prosecution testifies; but I do not find in the 
evidence that he saw these at night [cxi], as is supposed by the other 
side; for page 100 asserts " I only saw that at times they kissed each 
other." And these kisses Francesca so strongly desired to give and to 
receive likewise, that in letter 1 1 [we read] : " I thank you for the 
kisses you send me; but if yourself could give them to me, I would hold 
them dear. I give you as many million more." And in letter 10: 
" And giving you an amorous kiss." And in 5 : "I say good bye with 
a million kisses." And here and there in the other letters. These 
render the adultery not at all doubtful, so much so that there are not 
wanting authorities who assert that when the kiss is proved the adultery 
may be said to be proved. [Citations.] 

Therefore, unless I am very much mistaken, no one who knew what 
we have recounted could be found so senseless and so weak-minded as 
not to believe strongly that when they were found in the inn her 
matronly shame had been tampered with, either during the journey 
or at night while they were taking their rest, or more probably in the 
morning while they were enjoying each other's society. 

But passing over the fact that the priest was clothed in laic garb,^" 
pp. 4 and 100, which affords no small weight for the proof of the 
adultery, all further doubts are removed, since they arrived together at 
the tavern of Castelnuovo at half-past seven at night,°" as three wit- 
nesses for the prosecution agree in swearing, pp. 44, 47, 49. And 
although two beds were in the chamber, only one indeed did the said 
priest wish to have made ready, and all night long,^^'* behind closed 
doors, he rested alone with her (if lovers can rest) ; from this the 
adultery is proved without doubt. [Citations.] 

This proof indeed becomes all the stronger from the lie of Francesca, 
who asserts that they arrived at the said tavern at dawn,^'" Summary, 
No. 2, letters F and L. [Cf. pp. Ixxxv, Ixxxvi.] For if no evil had been 
done she would not have attempted to hide the truth. [Citation.] 

Finally the sentence or decree of this Tribunal,"" which is given in 
Summary, No. 8 [cf. p. xcix], where the said priest is condemned for 
carnal knowledge of Francesca, removes all doubt; because the adultery 
is thereby rendered infamous, as was proved in our other argument. 



95 

And though it is asserted that it was in the minds of the Lords Judges 
[cxii] to modify this sentence and to add " for pretended carnal 
iinowledge," yet it never was thus modified. And yet such modification 
would not have stood in the way after it had reached the ears of the 
luckless husband that the adultery of his wife had been made manifest 
and notorious and had been confirmed by the Judges' decree. 

But certainly, even if we are cut off from this proof, their carnal 
communication remains more than sufficiently proved for our purpose; 
for we are arguing not for the infliction of the penalty of adultery, but 
we have deduced the adultery for exclusion of a penalty. [Citations.] 
For it is quite customary that, for a civil purpose, such as divorce or 
loss of dowry, adultery is abundantly proved by circumstantial evidence. 
[Citations.] 

Nor is it of consequence that some of the stronger proofs are proved 
by single witnesses; for we are arguing to establish dishonesty and 
adultery in kind; not for the purpose of condemning the adulteress, but 
for the defense of the accused. 

And the reason is very evident, because to excuse a husband from 
the murder of his adulterous wife after an interval, an exact proof of the 
adultery is not required, but strong suspicion of adultery is quite abund- 
ant, as Sanfelicius testifies it was decided, dec. S37 > num. ij. But we 
are upon firmer grounds, because we not only have strong suspicions 
drawn from single witnesses, but other finely proved grounds, yes, the 
clearest of proofs, deduced by the Prosecution. 

Very little does it stand in the way of this proof of her guilt that 
Francesca, when near to death, ^"- tried to exculpate herself and her lover 
by asserting that there had been no sin between them;^"^^ for this kind of 
exculpation, which is all too much a matter of pretense, might help her 
companion "'° just as theretofore she had brought blame upon him ; and 
by no other proof might his inculpation have been removed. This would 
indeed aid her fellow, but not herself. But since she stands convicted 
by the abovesaid proofs of having broken her matrimonial faith, it 
would be absurd that an exculpation [cxiii] made that she might seem 
to die an honest woman, should be of such efficiency as to destroy the 
proofs of her baseness. [Citations.] And what is more horrible, that 
from the said exculpation, her murderer might be the more severely 
punished.'"^ 

I have faith, and this helps me to hope, that her soul rests in eternal 
safety, by divine aid, since she had time to hate her previous life. But 
no man of sense could praise her testamentary disposition, in which she 
appointed as her sole heir her son, who, as I hear, was but just born and 
hence innocent, and who had been hidden ^™ away from his father, and 
which appointed as residuary legatee a stranger joined by no bond of 
relationship. 



96 

From these considerations, therefore, it is plain that the adultery of 
Francesca is fully proved. Hence according to the opinion of the Fisc, 
her murder, even if committed after an interval, is not to be expiated 
by the death penalty; not only because of the justly conceived grievance, 
but because the injury to the honor always keeps its strength, according 
to the sentiment of Virgil in the ^neid, Book I : " Keeping an eternal 
wound within the breast." 

It is of no force in response to this that he did not kill his wife and the 
adulterer, whom he had overtaken at the inn of Castelnuovo, but that 
he merely saw to their imprisonment;-" as if that, after his recourse to 
the judge, he could not with his own hand avenge his honor. 

For we deny in the face of all heaven that he could have killed either 
of them, because he was worn out by the rapid journey, and was so 
perturbed by the agitation of his mind, that he was seized by a fever. 
And furthermore he had heard that the said priest was armed "'" with 
firearms,"" as he asserted in the prosecution for flight, at a time when 
his word can not be suspected, because the murders had not yet been 
committed, pp. 76 and 77. It is also true that the priest was a ter- 
rible fellow,^" according to the witness for the prosecution, p. 167, and 
as Francesca herself confesses. Elsewhere, the Accused speaks of the 
taking away of an arquebus "^ pointed at the officers, as he himself 
asserts, p. 71. And furthermore, Caponsacchi was all too prompt and 
too much disposed to resisting, as we read in letter 18. There, in 
speaking of the opiate to be given to the domestics, he adds: " If by 
ill luck, they shall find It out and shall threaten you with death, open 
the door, that I may die with you, or free you from their hands." And 
the wife, indeed [cxiv], was unterrlficd, full of threatening, angered, 
and even furious, as the outcome proved; since when captured by the 
posse of the Ecclesiastical Court, she dared, in the very presence of the 
officers and other witnesses, to rush upon her husband with drawn 
sword. ^^' And she would easily have killed him, if she had not been 
hindered, p. 50. He, indeed, weak, as he is, and of Insufficient strength, 
could not have taken vengeance by killing both, or either of them, 
provided "" as he was with only a traveler's sword.-"* Hence, as he was 
not able to kill them, he saw to their Imprisonment In the confusion of 
his mind. In order that he might prevent the continuation of his disgrace, 
and thus might hinder their future adultery. 

But, indeed, even if he could have killed them, and did not do so, 
he would be praiseworthy; for up to that time the adultery had not been 
made notorious by the sentence of the judge, and only strong suspicions 
of It were urging him on. 

But as for the recourse to the judge, whereby it can be claimed that 
he renounced the right to kill his adulterous wife, which we deny, I pray 
you note that the Tribunal acted prudently in placing Francesca in the 



97 

Monastery,"* that she might be kept more decently than in a prison. 
Then when it received the attestation of the physician as to her con- 
dition,"" lest she might be kept there destitute of necessary aids, and so 
might undergo punishment in the very course of events (which is every- 
where avoided), after obtaining the consent of Abate Franceschini,^*' 
brother of the Accused, the court permitted her to be placed in the home 
of her parents with the warning to keep that home as a prison."" 

But I can not commend any one, whoever he may be, who tried to 
get Francesca from the Monastery under the false pretense of ill health, 
since he could legitimately and with more decency have succeeded in his 
intent by laying bare the truth, namely her pregnancy.^"^ But this was 
done for no other reasons than these : either that the son might be hidden 
away ^'"' from Count Guido, since the law presumes that he was born of 
his legitimate father, although his wife had shown herself incontinent; 
or else Francesca, believing that the child was conceived of some one 
else, possibly was trying to hide from her husband the fact of her 
pregnancy. 

And now in the meantime, let it please my Most Illustrious Lord to 
turn his eyes toward Arezzo and for a little while to think of Count 
Guido stained with infamy, when the decree of condemnation for 
adultery reached his ears. The adulteress was still unpunished, and he 
was ignorant of the fact that she could not be punished, owing to her 
supposed ill health, and that during her pregnancy, which she had so 
carefully hidden from him, she was unsuited to the vengeance of the 
sword. Furthermore, when he saw that [cxv] Francesca had gone back 
to that very suspicious home of Pietro and Violante, who had instilled 
Francesca with dishonesty, had repudiated her, and had professed that 
she was the daughter of a harlot,"^ he lost all patience, as is evident 
from the deposition of Blasius, p. 318, where we read: " But still 
further, she had been received back into the home, after she ran away 
from Guido, although the latter had put her in a Monastery." This 
change drove to desperation ''"' her luckless husband, who was at least 
an honorable man. Therefore his recourse to the judge ought not to 
increase the penalty for him. 

We do not deny that Abate Franceschini had given consent "'' to 
the removal of Francesca to the home of Pietro and Violante (in order 
that we may yield to our respect for my Lord Advocate of the Fisc), 
but only on verbal representation, for I have not been able to see it in 
writing. But, for our proposition, this does not affect Count Guido, 
since it is not made clear that he was informed of such consent, and 
thus far the Fisc merely presumes that he had been informed by Abate 
Franceschini, his brother, of this consent. [Citation.] 

We are compelled to affirm that this knowledge is not to be presumed, 
as is shown below, or at the very worst there is present only presumptive 



98 

knowledge. And I do not think that on this kind of merely presumptive 
knowledge the death penalty can be demanded, nor can Count Guido 
be condemned, since he has neither confessed nor been convicted of such 
knowledge: chapter iios in quemquam, where we read: " We can not 
inflict sentence upon any one unless he is either convicted or has con- 
fessed of his own accord." 

Indeed, what if Count Guido had acknowledged that he had written 
the consent furnished by the Abate, his brother, since it had no special 
authorization for that particular matter; nor a general authorization to 
conduct litigation, but only to receive moneys taken from himself by 
Francesca, as is to be seen, p. 136. By exceeding the limit of his 
power, Abate Paolo would have exasperated the mind of Guido; for 
the luckless man was already burning so with rage at the temerity of 
Francesca, Pietro, and Violante, that he was almost driven, I might say, 
to taking vengeance. He had put this off as long as he had any hope 
that he might have the marriage annulled because of mistake concerning 
the person married. For he was ignorant of the point of Canon Law 
that error as to the nature of the person contracted does not render a 
marriage null, but only an error as to the individual.^'"' [Citation.] 

Nor does it amount to anything that Francesca, at the time she was 
killed, was under surety to keep the home as a prison, as if she were 
resting in the custody of the Prince.*''' For, however that may be, 
even if [cxvi] the Accused had killed Francesca to the offense of the 
Prince, yet since he wished to recover his honor and to remove with her 
blood the unjust stains upon his reputation, for this particular reason 
the aforesaid custody is not to be given attention, nor does it increase the 
crime; as in the more extreme case of one injuring a person having safe- 
conduct from the Prince, Farinacci affirms in making a distinction 
[Citation] where knowledge thereof is not to be presumed. 

Furthermore, when we speak of custody we should understand it to 
apply to public custody and not to a private home as was proved in our 
other argument. Nor is the response enough that this would hold good 
in the one under custody, but not concerning the custodian, Violante; 
for I do not know any probable distinction between the two, since both 
cases may suffice for escaping the penalty; nor is any stronger reason to 
be found for the one than for the other. And indeed a third case would 
be more worthy of excuse, of one who broke this kind of custody, when 
knowledge thereof was not proved. Because such an offense might 
arise under such custody, just as one who had killed a person under 
bann, but ignorant of that bann, excused himself. [Citations.] 

If therefore Count Guido is not to be punished for murder of his 
wife, for the same reason he can not be punished for the murder of 
Pietro and Violante,*"' because these murders were committed for the 
same cause, causa honoris. For at their instigation, Francesca found 



99 

her lover, and still more, in order that they might disgrace Guido, they 
did not blush to declare that Francesca had been conceived illegitimately, 
and had been born of a harlot.'"^ This greatly blackens the honor of 
an entire house, as Gratian observes [Citation] ; for the daughters of 
such are usually like their mothers."" Then also, as I have said above, 
the Accused burned with anger when he had notice of the return of 
Francesca to their home, p. 318, and the following. And Alexander 
proves this in his confession where he says, p. 646 : " So that he had to 
kill his wife, his mother-in-law, and his father-in-law: because the said 
mother-in-law and father-in-law had a hand in making their daughter do 
evil, and had acted as ruffians to him." This following fact makes it 
all the clearer, because on the fatal evening when they were slain, at the 
knock on the door,^"^ and as soon as Violante heard the much beloved 
name of the lover, straightway she opened it.^-' And thus she showed, 
unless I am mistaken, what removes all doubt that Pietro and Violante 
were not at all offended with the love affairs of their daughter and her 
lover. 

It is all one, because we are compelled to acknowledge either [first] 
that the Comparini had done new injury to his honor by receiving 
[cxvii] her into their home after they had declared that she was not 
their daughter, and after her adultery was clearly manifest, and hence 
there should be departure from the ordinary penalty. [Citation.] 
For just indignation, when once conceived, always oppresses the heart 
and urges one to take vengeance. [Citation.] 

Or else [secondly] we must acknowledge a cause of just anger con- 
tinued, and indeed was increased, which is quite enough foundation for 
asserting that the murders were committed incontinently. [Citations.] 

Since, then, from the confession of Count Guido as well as from that 
of his associates, and since from so very many proofs brought forward 
in the trial it is evident that Guido was moved to kill them by his sense 
of injured honor, in vain does the Fisc pretend that for some other 
remote reason he committed the crimes. For, to tell the truth, I find 
no other cause which does not touch and wound the honor, if we only 
bear in mind what Guido has said in the trial, pp. 96 and 97 : namely, 
that the Comparini had arranged the flight of Francesca and had plotted 
against his life. This alone would be enough to free him from the 
ordinary penalty. Bertazzolus and Grammaticus [Citation] testify that 
a man was punished more mildly who had had one who threatened him 
killed, though the threats were not clearly proved. [Citations.] " And 
the death which he had threatened fell upon himself, and what he 
planned he incurred," and also: "There is no doubt that one who 
had gone with the intention of inflicting death seems to have been slain 
justly." 



lOO 

Another cause of the murder alleged by the Fisc is the lawsuit *" 
brought to annul the promise of dowry.""" Upon this point a complete 
and a very skilful examination was made by the other side, and because 
of this it was pretended that he had incurred the penalties of the 
Alexandrian Constitution and of the Banns. ^-^ But this pretense in fact 
soon vanishes. For if we look into it well we shall find, without 
difficulty, that a cause of this kind [cxviii] is no less offensive to the 
sense of honor. For the ground on which Pietro had attempted to 
free himself from the obligation to furnish the promised dowry was this 
solely: that Francesca was not his own daughter, but the child of an 
unknown father and of a harlot."' Every man, however, well knows 
whether this kind of a declaration would wound the reputation of a 
nobleman. 

Whether or not a pretense of this kind could have found a place for 
itself before we had the confessions of Count Guido and his companions, 
as I have said above (for then the Fisc might have been in doubt 
how Guido could be moved to kill her) , yet thereafter it was clear from 
the confessions of them all that the sense of injured honor had given 
him the impulse, and had even compelled him to the killing, as Count 
Guido asserts, p. 678, where we read: "To inflict wounds upon 
them, inasmuch as they had injured my honor, which is the chief thing." 
Vain is it to inquire whether he had killed them for some other reason, 
because, as it was clearly for honor's sake, the Fisc never could prove 
that they were killed on account of the lawsuit, and not on account of 
honor, as is required for the incurring of the penalty of the aforesaid 
Bull. [Citation.] 

These statements are apt also as regards the murder of Francesca, 
who had sought a divorce.^"" For if she had made pretense of being 
separated from him for any other reason, and if her dishonor were not 
perfectly clear, then indeed there might be room for the Alexandrian 
Constitution. But since wounded honor gave occasion for the murder, 
we are far beyond the conditions of the Alexandrian Constitution. 
Otherwise a very fine way would be found for wives to act the prostitute 
with impunity. For if it were possible, after adultery was admitted, to 
bring suit for divorce, they would find a safe refuge to escape the 
hands of justly angered husbands, and would be rendered safe by the 
protection of the said Bull even though the divorce was not obtained 
and though the husbands had been offended because of their dishonor. 

But still less can such capital punishment be inflicted upon Guido on 
the pretext that he assembled armed men, contrary to the rule of the 
Apostolic Constitutions and Banns.*"" For whenever the question is 
whether a husband may assemble men to kill his adulterous wife, we are 
still beyond the conditions of the Constitutions; for they have place 
whenever men are assembled for an indeterminate crime, and crime does 



lOI 

not follow; then indeed [cxix] the provisions of the Bull are applic- 
able. But whenever men are joined together to commit crimes, and 
these actually follow,*" attention is directed to the end for which the 
men had been assembled, and the punishment for that is pronounced, 
nor is there any further inquiry concerning the beginning (that is, the 
assembling), as I have proved in my other argument. And I now add 
another citation [Citations] where, after the question was disputed, he 
asserts: " But certainly, notwithstanding what has been said above, in 
the current case, I do not believe there should be any departure from 
the decision of so many men, whom we may well believe have considered 
and written the entire matter with maturity and prudence for Our Most 
Sacred Lord Clement VIII." And at the end of this addition, it is 
testified that the Apostolic Chamber had so decided it at the order of 
the said Pope. [Citation.] 

This is also proved by the Banns of my Most Illustrious Lord Gov- 
ernor, chapter 82, where they impose a penalty for assembling men for 
an evil end, if the evil end may not have followed. But they decide 
nothing when the crime for which the men had been assembled had been 
put into execution, because in this case the penalties for assembling cease 
and only the penalty for the crime committed is inflicted, as was said 
above. 

And that the assembling of men for the purpose of recovering one's 
reputation does not fall under the penalties of the Apostolic Constitu- 
tions, see Farinaccius cons. 65, No. 66. 

Finally the matter of carrying prohibited arms "^ is still left for con- 
sideration. Even if some authorities have asserted that this is not to be 
confounded with the principal crime, yet the contrary opinion is held 
by the majority; for the purpose is to be considered, which the delin- 
quent chiefly had in mind. So Bartolo holds in our very circumstances. 
[Citations.] [cxx] And on the point that one killing for honor's sake, 
with prohibited arms, is still to be punished more mildly, Matthaus 
testifies that it has been so judged. [Citation.] 

This also holds good in the more extreme case of several crimes, 
which can easily be committed separately and which tend toward differ- 
ent ends; yet, if they are committed at the same time and for the same 
end, the punishment only for the crime which was chiefly in mind is 
imposed. Thus, if one wishing to commit theft climb over the walls 
of the city,*'- though he could commit that deed without the crime 
of crossing the wall (which is a very grave crime, according to Farinac- 
cius, qtiaest. 20, No. 146), even then only a single penalty, namely 
that for theft, is inflicted, as the one chiefly in mind; and this is a little 
harsher than that for crossing the walls of the city, but is not of utmost 
severity. [Citations.] 



I02 

Nor does it escape my notice that the Banns of our Most Illustrious 
Lord Governor, chapter 8, seem to settle the question by deciding that 
the punishment for carrying arms ought not to be confounded with 
punishment for the crime committed therewith. Nor do I fail to see, 
still further, that these Banns do not include one of the companions, 
who was a foreigner and not of that district. But since by common 
law these Banns receive a passive Interpretation whenever arms are not 
borne for an ill end and then some crime is committed with them 
(because the delinquent did not have in mind the crime which he com- 
mitted), he Is punished for both crimes because at divers times he com- 
mitted different crimes. But when any one bears prohibited arms with 
the purpose of murder, and then commits the murder, the chief crime 
of homicide. In view of which he bore the arms, is considered and the 
penalty of murder is inflicted, but not that for carrying the arms. 
[Citations.] 

I beg you note that this crime in question is made Important from the 
fact that those three who had no fear of ill, but who ought by all means 
to have feared, were slain, and not because of the kind of arms with 
which they were slain. The number of the victims, and not the instru- 
ment of their death excited astonishment, and it would have been the 
very same if they had been slain with the longest of [cxxi] swords, or 
with sticks, or with stones.""* Therefore it would indeed be a very hard 
matter that the Fisc should be aflame over these murders, and not 
being able to demand the death penalty for them, should demand it for 
the carrying of arms. 

But beside this. Count Guido denies expressly that he owned, carried, 
or kept arms of unlawful measure. And although it Is asserted by the 
four associates that at the time of the murders Guido had in his hands a 
short knife,"* and had given the same kind of arms to his companions, 
yet these could not doom him to the ordinary penalty. Thus Farlnacci 
and others affirm after this matter has been well discussed and the 
contrary opinion confuted. [Citations.] 

Nor does he deny that he had on his person a dagger ■"* which was 
entirely lawful. But he did not have it with him at the murder, nor 
did he carry it for the murder, but only to defend himself if he should 
find in the aforesaid home outsiders ready to use force against him. 
And that was permissible to him; for there is ample right to bear 
arms of this kind throughout the Ecclesiastical State, and (I may boldly 
add) even In the very City. Because no mention is made of the City, 
although some places are excepted ; according to that very true axiom : 
" The exception proves the rule in what is not excepted." [Citations.] 

And he could the more readily believe that it was permissible for him 
to do so, because he had enemies in the city who threatened him there 



I03 

and made plots against him, as Guido himself says; and therefore the 
bearing of arms of this kind was more necessary here than elsewhere. 

Nor is it to the point that, because it is claimed he had killed with 
forethought, the privnlege of bearing this kind of arms should not be 
granted him. For aside from what is said above and in the other argu- 
ment establishing the fact that the aforesaid crimes were " for honor's 
sake," they can not be said to be committed " after an interval." The 
objection might hold good if he had used the arms in the murder, but 
as this is not established, it does not seem possible to deny him the 
right to carry the arms. In any case, although strictly speaking he could 
be said to have done the killing when armed with the said arms, yet he 
should not be punished with the extreme penalty of death. In Cahalliis 
case go, No. J : " Yet in fact in these cases I have never seen the death 
penalty follow, but by grace it is commuted to a milder penalty." 

[cxxii] Finally he can not be said to hav-e incurred the penalty for 
prohibited arms from the fact that he was present at the murders 
committed by his associates with such arms; because the penalty of this 
kind which is due to one furnishing the said arms does not extend to the 
helpers and assistants. [Citation.] 

I do not speak of Domenico and Francesco, because these last two, as 
foreigners,"^ are not bound by our Banns. But all matters fight for all 
of them and every single ground for the diminution of the punishment, 
which favors Count Guido, also favors them all; since accessories are 
not to be judged on different grounds from the principal, as I have 
shown in my other argument. There I cited, not the authority of one 
or another doctor singly, but the decisions of the highest magistrates. 
Clar also testifies that this opinion has been observed in actual practice. 
§ Homictdium, sub No. 5/. 

But I earnestly beg °'^ that my Most Illustrious Lord will be pleased 
to consider with kindly countenance and untroubled vision that Count 
Guido did the killing that his honor, which had been buried in infamy, 
might rise again. He killed his wife, who had been his shame, and 
her parents, who had set aside all truthfulness and had repudiated their 
daughter. Nor had they blushed to declare that she was born of a 
harlot, in order that he might be disgraced. They also perverted her 
mind, and not merely solicited, but even by the strength of her filial 
obligation compelled her to illicit amours. He killed her lest he might 
liv-e longer in disgrace, loathed by his relatives, pointed out by the 
noble, abandoned by his friends, and laughed at by all. He killed her, 
indeed, in that City which in olden days had seen a noble matron wash 
away the stains of shame with her own blood — stains which against her 
will the son of a king had imposed upon her. And thus she expiated the 
violent fault of another by her own death. (See Valerius Maximus and 
Titus Livius.) This city also saw a father go entirely unpunished, and 



I04 

even receive praise, who had stained his hands with the murder of his 
daughter, lest she might be dragged away to shame. [Citations.] So 
much did the fear of losing his honor weigh upon his heart, that he 
preferred to be deprived of his daughter rather than that she should 
continue to live in dishonor, even against her own wish. Count Guido 
did the killing in their own home, that the adulteress and her parents, 
who were aware of her crime, might find out that no place nor refuge 
whatsoever was safe from and impenetrable by one whose honor had 
been wounded. He killed them lest deeds of shame might be continued 
there, and that the home which had been witness of these disgraces 
might also be witness of their punishment. He killed them because 
[cxxiii] in no other way could his reputation, which had been so 
enormously wounded, find healing. He killed them that he might 
afford wives an example that the sacred laws of marriage should be 
religiously kept. He killed them, finally, that either he might live 
honorably among men, or at least might fall the pitied victim of his own 
offended honor. 

H. Arcangeli, Procurator of the Poor. 



[cxxiv] [File-title of Pamphlet 8.] 

By the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend 

Lord Governor of the City 

in Criminal Cases: 

Roman Murder-case. 

For Count Guido Franceschini and his Associates, 
Prisoners, against the Fisc. 

New Memorial of the fact and law, 

together with a summary, 

by the Honorable Procurator of the Poor. 



At Rome, in the type of the Reverend Apostolic Chamber, 1698. 



[cxxv] Romana Homicidiorum. 

[Pamphlet 9.] 

Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Lord : 

The confessions of Count Guido Franceschini, and of Domenico 
Gambassini, Francesco Pasquini and Alessandro Baldeschi, his com- 
panions, are null; and therefore they should be given no consideration, 
as they issued under fear of the rigorous torment of the vigil,"" 
unjustly decreed against them. [Citations.] And this is true even 
though they still persevere in the same confessions. [Citation.] For 
as we have said in our past argument [cf. p. xxxv] (which may be 
reassumed here by favor), the Constitution of Paul V, of sacred mem- 
ory, issued for the reformation of the tribunals of the City [Citation], 
commands that this torture be not inflicted except under two concurrent 
circumstances. One of these is that the accused be under the strongest 
of proofs, and the other that the crime be very atrocious. And the 
authorities alleged in my argument § Qiiateniis, etc. [cf. p. xxxv] testify 
that it has been so practiced. 

Nor indeed can the asserted [discretionary] powers of this tribunal 
give support; because, whatever they may be, they have no place unless 
the crimes are punishable by death. Raynaldus [Citation] gives this 
reason : Whenever the defendant should not be condemned to death, he 
also should not, for the purpose of getting confession from him, be 
exposed to torture which might cause death, as it almost caused the 
death of Alessandro, who fainted dead away under two turns at the 
same torture.^"" 

But the crime, which has been imputed to Count Guido and his 
helpers, and which they themselves have confessed, is murder neither 
of the first nor of the second degree, as was fully proved in my past 
argument. And indeed since Count Guido was moved to kill or to 
have killed both Francesca Pompilia, his wife, and Pietro and Violante, 
his parents-in-law, because of his sense of honor — namely, on account 
of the adultery which Francesca Pompilia committed with their con- 
spiracy and aid, this fact relieves from the penalty of death, not merely 
himself (according to the texts and authorities alleged in my said argu- 
ment), [Citations] [cxxvi] but also his helpers (according to the 
authorities likewise alleged in said argument). [Citations.] 

Gabriellus states : " And much less ought those to be punished with 
death, because if we will only examine the common opinion of wise men, 
just anger may excuse from a graver penalty than this; for according to 
the Gracchian law, Code concerning Adultery, even those who are called 
and led to the crime should likewise be excused." 

105 



io6 

Aside from what may be claimed in this present state of the case, 
that the plea of injured honor is not established, the decree in condem- 
nation "' of the Canon Caponsacchi for the said adultery issued in 
this tribunal, September 24, last past, and given in full in our Summary, 
No. 8 [cf. p. xcix], makes the matter clear and manifest. [Citations.] 
For it is there said: " Giuseppe Maria Caponsacchi, of Arezzo, for 
complicity in the flight and running away of Francesca Comparini, and 
for carnal knowledge of the same, has been banished for three years to 
Civita Vecchla." Nor can these words be said to be merely the title of 
the case,-'* which does not make any one guilty, as my Lord Advocate 
of the Fisc supposes; but the very decree and the title of the case, as 
seen by me in the original Process, was that which follows : Aretii in 
Etruria fugte a viro. 

But, in brief, the said Canon was condemned merely to the said 
punishment because he was a foreigner "' and had committed his crime 
outside of this State; in such case he should be dismissed merely with 
exile. [Citation.] 

Nor is it true that the Court receded from the said decree and still 
less that a modification of it was demanded. For we have no other fact 
than that for the purpose of giving some little Indulgence to the still 
asserted honor of the wife and to the decorum of the said Canon, for 
which the Procurator of the Poor, their defender, kept sharply and 
[cxxvii] incessantly urging, in the command for imprisonment, instead 
of the words of the said decree, these other words were applied : Pro 
causa de qua In actis. These words do not imply the correction of the 
preceding words, but indeed the virtual Insertion of all the acts, and 
consequently of this same decree also. [Citations.] 

And this Is all the more true because the said decree could not be 
changed unless both sides were heard; which, as I remember, was the 
response given to the said Procurator when he insisted upon the said 
modification. [Citations.] 

But why should I now insist on former matters when there is such 
conclusive proof of the adultery and further dishonor of the said wife 
from the many strong reasons deduced in the present stage of the case, 
and well weighed by my honorable colleague, the Procurator of the 
Poor, in his customary excellent manner? (I do not here repeat them, 
that I may avoid useless superfluity.) Hence there Is left no room for 
doubt as to the outraged honor, which indeed impelled Count Guldo to 
the commission of crime. For it would be quite enough that a cause of 
this kind be verified, even after one has committed the crime, as Ber- 
tazzolus advises on this point. [Citations.] 

Still further, there is no need now to insist on past matters because 
Count Guido has stated the plea of injured honor not merely against his 
wife, but against his parents-in-law in his confession, especially page 98 : 



loy 

" Thereupon followed her flight, which was so disgraceful, not merely 
to my house, which is noble, and would have been so to any house 
whatsoever, even if of low estate. She made this escape by night with 
Canon Caponsacchi and his companions. In the progress of her flight 
along with the driver of the carriage, she was seen by the said driver, 
kissing and embracing the abovesaid Canon.*"* Still further, I have 
found out that they slept together at Foligno "^ in the posthouse and 
then again at Castelnuovo. By such proof, she stands convicted as 
an adulteress, not merely for this, but for other like excesses, which I 
have since heard that she committed in Arezzo with other persons." '-' 
And page 672, where we read: " And when the said SantI was asked 
whether he would give ear to offering an affront to the Comparini, 
because of my honor and the plots they [cxxviii] had made against my 
life, Alessandro responded that he would do it, and if some one else 
were necessary he would find him. Accordingly, after a few days, I 
received in my home Biagio, who has been twice named above, in com- 
pany with the abovesaid Santi, and he said that he also would give ear 
to it, as being specially a question of my honor and the contrivance 
against my life." And at page 678 : " And while we were staying in 
the same vineyard,'" that is in the house within it, we spoke of various 
matters and particularly of what was to be done, namely of the affronts 
to be offered to the Comparini (that is to Pietro, Violante, and Fran- 
cesca, my wife) and of wounding them because they had taken away my 
honor, which is the chief thing, and had also plotted against my life." 
And at page 683, near the bottom, we read: " And I would have so 
much to say that one might write from now till to-morrow morning, if I 
wished to tell all the trouble and expense I have suffered from the said 
Comparini. But all this would amount to nothing, if they had not 
touched my honor and plotted against my life." And page 684: "The 
Santi above-named was a laborer of mine at my villa of Vittiano,''^^ ^^^ 
and consequently was informed of all these troubles I had suffered at the 
hands of the said Comparini. He also knew of the very indecent flight 
made by my wife in the manner elsewhere told. The abovesaid Ales- 
sandro then began of his own accord to seek me out and did find me, so 
that he might give ear, in the event that I should wish to avenge my 
honor and the plots which they had made against my life." And page 
699 : " And she together with Canon Caponsacchi was overtaken by 
myself at Castelnuovo, where they were arrested by the officers ""' and 
conducted to these "" prisons."" In the Court, many a time I exag- 
gerated the excess of her supposed conception in order that they might 
be punished. I never having seen what would be considered expedient 
in an affair of such importance to my honor, have been obliged to take 
some resolution for recovering it, because the Comparini, with greatest 
infamy, had transferred to me their own ignominy." And page 722: 



io8 

" And what I said to Alessandro, Biagio, and Domenico, I also said to 
Francesco once when he, knowing the offenses against my honor which 
I had suffered, asked me if I were ready to give a beating to my said 
wife. And I then replied to him that she deserved not merely a beating, 
but death." 

[cxxix] Such a confession should be accepted with its own qualifica- 
tions, for the Fisc can not divide and detach this from it (according 
to the usual theory) . [Citations.] 

This is undoubtedly true, when, as in the present case, one is arguing 
for the infliction of the ordinary penalty, whatever may be said, accord- 
ing to some authorities, for the infliction of an extraordinary penalty. 
[Citations.] Ludovicus extends this conclusion to all qualified con- 
fessions in any kind of crime. 

This is true especially when the qualification is not merely propped 
up in some way, but is conclusively proved. [Citations.] For beside 
the said decree, and the other considerations above, we have his fellows 
in crime especially swearing that their services were required by Count 
Guido for committing crime in his very company for the abovesaid 
reason. Especially is this the case with Blasio Agostinelli, page 316: 
" Signor Guido told me that his wife had fled from him in company of 
an Abate, and had carried away some money and jewelry.-"" He led 
me into the very room where she had robbed him of the said jewelry 
and money, and told me that he wished to go to Rome to kill his wife, 
and that he wished that I and the said Alessandro would go with him," 
etc. And page 317: "At the above time the said Guido told me that his 
wife, for the purpose of fleeing securely with the said Abate, and that he 
might not perceive it, had mixed an opiate "" in the wine for dinner to 
put himself and all the rest of them to sleep, [cxxx] He also said that 
he was in litigation with his father-in-law, who had not merely sworn 
that the said wife was not his own daughter, but still further had re- 
ceived her back into his home, after she had run away from her husband, 
although he would have put her in a monastery after he overtook her at 
Castelnuovo during the flight." And Alessandro Baldeschi, page 623 : 
" The said Guido in the presence of myself, as well as that of Biagio, 
Francesco, and Domenico, told me that he ought to kill the lady, that is, 
his wife, who was here in Rome, to recover his own honor; and also to 
kill the father and mother of the said wife because they had lent her a 
hand in the insult she had offered to his honor." And page 645 : " He 
told us also, in the presence of the keeper of the vineyard,'" that he was 
obliged to kill his wife, his father-in-law, and his mother-in-law, because 
the latter had lent a hand to their daughter in her ill-doing, and had 
acted the ruflians too, and because the said Guido also declared that 
these same people, whom he had to kill, had wished to have himself, 
that is Guido, killed." 



I09 

Nor can the plea of injured honor be excluded by the attestations '" 
of those who afforded assistance to Francesca Pompilia even up to the 
time of her death : for they attest that she made declaration that she had 
never violated her conjugal faith. ^'^'^ These assertions are merely testi- 
mony given outside of a trial, and do not demand belief. [Citations.] 

And more especially as they were extorted and begged ^^^ (while the 
suit was pending and the other side was not summoned) by the heir of 
the same Francesca Pompilia, for avoiding the prosecution by the Mon- 
astery of the Convertites,^"* which was laying claim to the succession to 
her property on account of her dishonesty. Such shame would cause 
all of her hereditary property to be sequestered and judicially assigned 
to the said Monastery by law. [Citations.] 

And this objection to their testimony is especially true because some 
of the witnesses who swear as above are beneficiaries of the same 
Francesca Pompilia, so that they might be swearing for their own 
advantage. For if her dishonor were substantiated, her property would 
devolve upon the said Monastery, and consequently they would be shut 
out of their legacies. [Citations.] 

And however far these attestations may occasion belief, a declaration 
of this kind serves to no purpose, because no one is presumed to be 
willing to reveal his own [cxxxi] baseness. [Citations.] So likewise 
Francesca Pompilia should not be believed, especially when testifying 
outside of a court and without oath. [Citations.] Much less are the 
aforesaid witnesses to be believed, lest more credence be given to hearsay 
evidence than to its original. [Citations.] 

Nor can it be said that no one is presumed to be unmindful of his 
eternal safety f^ for all are not presumed to be Saint John the Baptist. 
[Citation.] Especially when the argument is concerning the prejudice 
of the third.^^* [Citation.] And still more so when the argument is 
for punishing more gravely the enemy of the declarant. [Citations.] 

And therefore, as the plea of injured honor is substantiated, it makes 
no further difference that the said murders were committed after an 
interval, according to what we have very fully affirmed in our last 
argument, ^ uec vertim est [cf. p. xxvi], even down to % pradictis 
nuUcitenus. [Cf. p. xxxii.] There it was shown that this is the general 
opinion of authorities, and in accordance therewith judgment has been 
given from time to time not only in the Sacred Courts, but also in all 
the other tribunals of the world, as Matthaeus well observes, etc. 
[Citation.] 

Nor can there be any departure from this opinion in the present case 
on the ground that Count Guido did not kill "- his wife in the act of 
seizing her In her flight with her lover, but was indeed content to carry 
her before the judge as an adulteress. For it would not have been safe 
for him to kill her then; because he was alone and she was in company of 



no 

the said lover, a daring young fellow, strong,^'' and well armed, and 
accustomed to sinning. And what is more, this lover was prompt and 
well prepared to make resistance, lest his beloved Amarillis ""'' should 
be snatched from him. Likewise she was prompt and ready to hinder 
her husband even with a sword [cxxxii] she had seized and drawn, ^-' 
lest her beloved Mirtillo "° might be offended. Guido should not 
therefore be considered to have spared her nor to have remitted his 
injury. But lest she might escape into more distant parts where he 
could have no hope of the due vengeance, his just and sudden anger then 
counseled him to have her arrested by officers,'"" so that he might kill 
her as soon as possible; and when afterward a suitable occasion arose, 
if he killed her, it should be considered as if he had slain her imme- 
diately. [Citations.] 

And, generally, whatever is done after an interval may be said to be 
done incontinently, if done as soon as a chance for doing it was given. 
[Citations.] 

But so far is the Law from believing that this kind of injury is 
remitted by a husband that it rather believes that the spirit of vengeance 
always continues in him. Therefore it comes about that a wife may be 
held responsible for looking out for herself; so much so, indeed, that 
her death which follows thereupon may never be said to be treacherous. 
[Citations.] Muta speaks of the case of a husband who had his wife 
summoned outside of the city walls by his son, in order that he might 
kill her safely, and yet the husband was condemned only to the oars for 
seven years.'^° 

[cxxxiii] This also makes some difference in the case, that certain 
authorities hold that a husband may indeed hide his wife's baseness for 
the purpose of taking vengeance upon her safely later on. [Citations.] 
Likewise he may have his wife hide his disgrace for the purpose of 
taking vengeance securely upon the one who wishes to offend her 
modesty, according to the very famous council of Castro 2yy, lib. 2. 

And this is all the more to the point because Count Guido was 
censured by the Procurator of the Poor himself, the defender of Fran- 
cesca and Canon Caponsacchi, for this appeal to the judge. [Citations.] 
We have alleged many of these authorities in our past argument, § et 
hipc nostra [cf. p. xxxi] : for they unanimously assert '""' that husbands 
are considered vile and horned, if they do not take vengeance with their 
own hands, but wait for that to be done by the judges, who themselves 
ridicule and laugh at them. Therefore it is no wonder if the luckless 
husband, after he had made the said recourse to the judge, as the foolish 
heat of his wrath suggested to him, wished to avenge himself for his 
lost honor. For he sinned that he might shun the censure of the vulgar 
and learned alike,*" and that he might not add this infamy also to his 
lost honor. 



Ill 

Nor is it at all to the point that the said Count Guido, in his con- 
fession in one place, beside speaking of his injured honor, also mentions 
the plots aimed at his life; because the force of honor was far the 
stronger in his mind, as he himself asserts, page 678: " In considera- 
tion of the fact that they had taken away my honor, which is the 
principal thing." Nor ought any consideration be given the other 
cause; because, as it is so much weaker, it should be made to give way 
to the aforesaid reason, as was proved in our former argument, § Et 
in omnem Ciisitm [cf. p. xxxiv], where for another purpose we have 
adduced Matthsus [Citation], who is speaking in these very terms. 

And so far as we desire to give attention to this other cause, it 
likewise is sufficient for escaping the ordinary penalty. [Citations.] 
[cxxxiv] 

The Fisc acknowledges the relevance of the abovesaid matters; he 
therefore has recourse to the circumstances attending the crime, namely, 
the assembling of armed men,"^ the lawsuit "^ going on between Count 
Guido and the Comparini, the prohibited arms,'^' and finally the place 
where the crime was committed."* For Francesca Pompilia was 
detained in the home where she was killed, as a prison. But a response 
is easy because such circumstances can indeed somewhat increase the 
penalty of the principal in the crime, but not so much as to raise it to the 
highest degree, in such a way that Count Guido and his associates should 
come to be punished with death. For we find it decided in these cir- 
cumstances as quoted by Muta [Citation] : " A decision was therefore 
made in view of the case in general, March, 161 7, before his Excel- 
lency,"" wherefrom the ill manner of killing her ■**' was evident; for he 
had her summoned by her son, and afterward her body was discovered, 
which the dogs had eaten outside of the walls. Leonardus ^"'^ was 
therefore condemned to the royal galleys for seven years." And San- 
felici [Citation] says: " And although some of them were condemned 
to banishment, it was because of their mutilation of the privates, a 
crime for which the Fisc claimed they ought to be punished by the 
penalty of the Lex Cornelia de Sicariis." 

And Matthaeus ''"' [Citation] says: 

" When the matter had been more carefully considered in the Council, 
it was decided that the husband had proceeded too treacherously *'*" m 
pretending absence, in taking his brother with him, and in killing with 
prohibited arms; because merely by the use of firearms a crime is 
rendered insidious with us, etc. And it was accordingly decided that, 
because of this excess, he should be condemned to the penalty of exile 
for four years and to the payment of 2,000 ducats." And this at the 
stage of appeal was confirmed [Citation] where we read: " And thus 
it was decided in the face of the facts proposed in condemning Fran- 
cesco [cxxxv] PalomI to the penalty of the galleys for ten years, etc., 



112 

from the aggravating qualification of firearms. To the same penalty, 
Antonio Alvarez was condemned, who had deliberately killed his wife 
because she was playing him false, etc. The penalty was increased 
because he was judged to have omitted this earlier, since he did not com- 
plain of mere adultery, but of her living as a strumpet. And she could 
not do this without the indifference and connivance of the husband." 

And our reasoning is manifest, because it can not be denied that 
Count Guido and his associates committed all the aforesaid crimes on 
the same ground of injured honor. Because just as this excuse should 
be considered sufficient for escaping the ordinary penalty for murder, 
so likewise it should be considered sufficient for avoiding the other 
punishments whatsoever, appointed in the Apostolic Constitutions 
against those committing other crimes expressed in the same; as the 
principal purpose of the delinquent is always to be attended. [Citation.] 

So it was declared on this point for the purpose of avoiding the 
penalty inflicted in the 75th Constitution of Sixtus V [Citation] against 
those who assembled armed men, whenever these men were evidently 
assembled for the purpose of committing some other crime, such as 
breaking prison and freeing those detained therein. And three very 
celebrated students of the Sacred Law, namely Coccini, Blanchetti, and 
Orani so decided. Their decision is included among others gathered by 
Farinacci [Citation], and he testifies that it was so decided in the full 
chamber, in which the case was proposed and examined at the order of 
Clement VIII, of sacred memory. 

Nor does what he wrote later on to the contrary in aid of the Fisc, 
of which he was then Advocate, stand in refutation; Spada. [Cita- 
tion.] For this opinion of his was refuted clearly and rejected on the 
most substantial of reasons and arguments. [Citations.] 

And in such conditions, for the purpose of avoiding the penalty of 
the Banns [cxxxvi] or Apostolic Constitutions prohibiting the carrying 
of arms, I have alleged many authorities in my past argument, § neqite 
plitres [neque vero] [cf. p. xxxix] and above the rest, Policardus, etc. 
[Citation], who fully examines the matter. My honorable Procurator 
of the Poor gathers together others In his present argument, § remanet 
tiindem. [Cf. p. cxix.] To these I add, Caballus [Citations], where it 
says that preparatory acts are to be included with what was prepared, 
and he testifies that it was so decided by the Sacred Council of Naples. 

Likewise, for the purpose of avoiding the penalty set for those 
killing one detained In prison,"" and so remaining in the custody of the 
Prince, I have cited many authorities in my past argument, § similiter 
jiec agcjravari. [Cf. p. xxxiv.] To these I now add. [Citations.] 

Nor does it make any difference that Policardus, in the place cited, 
and some of the other authorities recently alleged speak of homicide 
committed in a quarrel or for self-defense. For the attendant circum- 



113 

stance of a quarrel relieves one committing crime from the ordinary 
penalty of the crime only in so far as it overlooks the crime in one who, 
when provoked, wished to be avenged (as Ulpian says), and insomuch 
as one swept away by a just indignation is not in the fullness of his 
intellect.'"* [Citation.] 

But both of these reasons without doubt stand in favor of the hus- 
band or of any one else committing murder for honor's sake [Citation], 
even if they do so after an interval. [Citations.] 

And in these very conditions, one killing an adulterous wife after 
an interval is excused because of just anger, which causes him not to be 
in the fullness of his intellect,"* etc. [Citations.] [cxxxvii] 

Ulpian [Citation] also says: " He ought to be angered with a wife 
who has violated his marriage with her, and his wrath should spring 
from indignation for contumely when received, and his nature should 
arise so that he would drive her from himself in whatever manner he 
could." " For it is more difficult to restrain one's anger than to perform 
miracles," *" as St. Gregory says. [Citation.] 

The other authorities, indeed, who speak of persons committing 
murder in self-defense with prohibited arms or in prisons should like- 
wise be In our favor. For the defense of honor in the case of men of 
good birth, especially of nobles, is to be likened to the defense of life 
itself. [Citations.] And indeed it surpasses life, according to the 
words of the Apostle '"'' in his first letter to the Corinthians, chapter 9 : 
" Better **^ were it for me to die than that anyone should deprive me 
of my glory." And St. Ambrose :^^* " For who does not consider an 
injury to the body, or the loss of patrimony, less than injury to the spirit 
or the loss of reputation? " And the third Philippic of Cicero: " We 
are born to honor and liberty; either let us keep them, or die with 
honor." [Citations.] 

So that he who spurns his own honor,*" and does not see to regaining 
it by vengeance, differs naught from the beasts. [Citations.] Indeed 
he should be considered even more irrational than the very beasts, 
according to the golden words of Theodoric,^** as quoted by Casslo- 
dorus, which we have cited in our past argument § Nee veriiin est. 
[Cf. p. xxvl.] [Citations.] 

Then as to the lawsuit *" going on between Count Guido and the 
ComparinI as regards the fraud about the birth, beside what was said 
recently [cxxxviii], I pray that it again be noticed that the Constitution 
of Alexander does not enter where some provocation has arisen from 
the one injured, as Farinacci well affirms [Citation] in following a 
decision of the Rota, which he places at the end of his counsel. And we 
have weighed this heretofore in our past argument § absque eo quod. 
[Cf. p. xxxiii.] Such provocation in the present case resulted from the 



114 

injury which the said Comparini inflicted upon this same Count Guido 
while the lawsuit was pending, because of their complicity in the said 
flight and adultery committed by their daughter on that occasion. 

The other lawsuit which Francesca Pompilia made pretense of bring- 
ing against Count Guido, for divorce, "°° might be omitted. For beside 
the considerations offered by my honored Procurator of the Poor in 
his present argument, § qua etiam tiptantiir [cf. p. cxviii], this suit was 
brought illegally, because the warning of it, as I suppose, had reached 
only Abate Paolo, the brother of Count Guido, who had no authority 
in this matter. And this is true especially because it is not proved that 
the same Guido had any knowledge of that suit brought, as is now 
pretended. 

As to Blasio Agostinelli enough has been written in the former 
argument, since he has not been examined anew,^^^ and in his former 
examination he confessed only that he was present at the said murders, 
but that he had no hand in them. So the more rigorous opinion of 
Caballus can not apply to him, who said that such helpers are not 
immune from the penalty of murder whenever they kill anyone with 
their own hands. For the opinion of this author was proved by us to 
be erroneous, in our past argument, § qiiidquid in contrarium . [Cf. p. 
xxxviii.] 

I might wish to add something to what has been said in the past 
argument as to the alienage and minority *"' of Domenico and Fran- 
cesco; but it is not yet very clear under what law the Fisc pretends that 
they miss these. Therefore I will rest satisfied with this response, 
believing certainly that it will not chance that my Lord Advocate of 
the Fisc may fashion his own allegations and also respond to ours with- 
out communicating them to me, as happened in the past argument 
very greatly to the astonishment of myself and of others. For he and 
I both ought to seek the truth and to be advocates of that, as both of 
us are officers ^" of the Prince [cxxxix] according to the considerations 
of Raynaldus. [Citation.] Who indeed desires that anything else 
than justice be administered, and especially when dealing with poor 
imprisoned wretches? ^°' In their cause, piety should triumph, because 
they are the treasure of Christ. [Citation.] 

Desiderio Spreti, Advocate of the Poor. 



[cxl] [File-title of Pamphlet 9.] 



By the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend 

Lord Governor of the City 

in Criminal Cases: 

Roman Murder-case. 

For Count Guido Franceschini and his Associates, 
Prisoners, against the Fisc. 

New Alemorial of law, 
by the Advocate of the Poor. 



At Rome, in the type of the Reverend Apostolic Chamber, 1698. 



"S 



[cxii] An Account of the Facts and Grounds 
of the Franceschini Case/' 

[Pamphlet lo.] 

The property "^ of Pietro ComparinI did not amount to more than 
the sum of 10,000 or 12,000 scudi,"' subject to a reversionary in- 
terest "* *" coupled likewise with the obligation to compound a good 
percentage of the income." He therefore had to live sparingly to avoid 
being reduced to a state of destitution, there being a bar against his use 
of the capital and of a part of the income. He was also too indulgent 
to his stomach and was given to laziness,'^ and furthermore had taken 
a wife with a very small dowry. Then lawsuits came upon him, the 
income of his bonds ''"^ was reduced, and other misfortunes befell him, 
so that he was brought down to a state poor and miserable enough." 
So much so that he was several times arrested for debt and, after 
making a statement of his property, received from the Papal Palace 
secret alms each month." 

When he found himself in such straits, he ''* decided to marry off 
Francesca Pompilia, his daughter, to some person who would under- 
take the burden of supporting him together with his wife, Violante 
Peruzzi,"^ who was a very shrewd woman and of great loquacity. It was 
with her advice that he had undertaken the affair, and the marriage 
with Count Guido Franceschini was considered suitable. For when 
the latter had conducted his new wife and her parents back to Arezzo, 
his own country, he might be able to find some opportune remedy for 
their necessities, by the assistance in Rome of Abate Paolo Franceschini 
his brother, an active and diligent man;"" thereby putting in order the 
patrimony "" of Pietro, which had been sequestered and tied up by 
his creditors. Therefore, when the dowry had been set at twenty-six 
bonds,''' with added hope of future succession to the rest of his property 
by virtue of the reversionary interest "' to which the wife was entitled, 
the bargain was accepted. This bargain was advantageous to Pietro 
and his wife in freeing them from the straits in which they found 
themselves." And it was likewise advantageous to the Franceschini, 
as the diligence of the Abate, and some temporary expenditure by their 
house well attests. For they might well believe that they would gain 
in time the aforesaid property either entire, or little decreased.®' 

[cxlii] Such from the beginning were the mutual purposes of that 
unhappy marriage. From this fact one may see how slight a pretext 
there is for saying that Count Guido, while making the arrangements, 
had tricked Pietro and his wife by giving an inventory of property with 

116 



117 

an annual income of 1,700 scudi/- which income was later proved to be 
much less. Because the primary end for which the marriage was con- 
cluded might very well have been obtained by showing a much smaller 
income. For it is known that when this inventory was shown by 
Violante to Pietro Comparini, he said on seeing it: " Ho, ho, it would 
have been enough for me if it had been only half as much." And indeed 
it would have been the greatest stupidity in Pietro to have given his 
daughter a husband, upon the simple inventory of a foreigner and 
without finding out if this were true so that the real impelling cause of 
the marriage had been the resources represented in the said inventory. 
Not even on the mere grounds of propriety and civility may Guido be 
reproved; because when the said inventory was produced by Pietro in 
the trial, the Abate Paolo Franceschini was very much surprised at it, 
so that he took his brother to task about it by letter, and Guido replied 
that he had done it at the instigation of Violante. For she desired the 
completion of the marriage and, seeing Pietro irresolute, she induced 
Guido to give the abovesaid Inventory with some modifications for the 
purpose of stimulating her husband thereto. 

The marriage was finally effected, and they all went back together 
to the city of Arezzo."* Nor were the Comparini mistreated there, as 
they tried to prove by the unauthoritative deposition of a servant,"" 
who had left the house in anger. One mere reading of this deposition is 
enough to assure one that she did this with a bad motive and at the 
instigation of others, as she herself has declared to various persons. 
This deposition shows sickeningly the distasteful prejudice with which 
it was conceived, and especially where she says that a little sucking lamb 
[cf. p. li] was made to serve as food for seven or eight persons through- 
out an entire week. And there are other matters alike unfit for belief. 
[The Comparini] were indeed treated with all consideration and 
decorum, as Monsignor the Bishop [cf. pp. xci-xcii] and the Governor 
[cf. pp. Ixxxi-lxxxii] of the city attest; and they are persons much better 
qualified to judge and much more worthy of belief than a malign and 
suborned servant. But you may also have the attestation of one who 
was serving in that household for thirteen months, during the time 
when the abovesaid Pietro and Violante were there [cxliii] ; and he is 
able to tell many particulars of the good treatment which they received 
at the hands of the Franceschini. 

It is quite true that disturbances of considerable importance arose 
in that household; but they were occasioned by the bitter tongue of 
Pietro ^■' and the haughtiness of Violante, his wife. For they laughed 
at all the proceedings of the Franceschini, and thrusting themselves for- 
ward, with pretense of superiority, they brought upon the mother of the 
Franceschini, and upon the rest of the family, bitter vexations, which 
were hidden at the time, to avoid violating the laws of hospitality. 



ii8 

And notwithstanding all this, when Pietro and his wife decided to 
return to Rome, as soon as they expressed their wish, they were pro- 
vided with money for the journey, and in Rome with furniture to put in 
order the house they had left."" 

As soon as Pietro and Violante arrived in Rome,^"" a judicial notice 
was dispatched at the instance of Pietro, in which he declared that Fran- 
cesca Pompilia was not really his daughter, and that therefore he was 
not bound to discharge his promise of dowry.^"" To prove this fact, he 
brought the attestation of his wife Violante. In substance, she declared 
that for the purpose of keeping her husband's creditors from their 
rights,"" by virtue of the reversionary interest,"" and also for the pur- 
pose of enjoying the income of the bonds,^^^ she had feigned that she 
was pregnant and then, with the aid of a midwife, that she had brought 
forth a daughter."^ This was Francesca Pompilia, who had come of 
a most vile parentage. 

From this blameworthy act made public so suddenly throughout the 
entire Court, there necessarily arose in the Franceschini an intense 
hatred toward the authors of it. But they were able to restrain them- 
selves from the due resentment in the hope that if Francesca Pompilia 
were not indeed the daughter of Pietro and Violante, as was supposed 
at the time of the espousal, the marriage might be annulled and they 
might thus purge themselves of such a blot on their reputation."" 
Witnesses of this feeling of theirs are found in the many authorities and 
experts who were requested by the Franceschini to give thought to that 
point and to express their opinion of it. But as these did not agree, 
the Franceschini were unwilling then to commit themselves to so doubt- 
ful an undertaking, in the prosecution of which they would necessarily 
be obliged to presuppose and confess that she was not the child of the 
Comparini. By such a confession [cxliv] they would be prejudiced 
in their interest in the dowry. And therefore they thought well then 
to pass the matter by that they might avoid exposing themselves to the 
danger both of losing the dowry and of being unable to nullify the 
marriage. 

Nevertheless they opposed the notice and obtained for Francesca 
Pompilia the continuance in quasi-possession of her daughtership ""' 
and a decree for the transfer of the dowry bonds."^ But Pietro ap- 
pealed from the decree,^"* and the case was continued in the Segnatura 
di Giiistizia.''^'- This was followed by the copious distribution of 
pamphlets "" throughout Rome, which had been printed by Pietro to 
the very grave injury of the honor of the Franceschini, not to say to 
their infamy. But the latter were able again to restrain the just resent- 
ment of their irritated minds by cherishing the hope of making the court 
acknowledge (as did follow) no less the falsehood of their adversaries 
than their own truth. Supported by this hope, they subsequently bore 



119 

with all patience the many insults planned against them by various 
cliques, and the twists and turns for hindering the transfer of the 
dowry bonds, the Comparini having trumped up various creditors, 
whether real or pretended. On account of this opposition, the Frances- 
chini were made to feel the inconvenience and expense of that transfer. 
Nor have they had any benefit of the income; of which they have been 
able to obtain not even a two-months' payment. 

To such a pitch had the affairs of the two parties come, when 
Guido, waking up one morning, found that his wife was not in bed. 
As soon as he arose, he found that his jewel box had been rifled '"'* '"" 
and his wife had fled. Nor was the suspicion lacking that she had given 
an opiate ""' to Guido and the entire household the preceding evening; 
and it was thought that this had happened at the suggestion of Pietro 
and Violante, as he had more than once heard threats of it. He 
traveled quickly along the way to Rome,'"- and after a headlong journey 
he overtook his fugitive wife, in company with Canon Caponsacchi of 
Arezzo, at the inn of Castelnuovo.-'" And as he was alone and 
unarmed, and they were armed and resolute, he saw that he was unequal 
to avenging that excess. He therefore thought it well to have them 
arrested by applying to the authorities of the said place."" [cxlv] 
The court ^-° had both of the fugitives captured by the police."" They 
were consigned to the jurisdiction of Monsignor the Governor of 
Rome,-'" and were then conducted to the New Prisons."' "^^ 

The Fisc, indeed, makes much out of the particular that Franceschini 
should have avenged his insults in the act of overtaking them;"^ but, 
as an adequate response, one should think of the impossibility of his 
carrying out his revenge because of their precaution in the matter of 
arms,--^ for Franceschini had heard along the way that the fugitives 
were traveling armed. In proof of this, also, when his wife saw her 
husband she had the hardihood to thrust at his life with bare sword.--^ 
For this reason it was prudent moderation to check their flight then by 
arresting them. And this was all the more true because the adultery 
of his wife had not then been proved, and possibly he had a repugnance 
against imbuing his hands with the blood of her whom he had often 
held in his arms, as long as any hope was left alive of regaining his 
reputation in any other way than by her murder. 

But afterward there were found the mutual love letters "^ of the 
same fugitives, barefaced and immodest and preparatory to flight. 
And from the cross-examination of the driver it became evident that 
during their journey in the carnage they had done nothing else than 
kiss each other impurely.""" And from the deposition of the host at 
Castelnuovo, Guido found out that both of them had slept in the same 
chamber.^"^ Finally, from the sentence or decree of the court in con- 
demnation of the Canon Caponsacchi to banishment to Civita Vecchia 



I20 

for three years, for " having carnally known Francesca," "' the 
notoriety and publicity of this adultery followed. Let any one who has 
the sense of honor consider in what straits and perturbations of mind 
poor Guido found himself, since even the very reasonless animals detest 
and abominate the contamination of their conjugal tie, with all the 
ferocity that natural instinct can suggest. They not only avenge the 
immodesty of their companions by the death of the adulterer, but they 
also avenge the outrages and injuries, done to the reputation of their 
masters. For Elian '*^ in his Natural History tells of an elephant which 
avenged adultery for its master by the death of [cxlvi] the wife and 
the adulterer found together in the act of adultery. And there are 
other examples also, as Tiraquellus cites. [Citation.] 

But returning to the series of events, it must be stated that, after the 
imprisonment of the fugitives, Guido also came on to Rome and was 
deeply affected and, as it were, delirious because of the excesses of his 
wife. He was comforted by his good friends with the hope that this 
attempt at flight, taken along with the lack of decent parentage of 
Francesca (under supposition of which he had contracted the marriage) 
would facilitate the dissolution of that marriage, "^^ and in that way 
all the blots upon his reputation would be canceled. Hence, with this 
hope he returned to his own country, leaving the management of the 
affair to the Abate, his brother."^" The Secretary of Sacred Assembly 
of the Council may be a witness of this; for Abate Paolo presented the 
matter to him and entreated him to propose, in that sacred assembly, 
this point of law as to the validity of the marriage then — that is, 
after a criminal sentence in the Tribunal of Monsignor the Governor "'" 
had been obtained. 

In the meanwhile the same Abate attended to the plan of petitioning 
the conclusion of the said criminal cause.""" When Pompilia, to avoid 
conviction by the love letters, had recourse to the falsehood that she did 
not know how to write, "'"^ it was easy for the Abate to convict her of 
that lie by showing the marriage agreement signed with her own hand, 
as well as by a Cardinal '' now dead, by means of the recognition of the 
handwriting. But in spite of this, when the merits of the case had been 
made known everywhere, the same Abate perceived that instead of his 
being pitied, little by little every one began to laugh at him and to deride 
him, as he has told several persons. Perchance the attempt was being 
made to introduce into Rome the power of sinning against the laws of 
God with impunity, along with the doctrine of Molinos °^* and philos- 
ophic sin, which has been checked by the authority of the Holy Office. 
So many persons would desire to blot out from the minds of men their 
esteem of honor and of reputation in order that they might sin with 
impunity [cxlvii] against the laws of men and might give opportunity 
to adulterers without any check from disgrace or shame. 



121 

And it is certain that the Abate, seeing the cause unduly protracted, 
had just grounds for placing it at the feet of our Lord [the Pope],"*" 
with a memorial in which he declared that he could no longer endure 
such important and such various litigation and vexation arising from 
that luckless marriage, and he prayed that a special sitting be appointed 
for all the cases — that is the ones concerning her daughtership, her 
flight, her adultery, the dowry, and others growing out of the marriage 
as well as the one concerning its annulling. But he had no other reply 
than: " The matter rests with the Judges." "*^ So, with devout resig- 
nation to His Holiness, he awaited the outcome of the said criminal 
trial, from which he hoped to regain, at least in part, the reputation of 
his house. 

In the meantime, Pietro Comparini was supplied with plenty of 
money from the full hand of some unknown person, possibly a lover 
of the young girl. He vaunted his triumph boldly in the throngs and 
the shops, places of his accustomed resort, and he praised the resolution 
and spirit of his daughter for having known how to trick the Frances- 
chini with a disgraceful flight and with the thievery of such precious 
things, and for having found an expedient to give to the judge in the 
trial such good replies with all details thereof. He also boasted that 
in a little while she would return to his home despite the Franceschini. 
For he would bring so many lawsuits and scandals upon them that they 
would be forced to be silent and to let matters run on. For these 
statements we can have the attestations of many persons, in case they 
are needed. Therefore, because of such stinging boasts and such 
irritations, the mind of Guldo was ever more embittered in spite of all 
the power he could master for restraining the impetus of his anger 
which had been provoked by such injuries. 

Francesca Pompilla had been previously transferred from the prisons 
into the Refuge called della Scalette,"'"^ where she stayed for some 
months.^'^ Then it was discovered that she was pregnant and many 
attempts were made to secure an abortion. For this purpose, powders 
and other drugs were given several times by the mother. As this 
proved useless she was remanded to the home of Pietro and Violante "'** 
on the pretext ""^ of an obstruction and the necessity of relieving herself. 
[cxlviii] There, at the approach of the physicians, her pregnancy was 
discovered. The truth is, that when her womb began to grow, the 
nuns did not wish for her confinement to take place within their walls, 
and therefore a pretext was found for removing her on the grounds of 
the said obstruction and the necessity of removing it. 

Now at this point the Abate found It necessary to break the bonds of 
his forbearance; for although it was indirectly that he was offended, 
that is, in the person and honor of his brother, nevertheless It seemed 
to him that every man's face had become a looking-glass, in which was 



122 

mirrored the image of the ridicule of his house. Therefore, being 
humiliated, though he was strong and constant in other matters, he 
often burst into bitterest tears, until he felt very much inclined to throw 
himself into the river, as he indeed declared to all his friends. ^"^ And 
to free himself from such imminent danger, he decided to abandon 
Rome,^°* the Court, his hopes and possessions, his affectionate and 
powerful patrons, and whatever property he had accumulated during 
thirty years " in the same City. Any one may imagine with what pain 
he parted from these and went to a strange and unknown clime, where 
he would not meet the fierceness of his scorners, which had been merited 
neither by himself nor his household. 

But the injury of Guido, arising from a sharper and severer wound, 
within his very vitals as a husband, had the power to arouse his anger 
even to the extreme. Nor did he consider it sufiicient redress to punish 
himself with voluntary exile for the crimes of others; for such a reso- 
lution might be considered by the world as a plain proof of his weakness 
and cowardice. He soon had sure information that, during the month 
of December, Pompilia had given birth to a boy -^° in the home of the 
Comparini, which child had been intrusted secretly to a nurse. ^"'' He 
also heard that the infamy of the friendship with the said Canon had 
been continued, inasmuch as he was received as a guest into the said 
home (as was said).-^^ For like a vulture, Caponsacchi wheeled 
round and round those walls, that he might put beak and talons into 
the desired flesh for the increase of Guido's disgrace. Guido accord- 
ingly felt the wildest commotion in his blood, which urged him to find 
refuge for himself even in the most desperate of determinations. 

[cxlix] In the meantime he turned over again and again, as in 
delirium,""" his sinister thoughts, reflecting that he was abhorred by his 
friends, avoided by his relatives, and pointed at with the finger of 
scorn by every one in his own country. And the word went abroad 
that in Rome they were selling his reputation at an infamous market. 
(This matter has moved the treasurer of the Convertites,^"* since the 
death of Pompilia, to begin proceedings and to take possession of her 
property.) Added to the above were the continual rebukes which he 
received because of his lost honor, so that he became utterly drunk with 
£yj.y 306 j^g igfj. j^j-Q2,zo with desperate thoughts, and when he had 
reached Rome he went to that home which was the asylum of his 
disgraces. Nor could he have any doubt how much the very name of 
the adulterer was respected; for when Guido made pretense of deliver- 
ing a letter of his sending,''^' the doors were immediately thrown open : 
and so, scarcely had he set his foot upon the threshold, before he saw 
his dishonor proving Itself before his very face; of which dishonor he 
had heretofore had only a distant impression in his imagination. Then 
bold and triumphant, he no longer feared to upbraid her with unmasked 



123 

face for all the insults which had been inflicted upon his honor in that 
household ; and as he looked all around at those walls '" incrusted with 
his heaviest insults and with his infamy, the dams of his reason gave 
way and he fell headlong into that miserable ruin of plunging himself 
with deadly catastrophe into the blood of the oppressors of his 
reputation. 

There is no doubt that Franceschini has committed the crime of a 
desperate man, and that his mind, when it was so furious, was totally 
destitute of reason. As he had lost his property, his wife, and his honor, 
there was nothing else for him to lose unless it were his miserable life. 
For, as Paolo Zacchia, the learned philosopher and jurist says in 
speaking of anger in man: " Such and so great is its force that it does 
not differ at all from insanity and fury." Galenus very clearly affirms 
this, adding that when in law it is known that crimes are committed in 
such a state, they are punished with a smaller penalty, even though it 
has to do with the very atrocious crime of parricide. Calder [Citation] 
also gives many other matters on our point in No. 27 and the following 
numbers. And these theoretic propositions [cl] are verified in actual 
practice in Guido; for he was so utterly mad and void of reason that he 
entered upon so great an undertaking even at an hour of the night when 
many people were around. And after that he took no precaution,"* 
such as any other person of sound mind would have taken in governing 
his actions. He set out by the high road on his journey of about 
seventy miles from the outskirts of the city without providing any 
vehicles,'" as if he were merely a traveler leaving Rome. These 
circumstances are plain evidences of an offended and delirious mind. 
[Citations.] St. Jerome writes in his letters:*" 

" Where honor is absent, there is contempt; and where contempt is, 
there is recurring insult; and where insult, there indignation; and where 
indignation, there is no quiet; and where quiet is wanting, there the 
mind is often thrown from its balance." 

Nor in this case does the legal distinction enter as to whether the 
one driven by anger committed the crime in the first impulse of anger, 
or after an interval of time. For this distinction might have a place 
when the anger arose from an insult in some transitory deed, and one 
that was not permanent. But in the case we are treating the insult 
provocative of anger consisted of frequent and reiterated acts; that is, 
not so much in the passing of the wife from the nunnery to the home 
of Pietro under an empty and ridiculous pretense, but still more from 
her staying in the said home with the aggravating circumstance of his 
own infamy (as has been said above). Accordingly, as the injury is 
permanent because of the continual affronts which the injured one 
received, so the vengeance is understood to be taken immediately and 
without any interval."^ This the defenders of the cause have suffi- 



124 

ciently proved In their no less erudite than learned writings with their 
very strong arguments and their unsurpassable learning. 

Nor does it amount to anything for one to say that the crime was 
aggravated, first by the kind of arms ^" used; for Virgil [A, I, 150] 
says: Furor anna minis trat"* nor, secondly, by the company of four, 
or let us say the conventicle;"" nor, thirdly, by the place,^'" the excess, 
or the other circumstances considered by the Fisc. For in a madman, 
everything is excusable, as it is axiomatic and a very sure principle that 
nature then arises in such a way that it drives a man from himself, 
whatever manner is possible, etc. In conformity therewith [cli], Fra- 
costo speaks as follows:"** " And in truth an ingenuous mind, and one 
that knows the value of its own honor and reputation, is very painfully 
offended in a part so sensitive and so delicate; and at such a time reaches 
the limit of madness and of desperation; for it has lost the light of 
reason, and in delirium and frenzy can not be satisfied even if it succeed 
in turning upside down. If that were possible, the very hinges of the 
Universe, for the purpose of annihilating not merely the authors but 
the places and the memory of its insults and shames. For " The rage 
and fury of a man does not spare in the day of vengeance, nor does 
it grant the prayers of any, nor does it accept in requital many gifts," 
as the Holy Spirit speaks on this point, through the mouth of Solomon, 
in the sixth chapter of Proverbs, at the end."" With this very well 
agrees what St. Bernard has very learnedly written in his letter to his 
nephew Robert at the beginning :**"' " Anger indeed does not deliberate 
very much, nor has it a sense of shame, nor does it follow reason, nor 
fear the loss of dignity, nor obey the law, nor acquiesce in Its judgment, 
and ignores all method and order." 

There is no doubt that Samson ^*^ reached this pitch when he fell 
into the power of his enemies. He suffered with an intrepid mind the 
loss of his eyes and other grievous disasters, but when he saw that he 
was destined to serve as a pastime In public places, and when he there 
heard the jeers and derision of the people, the anger In his breast was 
Inflamed, so that, all madness and fury, he cried out : " Let me die along 
with the Philistines." And giving a shake to the columns which sus- 
tained the palace he reduced it to ruin : " And he killed many more In 
his death than he had killed while alive," as the Sacred Witness testifies. 
And Christ himself,^*- although he was very mild and had the greatest 
patience while receiving opprobrium and insults without ever complain- 
ing, yet answered, when he knew that his honor was touched, " My 
honor I will give to no one." ^"^ And it Is certain that any one who cares 
for honor and reputation would rather die an honored man beneath 
mamiaia "^ than live for many ages in the face of the world with shame 
and dishonor. 



125 

[clii] This argument, strong as it is, has succeeded in weakening one 
wise and earnest adherent of the Fisc. And this is why the very learned 
pen of Monsignor of the Fisc has uttered the following period, which 
says [cf. p. Ixii] : 

" But because the Comparini claimed that the furnishing of food 
to Francesca while in prison was the duty of Franceschini, and the 
latter declared that it belonged to the Comparini, the Most Illustrious 
and Reverend Lord Governor, after having the consent of Abate 
Paolo, own brother of Guido, and his representative in the case, 
assigned the home of the same Comparini to Francesca as a safe and 
secure prison under security." But this fact can be clearly explained 
so that it will not form an objection. 

When Francesca Pompilia was about to be taken from the prison to 
the nunnery. Abate Franceschini was asked to provide the food,"*" 
with the statement that if he refused there would appear a third and 
unknown person who would assume the burden of it to their dishonor. 
Therefore the Abate wished once for all to put an end to any chance of 
receiving new insults; and to avoid every charge of preserving even 
the slightest sign of relation with this disgraceful sister-in-law, accepted 
a middle way proposed to him, namely, that Lamparelli, as Procurator 
of Charity, should make provision for it by the disbursement of his 
own funds and should pay it back again by what reasonably belonged to 
the Franceschini; for he reimbursed himself for it with the money 
which had been found upon the fugitives, and which had been stolen 
from the husband; at her capture, this money was placed on deposit in 
the office, where there remained so much of it still that, after all was 
over, the balance of it was consigned to the same Abate. 

And as when the said Francesca was transferred from the nunnery to 
the home "''* of Violante, all the preceding and succeeding circumstances 
made it very improbable that the Abate gave his consent,^-" and as this 
consent is not found registered among those acts, it seems very clear that 
it was not given at all. Nor could he legally give it, for he was not the 
representative of his brother in that matter; for his authorization con- 
fined him solely to the power of receiving back [cliii] the money and 
other things which were deposited in the office. This is proved by his 
acts and by the story which the Abate then gave to his friends and 
relatives; and it utterly destroys the assertion of the Fisc, since Abate 
Paolo says that he was indeed notified that the young woman was 
obliged to find relief in an indisposition, certified by a physician, and 
that she was obliged to leave the nunnery and to go back to her father's 
home. To this, as it seemed a mere pretense, he replied that he could 
easily undertake to purge the wife in the nunnery without exposing her 
to such evident danger of greater shame. He also said that he 
wondered very much that the affection of a father had so suddenly 



126 

returned in Pietro Comparini for Pompilia, whom he and his wife had 
so often denied as their daughter. He wondered how they could both 
be, and not be,"'^ the parents of the said woman, according to their 
own desires to the injury of the house of Franceschini. 

And if the solicitor, for the purpose of giving color to the honor of 
the said lady, has falsely urged many justifications, it is to be noted 
that in substance all that he says on that point is founded on what with 
her own mouth she has said in her own favor and what she has proffered 
to free herself from the blame of her sins, both at this juncture and 
in the flight, as well as in the trial which may be referred to; in fact, 
quite the contrary is evident; and from the external tests which the 
Convertites *'" "" intended to make, but from which they abstained 
when they heard the news of the birth of the son. And would that it 
had pleased God that she had observed the laws of holy modesty! for 
in that case so great a misfortune would not have resulted from her 
whims. We should notice, further, that the declaration made by the 
wife in the face of death may be doubtful in itself,'"'" in the sense that 
after confession and absolution one's sin is canceled as if it had never 
been committed, so that in a court of justice she would no longer have 
any need of pardon. Therefore, from the above-cited circumstances 
and very strong reasons, there is no room to doubt that Franceschini 
deserves the indulgence which the laws give to excesses that find origin 
from the stings of honor. And, if we were within the circumstances 
under which the case ought to be adjudged according to expediency, 
without any hesitation, [cliv] Franceschini should be punished mildly 
to diminish the force of immodesty and impudence. For the woman is 
not without adherents, who triumph throughout all Rome in a coterie 
of treachery, both in public and in private. This is for the oppression 
and derision against husbands ^^ who have regard for their reputation. 
And they give the title of pedantry to that circumspection which one 
ought to practice for the preservation of his own honor. 



[civ] SUMMARY. 

[Pamphlet ii.] 

October 12, 1697. 
No. i.=sa Before me, etc., Francesca Pompilia, wife 

Bond given by Francesca of Guido Fraiiceschini of Arezzo, was placed 

Pompilia to keep her home ^^i-i^ . j -j^^i 

as a prison. ^^ liberty, ctc, and promised, etc., to keep to 

this home of Pietro (son of the former Fran- 
cesco Comparini), etc., situated in Via Paolina,'"" as a safe and secure 
prison, and not to leave it, either by day or by night, nor to show herself 
at the doors or open windows, under any pretext whatsoever, etc., with 
the thought of having to return again to prison, etc. And after she has 
recovered her health to present herself at any time whatsoever, etc., at 
every command of the Most IlKistrious and Most Reverend Lord 
Governor of the City; for the cause concerning which there was argu- 
ment in the trial, etc., from proofs that may arise, whether new or not 
new; under the penalty of 300 scudi, laid by the Reverend Apostolic 
Chamber in the case, etc. 

This is followed by the surety in due form. 

Notary for the Poor. 



I, the undersigned, certify, etc., as is found 

^°- ^-^^ in the baptismal record, page iC2, the par- 

Certificate of the Baptism . , • . i ' r & j > f 

of Francesca Pompilia. ticulars givcu bclow, namely : 

July 23, 1680. I, Bartolomeo Mini, curate, 

have baptized the infant daughter born on the 17th ''^ of this month 

to Pietro Comparini and Violante Peruzzi, who live in this parish. To 

her the following name was given : Francesca Camilla Vittoria Angela 

Pompilia," etc. In pledge of which, etc. 

Rome this 9th day of February, 1698.''"' 

Thus it is, Pietro Ottoboni," Curate of San Lorenzo in Lucina. 

My dear Father and Mother : 
No. 3. I wish to inform you that I am imprisoned 

Letter of Francesca Pom- here in Castelnuovo for having fled from 

pilia, written in the prison , . . ^i ■• , 

of Castelnuovo to her parents, "ome With a gentleman With whom you are 

not acquainted. But he is a relative of the 
Guillichini, who was at Rome, and who was to have accompanied me 
to Rome. As Guillichini was sick, and could not come with me, the 
other gentleman came and I came with him for this reason, because 

127 



128 

[clvi] my life was not worth an hour's purchase.'''^'' For Guide my 
husband wished to kill me, because he had certain suspicions, which 
were not true, and on account of these he wished to murder me. I 
sent you word of them on purpose, but you did not believe the letters 
sent you were in my own hand."" But I declare that I finished learning 
how to write in Arezzo. Let me tell you that the one who carries this 
was moved by pity and provided me with the paper and what I needed. 
So as soon as you have read this letter of mine come here to Castelnuovo 
to give me some aid, because my husband is doing all he can against me. 
Therefore if you wish your daughter well, come quickly. I stop because 
I have no more time. May 3."^* 

Directed to Signer Pietro Comparini, my father, Via Vittoria,"' 
Rome. 

j^^ I give you infinite thanks for the octaves 

Another letter of the same which you have Sent me. All of these are the 

person, in which she calls the ycry Contrary of the Rosalinda, which was as 

Canon to task for dishon- , , , • . , ait 

orable advances. honorable as these are immodest. And 1 am 

surprised that you who are so chaste have 
composed and copied matters so immodest. I do not want you to do in 
everything as you have done in these books, the first of which was so 
very nice; while these octaves are quite the contrary. I can not believe 
that you, who were so modest, would become so bold, etc. 

j^ As to each and all of my properties, etc., I 

Portions of the appoint, as my usufructuary heir, my wife Signora 
will of Pietro Cora- Violante Peruzzi, etc. And when she dies I appoint 
^^"'"' in her stead, in the said usufruct of my entire 

estate, Francesca Pompilia, the wife of Signor Guido Franceschini of 
Arezzo. And I do so because of her good character and because 
for a long time, yes, for many years, I looked upon her in good 
faith as my daughter, and thought that Signora Violante my wife and 
myself were her parents. Then I found out that both she and I were 
tricked in that belief, thanks to the vanity of the schemes, unfortunately 
conceived by my said wife, to make me believe in the birth of the same 
daughter. And because of a scruple of conscience *" after the marriage 
of Francesca [clvii] Pompilia, this fact was revealed to me by Signora 
Violante my wife. And this pretense of birth was found by me to be a 
fact because of the information of it from persons worthy of credit.-*' 
All this I grant, therefore, on the condition that the said Francesca 
Pompilia seek again her own city and stay here in Rome, etc., in which 
city I hope she will live chastely and honestly, and will lead the life 
of a good Christian. But if she do not come back to this city, or if 
when she has come back she live with shameless impurity (and may God 



129 

forbid that), I wish that she be deprived of the said usufruct of my 
estate and that opportunity be given for a substitution in favor of the 
heir mentioned below, as proprietor, etc. Because thus, etc., and not 
otherwise, etc. And because the chance might arise that she be left a 
widow, or that her marriage be dissolved, since a lawsuit -"" is going on, 
which was brought before Monsignor TommatI "''- by the Olivieri as to 
her relation as child, and if the said Francesca wish to marry again, 
or become a nun, I am willing that she separate from my estate as much 
as i,ooo scudi for the purpose of remarrying or becoming a nun, if she 
shall so please. And I advise her not to marry again, lest she subject 
herself a second time to other deceptions. Still further, I give her the 
power to leave by will 200 scudi more of my estate. And in the event 
that Signor Guido die first, whereby there would come about the resti- 
tution to the said Francesca Pompilia, etc., of the money received by 
Signor Guido, to the sum of about 700 scudi, etc. (which I think would 
be at least very difficult, if not impossible, because Signor Guido is 
wretchedly poor and his family is very poor), I wish that these moneys 
be not counted against the said Francesca Pompilia in said 1,000 scudi, 
much less in her power of making a will, because then, etc. 

October 7, 1694. 
^°- ^; Guide, son of the former Tommaso *" di 

Authorization for the man- »-' l'-ca ri_' -ii. 

agement of his affairs made i^ranceschmi ot ArCZZO, ot hlS OWn Will, CtC, 

by Guido Franceschini to the rnade and appointed, etc., to be his true, etc., 

person of Abate Paolo, his ....... • 1 j 1 .^ 

brother. representative, etc., special and general, etc., 

Abate Paolo Franceschini, his own brother, 
now living in Rome, etc., for the purpose of carrying on and defending, 
in the name of the said Constituent, all lawsuits and causes, civil or 
mixed, already brought or to be brought for any reason whatsoever, 
and against any persons whatsoever, anywhere, and especially in Rome, 
whether as plaintiff or defendant [clviii], before any judge, either 
ecclesiastical or secular, whether before the Congregation or Tribunal, 
and before one or both, to give or receive charges, or to contest lawsuits, 
to take oath as regards the calumny, and to furnish whatever other 
testimony is lawful, etc., and to carry on and obtain each and all other 
necessary matters, in the same manner and form as the Constituent 
could, if he were present, and as seems well pleasing to the said Procu- 
rator, etc., promising, etc., and demanding, etc. 

I, Joseph, etc., de Ricii, Notary Public, etc., of Arezzo was asked, 
etc., in pledge whereto, etc. 



[File-title of Pamphlet 11.] 



By the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend 

Lord Governor of the City 

in Criminal Cases: 

Roman Murder-case, with qualifying circumstance. 

For the Fisc, against Count Guido Franceschini 
and his Associates. 



Summary. 



At Rome, in the type of the Reverend Apostolic Chamber, 1698. 



130 



[cUx] Romana Excidll. 

[Pamphlet 12.] 

Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Lord: 

Why should we waste time in disputing the point whether adultery 
committed by Francesca Comparini with Canon Caponsacchi, as is 
claimed by the other side, is sufficiently proved? For in our first 
information [Pamphlet 5] as to the law and fact in the case, we have 
already declared that judgment was given in the Congregation only for 
the penalty of banishment "" to Civita Vecchia against the abovesaid 
Canon, and of retention in the nunnery "'" against Francesca, because of 
the very lack, of proof "'^ of the said adultery. And this is quite right in 
law, because neither the Canon himself nor the said Francesca have 
confessed, much less been convicted of it; and because the suppositions 
brought on the other side are trivial and equivocal. But, even if these 
latter had been weighty and very urgent, they would not have been 
enough to establish conclusive proof, but at the most could only lead 
the mind of the judge to place some minor punishment upon them 
arbitrarily, as Farinacci testifies. [Citation.] 

Therefore there should be strict insistence on behalf of the Fisc upon 
the point that Guido Franceschini had not the right to kill, after an 
interval, his wife, whom he had not taken in adultery nor in base 
conduct, without incurring the ordinary penalty of the Lex Cornelia de 
Sicariis. For in our former writings, § J Hi vero [cf. p. Ixiii] we have 
proved by the strength of many distinguished authorities that a husband 
who kills his wife after an interval is not excused from the said penalty. 

Now that this fundamental assertion [in their argument] is over- 
thrown, we declare that the rights of the Fisc can not at all be contro- 
verted in the case with which we are dealing, since the authorities alleged 
by the Defense, who excuse a husband from the ordinary penalty, speak 
in the case of simple murder; and they ought not, accordingly, to be 
extended to a case made still graver by qualifying attendant circum- 
stances. And for this reason, because the penalty can not possibly be 
the same, when the crime is greater in the one case than in the other. 
[Citations.] 

Nor for the purpose of overthrowing this fundamental idea of the 
Fisc can the objection be made that all the qualifying and attendant 
circumstances, which have been brought together in behalf of the Fisc 
[clx] should have no consideration, because they tend toward and are 
preordained for the end had in mind; for the end and intention of 
Count Guido was directed toward the murder of his wife and the 
vindication of his honor. But one can well understand how fallacious 

131 



132 

this argument really is, from what I have already written in § Prima 
enini [cf. p. Ixiv] together with the one following, and § seanida 
qualitas [cf. p. Ixv] and si ergo [cf. p. Ixv]. There we have proved 
that the learned authorities who can be adduced by the other side speak 
and should be so understood when the end is licit and not prohibited 
by law, or else when some qualifying circumstance, through the force 
of particular Constitutions or Banns, does not establish some further 
capital crime, distinct and separate. And this is true whether the pre- 
ordained end in the mind of the delinquent follow or do not follow. 

But in our case, from what has been conceded by the lawyers for the 
Defense, the husband is not permitted by law to kill with impunity his 
wife, after an interval, for adultery. But he is permitted by law to 
slay the vile adulterer and his adulterous wife only when taken in 
adultery. How then can these authorities be applied to our case? For 
they hold good and find a place for themselves only in a case permitted 
by law. In these circumstances speaks Laurentius Matthsus [Citation], 
who is cited by the other side, where in his setting forth a case we may 
read: " The adulterer and adulteress were slain in the home of the 
husband, although in that case the husband did not escape unpunished, 
because he had used firearms." 

Nor does it hold good in law and practice that the bearing of arms *" 
is included along with the crime committed. Not in law, as we have 
affirmed in our other argument § si ergo [cf. p. Ixv] ; nor in practice, 
because in all the tribunals of the entire Ecclesiastical State, it is held 
that even when murder in a rage has been committed, if It has been com- 
mitted with the arms which are prohibited under the capital penalty, 
especially if these arms come Into the possession of the Court, a more 
severe penalty is inflicted. And murders which should suffer a lighter 
penalty because they were done In anger are condemned under the 
ordinary penalty because of the carrying of such arms. Farinacci and 
Guazzini testify that this has been the practice in the Ecclesiastic State 
while this Decree has held good. [Citations.] 

Still less applicable are the other authorities, who were adduced to 
escape the order of the Constitution of Alexander. For although [clxi] 
it Is true that for this crime the penalty threatened by the same decree 
does not enter, unless these three matters are concurrently present, 
namely craft, the occasion of a lawsuit, and the fact that no provocation 
has arisen (as Farinacci holds [Citation]), yet in our case, all of the 
abovesald concur. As to the craft, there can be little doubt, since by the 
very confession of the Defendants we have knowledge of the preceding 
discussion and deliberation for committing the murders. And Decian 
and others affirm the charge of craft may arise from such a discussion. 
[Citations.] 



133 

The presence of a lawsuit"^ is likewise undoubted; because, on the 
representation of Pietro Comparini, suit """ was not only brought before 
A. C. Tommati -"" as to the dowry promised and the goods subject to 
entail, for the exclusion of the said Guido Franceschini and Francesca 
his wife, but also a sentence favorable""^ to the said Franceschini has 
been handed down by the same judge. 

But still further we may gather, from the confession of Franceschini 
himself, that the provocation whereby he was moved to kill his wife 
arose because of the pretended adultery; on this point the counsel for the 
defense have principally insisted. Nor can they deny that this same 
cause was introduced in the criminal prosecution in the presence of the 
judge by the same Franceschini. It is quite necessary, then, to acknowl- 
edge that this ought to justify the application of the penalty of the 
Alexandrian Bull; for this decree speaks in a civil as well as criminal 
cases, as is evident in the fourth paragraph of the same Bull, where we 
read : " That successively in future times forever, each and all persons, 
ecclesiastical and secular, of whatever quality, dignity, state and grade 
of rank and prominence, in their own causes philanthropic or profane, 
also in criminal and mixed cases, whether now before this Court or 
pending for the time, their adversaries, or those following or helping 
them, or the advocates or counsel of them." And also in the place 
where we read: " If mutilation of limb, or death (which God avert) 
follow, they incur ipso facto beside the loss of their right and case, the 
sentence for the outraged majesty of the Law." 

We believe we have sufficiently canvassed these matters with gallop- 
ing pen because of the shortness of the time of merely three hours, to 
prove clearly that [clxii] the foundations of the Fisc affirmed in our 
former writings still stand fast, in spite of what has been recently 
deduced by the opposition so fully and so learnedly, but without legiti- 
mate proof. 

F. Gambi, 
Procurator General of the Fisc 

and of the Reverend Apostolic Chamber. 



[File-title of Pamphlet 12.] 



By the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend 

L,ord Governor of the City in 

Criminal Cases: 

For the Fisc, against Count Guido Franceschini 
and his Associates^ Prisoners. 

Response of The Lord Procurator General 
of the Fisc. 



At Rome, in the type of the Reverend Apostolic Chamber, 1698. 



134 



[cixiii] Romana Homicidiorum. 

[Pamphlet 13.] 

Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Lord : 

In the beginning of his recent information [cf. p. cxxv], my Lord 
Advocate of the Poor has criticized as unjust the decree of this Supreme 
Tribunal, which inflicted the torture of the vigil "° upon Count Guido 
Franceschini and his associates, for the purpose of getting confession of 
that most horrible crime committed by them. Hence he claims that 
those confessions, given under the fear of it and ratified after it was 
over (as is the custom), can not do the Accused any harm. He 
attempts, indeed, to deny the justice of the said decree, not merely 
because of the absence of the quality of special atrocity (as required by 
the decree of Paul V of sacred memory for the reformation of the 
tribunals of the City), but also from the fact that the death penalty 
can not be demanded for the crime under discussion. And this he 
claims is so (in spite of the unusual powers for ordering the torture of 
the vigil granted to this Tribunal) lest there may be greater harshness 
in the course of the trial than in the penalty itself. [Citation.] 

In the end of this said recent information [cf. p. cxxxviii], he also 
criticizes me *" because, to the very great wonder of himself and others, 
I have failed in my duty of seeking the truth in that I have made 
certain allegations in the defense of the rights of the Fisc, which I have 
not communicated to him. I thought he had complained quite enough 
about that orally, so that he might have spared us his new complaint. 
But it was not my duty to tell them to him, just as his informations, 
which he made for the Defense (very learned indeed in their way), 
have never been made known to me by him. But I assert only this, that 
I have paid the price of much labor, lest I may seem to have failed in my 
office and in the reverence with which I attend upon my Lord. 

Passing over, therefore, my own personal apology, I go on to vindi- 
cate the decree of this Tribunal from the injustice charged against it. 
I also omit proof of the quality of the crime as to whether it may be 
considered very atrocious for I have abundantly argued this point in my 
past response, § Sed quateniis etiam [cf. p. Ixxvi], with the one follow- 
ing. For I showed that this quality could be sustained because of the 
attendant circumstances which exasperated and raised the crime to the 
outraging of the majesty of the law,"" according to the provisions of 
the Apostolic Constitutions and the General Banns. I think it is quite 
enough in my present argument to show that for this offense the death 
penalty [clxiv] should be demanded. I hope to accomplish this with 
little difficulty, since from the very kind of severe torture decreed, by 

135 



136 

judges of such integrity, the applicability of this said penalty is pre- 
supposed. And so since nothing new, whether in fact or in law, can be 
brought, which has not been already examined in relation to the cause 
for decreeing the torture, now that the confession of the Accused has 
followed, it is the duty of the Judges to pronounce the execution of the 
well-deserved penalty, which has been long expected by everyone. 

I have said that nothing new is brought by the defense, since their 
special attempt consists in repeating the plea of injured honor because 
of the pretended adultery committed by the wife of Guido, with the 
help and conspiracy of her parents, who were barbarously slaughtered 
along with her. This plea is offered for the purpose of exciting the pity 
of my Most Illustrious Lord, and the Lords Judges, in order that Guido 
and his associates may be punished more mildly, according to the 
authorities adduced on that point in their first information § hoc staiite 
[cf. p. xxv] together with the one following, and § Pradictis niiUateuus 
[cf. p. xxxii], likewise with the one following; and in the present 
information, § Veritin &' socios [cf. p. cxxvi]. But the same response 
recurs that for the Accused this exception on the plea of pretended 
injury to honor can afford no refuge, because this plea has no foundation 
in fact and is irrelevant in law. 

For what difference does it make even if the mere strong suspicion 
of adultery is enough to excuse vengeance taken immediately by a 
husband against his wife or her lover? If she were found either in 
lustful acts, or in those preparatory thereto, then because of such a 
sudden grievance excited thereby, which provokes a man to anger, the 
penalty should very often be tempered according to the nature of the 
case and the persons. But it is quite certain that to escape the ordinary 
penalty of the Lex Cornelia de Sicariis for the murder of a wife com- 
mitted after an Interval, the mere suspicion of adultery, however strong, 
is not enough; but the clearest proof of it is required, either from the 
confession of the wife herself or from a condemnatory sentence follow- 
ing. [Citations.] 

But such proof is entirely lacking in our case. For the luckless wife 
constantly denied the adultery even till the last breath of her life, as is 
evident from the sworn attestations of [clxv] priests and others ^'- 
who gladly ministered to her after she had been wounded. For they 
unanimously assert that she always affirmed that she had never violated 
her conjugal faith.^" Nor did she ask that such sin be forgiven her by 
the Divine Clemency;^'" this assertion indeed should have much weight, 
since no one is presumed to die unmindful of his eternal safety.'" 
[Citations.] 

Nor are the responses given by the Defense at all relevant; namely 
that such proof in denial of the adultery is drawn entirely from testi- 
mony taken out of court, and extorted by the heir ^" while a lawsuit was 



137 

pending, to remove the annoyances brought by the Monastery of the 
Convertites,'" and that some of the undersigned were legatees. They 
also respond that since such an assertion as hers served to cover her own 
baseness, it should not be believed, especially as it was not sworn. And 
further, that although no one is presumed to be unmindful of his eternal 
safety, yet all are not supposed to be immune from sin, like Saint John 
the Baptist, which is especially true when the argument is about the 
prejudice of a third party ''^' and about the more severe punishment of 
an enemy of the one making declaration. 

Now that all these claims are destroyed with so little trouble, the 
irregularity of the proof could stand in our way, if the Fisc were 
obliged to assume proof and perfect it. But the burden of proof rests 
upon the Accused, according to the authorities cited above for avoiding 
the death penalty, whenever a man kills his wife after an interval. The 
above attestations are brought merely to damage the proof of pretended 
adultery, offered by Guido. In this case, certainly, such attestations 
are not to be spurned, especially when we consider the quality of the 
persons attesting, since they are priests of well-known probity, and it is 
incredible that they would be willing to lie. [Citations.] 

The further objection that these attestations were extorted by the 
heir, while a lawsuit was pending, for the purpose of escaping the 
trouble brought upon him by the Monastery of the Convertites, is also 
removed by the same reply; because when one is arguing for the proof 
of an assertion given in the last days of life and in the very face of 
death, [clxvi] proof can not be established, unless this hold good. And 
the heir is praiseworthy, because he is obliged to avenge the murder of 
the one slain, lest he be considered unworthy according to the text 
[Citation] : " Heirs who are proved to let the murder of the testator 
go unavenged are compelled to give back the entire property," etc. He 
procured these attestations that he might guard the good fame of the 
testatrix; and this was rather because of his zeal for her good repute 
than to prevent the annoyances unjustly brought, and the quashing of 
these latter could be turned back for the exclusion of the pretended 
proof of the dishonesty of the unfortunate wife. 

Still less can it stand in our way that some of the signers are legatees, 
since their interest is not large enough to prevent their giving testimony. 
[Citations.] And this is especially true when one is arguing to prove 
a matter which happened within the walls of a home, and the proof of 
which, on that account, is considered difficult. [Citations.] And such 
an exception to their testimony, so far as it has any foundation, is utterly 
removed by the number of the witnesses subscribed to the said attesta- 
tions. [Citations.] 

But [last of all], as to the objection that the assertion of one dying 
is not to be attended, when directed toward the exoneration of one's 



138 

self, because no one Is compelled to reveal his own baseness: This 
might indeed hold good if the adultery had been proved, and if it were 
not evident that, though wounded, she had died with strongest mani- 
festation of Christian tenderness, which would exclude all suspicion of 
a lie. In this case such an objection does not hold good, but another 
very valid supposition takes its place, namely, that no one is believed to 
be willing to die unmindful of his eternal safety. [Citations.] 

For Mascardus [Citation] [clxvii] says that a confession given in 
the hour of death holds good, and he adds that this approaches nearer 
the truth, and cites in proof of it Marsilius. [Citation.] The latter 
affirms that if anyone assert that a person making oath in the hour of 
death is lying, he says what is improbable. And Mascardus concludes 
that this opinion is more just, and more in accord with reason and with 
natural law. And though he offers some limitations, none of these are 
applicable to our case; and the question about which he was arguing 
was concerning the assertion of one wounded, as to whether such 
assertion constituted proof against the one charged; and this differs by 
the whole heaven from our dispute, if we only note that the burden of 
proof does not rest with the Fisc. Nor does the assertion of Pompilia 
when dying tend principally toward vengeance,^" since it is quite evident 
from those making attestations that she shrank with horror from that, 
as she always professed that she most freely pardoned her husband.^^" 

These matters we have noted beforehand rather in superabundance 
than because we were obliged to assert the justice of the decree of this 
Tribunal. It will now be easy to escape the proof of pretended adultery, 
brought by the counsel for the Defense. For so far as this proof is 
drawn from the other decree of this same Tribunal, condemning Canon 
Caponsacchi for flight and carnal knowledge with Francesca Pom- 
pilia,"" the response '^^^ which has already been given holds good : 
namely, that a title should be given no attention,^'* but merely the proof 
resulting from the trial, and the penalty imposed by the sentence. And 
what if in that decree, along with the " title " of " complicity in the 
flight and escape of Francesca Pompilia," there was also added the 
title " for criminal knowledge of the same"? Yet since in the trial 
itself no proof "" in verification of this was found, and since the penalty 
of three years' banishment, does not correspond therewith,"" the mere 
title should not be given attention, according to the authorities adduced 
in my past response, § non relevante. [Cf. p. cxcv.] 

And on account of the following reason, still less can such clear 
proof of the pretended adultery be established as is required to escape 
the ordinary penalty for taking vengeance after an interval. For at the 
instance of the Procurator of the Poor a correction was decreed by the 
Judges, with the approval of my Most Illustrious Lord, which substi- 
tuted a general title relative to that suit, namely Pro causa de qua in 



139 

actis; and although this correction is not to be read in the record (com- 
monly called the Vachetta) in which decisions are usually noted, 
[clxviii] yet it was made in the order for the dispatching of Capon- 
sacchi to his exile and in the decree assigning to Pompilia the home as 
a prison. (Summary, No. i.) [Cf. p. civ.] And since the latter was 
made with the consent of Abate Paolo Franceschini,"'** we may assert 
that the said change of title became known to him because of his notori- 
ous solicitude in conducting the case; and so it would be very improbable 
that he had not carefully examined such a decree and the obligation 
made by Pietro to furnish her food,"" without hope of repayment, and 
the bond given for her to keep the home as a prison. For these reasons 
his knowledge of that change should be considered as sufficiently 
proved. [Citations.] 

And therefore the response falls to the ground that the decree could 
not be changed unless both sides were given a hearing. For while 
Francesca Pompilia, whose defense had not yet been finished, was 
unheard, much less could the title of criminal knowledge be included 
in the condemnation of the Canon. For this would be Injurious to her, 
not merely as regards her reputation, but also for the loss of her dowry, 
for which her husband was especially greedy." For in this way would 
an undefended woman suffer condemnation, and what is worse, as the 
event shows, would be exposed to the fury of her husband. And hence 
with justice was this correction requested and made. And even if this 
had not happened, a sentence given against the Canon could not injure 
her, as it was a matter done with regard to other parties. [Citations.] 

But It is quite gratuitous to assert that a change as regards the matter 
of the trial does also Impart the same change as to the expression of the 
title of carnal knowledge. For since several titles were originally 
expressed in the decree of condemnation (such as complicity in flight, 
running away, and carnal knowledge, upon which the suit was based) 
the statement of the cause contained therein Is no more probable as 
regards one than as regards another, and certainly it is not probable 
as regards them all. For if they had wished to include all those in the 
modified decree, they would have said: Pro caiisis de qiiibus in Pro- 
cessu, for the singular number does not agree with several causes. 
[Citations.] [clxix] But In the prosecution the charge of " criminal 
knowledge " was not proved and the Canon could not be condemned for 
that while Francesca Pompilia was unheard and undefended. This 
is on account of the indivisibility of the crime of adultery, which does 
not permit the division of the case for the purpose of condemning the 
one, while the case is pending as regards the other. And this Is espe- 
cially true when all parties are present and held in prison. [Cita- 
tions.] The expression, therefore. Causa, de qua in Processu, should 
be understood to apply only to the complicity In flight and running away 



140 

(for this could be issued without the condemnation of Francesca Pom- 
pilia), and not to apply to "carnal knowledge." For the statement 
made should be considered applicable only to those matters with which 
the judgment relative thereto agrees. [Citations.] 

And this claim of ours is rendered manifest by the mildness of the 
penalty "'" to which the Canon was condemned, namely, that of three 
years' banishment. This certainly does not correspond with the offenses 
of running away with a married Moman from her husband's home, 
bringing her to the City, and carnal knowledge of her. For inasmuch 
as the attendant circumstance of rape, spoken about, is punishable by 
the capital penalty, unless a priest is being dealt with, a far severer pen- 
alty would have to be inflicted for the adultery alone, if proof thereof 
had resulted from the trial. [Citations.] 

My Lord Advocate of the Poor acknowledges that the penalty was 
too light "'^ to expiate harshly such a crime, and especially in accordance 
with the Constitution of SIxtus, revived by Innocent XI, of sacred 
memory. And therefore to avoid acknowledging the lack of proof, 
which might very well be inferred from the lightness of the penalty, 
he attempts to respond that the said Canon was dealt with more mildly 
because he was a foreigner and because the crime under consideration 
had been committed outside of the Ecclesiastical State, [clxx] In 
this case one should be dismissed merely with exile. But this response 
is proved to be without foundation for many reasons. 

First, because on account of the well-known privilege of the City of 
Rome, which is the country of all men, even those may be punished here 
who have committed crime outside of the Ecclesiastical State, which is 
subject to the secular authority of the Pope. And this is true, not 
merely for the handling of criminals, which Is permitted to any Prince, 
but for the trial of the crimes. [Citations.] CyrlU testifies that he 
himself had so held in 1540, in the Capltollan Court, and Farlnacci 
testifies that It was so held In this same Court in the year 1580, in the 
case of Gregorio Corso, who had been condemned to the galleys, because 
he had committed murder in Florence and had come here to Rome, 
after seizing the horse of the one he had slain. And this was notwith- 
standing the fact that the cause was very sharply defended for the 
accused. [Citations.] 

Second, because this authority holds good whenever there Is argu- 
ment for punishing crimes committed by churchmen, who are subject to 
the jurisdiction of the Supreme Pontiff, and in the City can be punished 
for their crimes with the ordinary penalty, even though the crimes were 
committed outside of the temporal authority of the Pope. [Citations.] 
" Rome is a common country and, therefore. In the Roman courts any 
cleric or layman may be brought to trial, even though he did not com- 
mit his crime there." [Citation.] 



141 

Third, because inasmuch as it was claimed that the approach to the 
City and the carrying away of the wife to the same were done because 
of lust, and to secure greater liberty for knowing her carnally, by taking 
her from the home of her husband, so the Canon, on account of this 
purpose, would have subjected himself to penalties such as could really 
expiate the crime, and which also might be inflicted here in the City; 
for one is punishable with the same penalty who continues in a crime 
here, although he put it into effect outside of the State. [Citations.] 
Caballus [Citation] holds that, for deciding the jurisdiction of a judge 
over crimes that have been committed, the person offending, rather 
than the offense, should be considered. [Citation.] 

Fourth, because the pretended carnal knowledge, so far as it [clxxi] 
can be said to be proved in the prosecution (and it can be verified that 
the decree was changed with relation to that), happened in the Ecclesi- 
astical State; for the strongest proof of that crime was drawn from the 
asserted sleeping "^ together in the same bedroom at the inn of Castel- 
nuovo. [Citation.] And therefore the Canon could and should have 
been punished with condign punishment, not merely for his undertaking, 
but for the adultery, if that had been proved. And since this was 
not imposed, it may well be asserted that the Canon was not at all 
condemned for " criminal knowledge," unless one wishes to criticize as 
unjust that decree, which imposed a mild penalty and one suitable 
merely to simple running away and complicity in flight, and which 
was much tempered because of the excuse brought by the Procurator 
of the Poor. Therefore it may be asserted that the Canon was not 
condemned for the pretended criminal knowledge, since the nature of 
the penalty well proves the nature of the crime, with which it should 
be commensurate, according to Deuteronomy 25 : " According to the 
measure of one's sin shall be the manner of his stripes." [Citations.] 

And therefore, since the pretended condemnation of Canon Capon- 
sacchi for criminal knowledge of Francesca Pompilia is excluded, the 
pretended notoriousness of the adultery resulting therefrom also falls 
to the ground. Neither can this notoriousness be alleged against her 
undefended. And just as public vengeance, which is to be decreed by a 
judge, can not be based lawfully upon it, so much less should private 
vengeance be considered excusable, when taken by the husband in 
murdering her after an interval. He is immune from the ordinary 
penalty for murder even according to the more merciful opinion only 
when the adultery is established by the very clearest proofs displayed 
in confession by the accused, or by a sentence given thereupon. 

Likewise it would be superfluous to avoid the presumptions adduced 
by the Defense, especially by the Procurator of the Poor, to destroy 
the proof of adultery drawn therefrom ; for this single response would 
be enough, namely, that these proofs were all gathered together in the 



142 

prosecution for Pompilia's flight made at the instance of Count Guide, 
he pressing hard to gain the dowry ^" because of her adultery. And this 
was insisted on by the counsel for the Fisc, who wrote acutely upon these 
matters at that time. And yet, in the report of the cause these presump- 
tions were not considered by the judges because of their irrelevance. 
This is evident from the lightness of the penalty "- decreed against the 
Canon, [clxxii] And so the examination of these can not be renewed 
after the Fisc has yielded and quietly acquiesced in the sentence, from 
which it could appeal if it considered itself wronged. Nor could Guido 
legitimately have recourse to such awful vengeance by his own hand. 
But lest some feature of the case may be left untouched, and that the 
justice of the decree may be more clearly asserted, I have taken the 
pains to confute these briefly. 

And since, in the first place, the cause of flight is considered by the 
Defense in order that they may prove that the said flight was entirely 
illicit and was planned for easier criminal knowledge, the proofs 
brought for this purpose should be examined. The chief of these was 
drawn from the asserted letter of Francesca Pompilia,"- written to 
Abate Franceschini. This makes pretense that her parents urged her 
to poison her husband, her brother, and her mother-in-law, to burn the 
home, and to return to the City with her lover. But one can not have 
a better refutation of this than the very tenor of that letter,"- including 
matters that are so improbable, yes and indeed incredible, that it was 
rightly rejected by the judges. For who can be found so destitute and 
ignorant of filial love and duty as to make himself believe that a mere 
child, not more than fourteen years old [Citation], married away from 
her father's home, grieving bitterly for the departure of her parents, 
and wretchedly kept in the home of her husband, so that she was 
obliged to have recourse to ecclesiastic and laic authorities,'''^ "" could 
have written to her husband's brother (who was so unfeeling toward 
them), with a calm mind, of such base counsels and commands given 
by them, unless, as she ingenuously confesses, she was compelled by 
her husband to write it? "* Nor could she, without great peril, refuse 
her husband, who was demanding this. Such an improbability alone is 
enough to thrill with horror those reading it, and well shows that 
she had written this not of her own accord, but under compulsion. 
[Citations.] 

And, therefore, there is no need to examine whether the qualification 
added to her confession is probable,*^" ^" namely, that her husband had 
first marked the letters of the said epistle,"^ which she had afterward 
inked by tracing them with a pen; because she did not know how to 
write.^'^ For possibly she shuddered to confess that she had written 
such matters, even under compulsion of fear [clxxiii], to the injury 
of her father and mother. Such fear is quite presumable in a wretched 



H3 

wife of tender age, destitute of all help, away from her father's hearth 
and in her husband's home. [Citations.] Mogolon says that from 
the absence of relatives, the presumption of such fear may arise. [Cita- 
tion.] And this is especially true after she had had recourse in vain to 
the authorities.'^'^ '^^ Nor is a sufficient proof to the contrary deducible 
from Francesca's signature to the matrimonial contract, and from the 
letters that were said to have been written and sent by her in succession 
to the Canon, or else thrown from the window. [Citation.] For the 
very brief signature made in the marriage agreement does not show 
such skill in writing that with the same ease she could have written so 
long a letter, inasmuch as daily experience teaches that many are found 
who can scarcely write their own names. 

Still less can the ability to write be said to be proved by the asserted 
love letters; for these were constantly denied by Pompilia. Nor can 
these letters be said to be sufficiently verified by the assertion of the 
said witness for the FIsc,^* namely, that she threw from the window 
a note, which the Canon picked up and then departed. For aside from 
the fact that the witness stands alone and is of the basest condition, 
namely a dishonest harlot,"' and so unsulted for proving a matter 
[Citations], she neither affirms, nor can affirm, that the said letter was 
written by Francesca Pompilia. Likewise the letters found in the prison 
of Castelnuovo "" might have been written by some stranger's hand. 
And even though they had been written by her, Inasmuch as they are of 
a later date, they do not prove her skill In writing at some past time; 
for she could have acquired this skill afterward -*^ because of despera- 
tion which sharpened her wits, for the purpose of inducing the Canon 
to undertake the flight with her, so that she might escape the peril 
of imminent death. For in such matters as these, which are vari- 
able and can be changed, one can not well argue from the present to the 
past. [Citations.] And that in fact she did learn to write in Arezzo 
after the departure of her parents [clxxiv] Is evident from her letter "" 
written in the prison of Castelnuovo, and found among her private 
papers after her death. This is given in the present Summary, No. 3. 
[Cf. p. clvi.] 

The proofs of the abovesaid letter [to Abate Franceschlnl] drawn 
from the letters of the Governor of Arezzo, of the Reverend Bishop,'" 
and of Bartolomeo Albergotti, are so far from excluding the legiti- 
mate reason for flight given by herself and the Canon, during the 
prosecution, that they rather favor it. For although they criticized her 
for having such Ill-advised recourse to them, they possibly did this to 
free themselves from censure for having thoughtlessly turned her 
away."" Therefore it is more probable that by them the minds of her 
cruel husband and of her mother-in-law, who was pitiless and implac- 
able." as experience teaches us, were exasperated all the more. Any one 



144 

may well know that Guide's mind was much more embittered after the 
lawsuit brought concerning the pretense of birth and the rescinding of 
the dowry contract/"" and after the publication of pamphlets^"" about 
the domestic scantiness and the base treatment which they had suffered 
in the home of the couple in Arezzo. His anger was also stirred by his 
jealous suspicion of the Canon (although Pompilia's love of the latter 
was merely pretended for the purpose of winning him) and by his exas- 
peration, that increases the deadly hatred, which arises from a lawsuit 
about a considerable amount, and much more about an entire property. 
[Citations.] Such should the controversy about the pretense of birth 
be considered. Nor can the just fear of the luckless wife as to her 
deadly peril be denied. And driven to desperation in avoiding this, she 
might well have fled; for if it is permissible because of blows beyond 
mere legitimate correction [Citations] how much more permissible 
should it be considered, when the wife was continually afraid that he 
would kill her either with the sword "* or by means of poison. ^^^ And, 
to avoid this, it was but prudent counsel for her to leave her husband 
and go back to her father's hearth. 

It would indeed have been better if she had won her security by 
having recourse to the Right Reverend Bishop, in order that he might 
place her in some nunnery or with some honest matron; or to the Lord 
Governor, who would have considered her safety and the honor of her 
husband's family; or if she had fled in the company of someone con- 
nected with the household."** [clxxv] But the fear of imminent peril 
does not permit one to take better counsel, and especially a wretched 
wife of tender age, destitute of all aid and exposed to the fury of her 
husband and her mother-in-law. And still further, she might well fear 
that new recourse to them would be in vain, since she had found the 
former so useless. Nor could she find any better way of fleeing safely, 
wherein she thought lay the sole help for herself, than by using the help 
and company of the Canon, who had been proposed to her for this 
purpose by the Canon Conti ^'' and by Signor Gregorio Guillichini,"' 
relatives of her husband. It is incredible that they would have con- 
spired against Guide's honor without the strongest and most urgent 
reason and without confidence in Caponsacchi's honesty and modesty. 
For one of them, namely Gregorio,"" had offered himself as a com- 
panion for the journey and would have carried out his offer if his 
infirmity had permitted; as we read in the said letter '° of Francesca 
Pompilia found since her death and shown in our present Summary, No. 
3 [cf. pp. clv-clvi], which refers to the same causes, of the infirmity of 
Gregorio and the imminent peril, which did not permit her to await his 
convalescence. And therefore she is worthy of excuse since she fled for 
dire necessity in company of the Canon, a man of modesty well known 
by her (as is likewise evident from another letter in the Summary of 



145 

our opponents, No. 7, letter 12, in which she calls him the chaste 
Joseph, and from the other letter, in which she commends him for his 
sense of shame) . For if she chose this remedy under dire necessity, she 
should be excused according to the common axiom, " necessity knows no 
law." [Citations.] 

Nor is an illegitimate cause of flight to be inferred because of the 
dishonest love with which Francesca Pompilia pursued the Canon in 
some of these letters.-^- '" For although they seem amatory, yet they 
were ordained to the purpose of alluring this same Canon, in order that 
he might flee with her; since, without him, she knew that she could 
neither carry that out, nor even attempt it. Hence the letters can afford 
no proof of subsequent adultery. For although proof may result from 
love letters, according to the authorities adduced by the Defense in 
§ His praehibitis [cf. p. cix], yet this is avoided [clxxvi], if the letters 
are directed to a permissible end, such as flight to escape deadly peril. 
For then, inasmuch as the end is permissible, the means are likewise so 
considered, even though these are not without suspicion; for they are 
not considered in themselves, but because of their end. [Citations.] 
Nor is the proof of adultery hitherto drawn from love letters so very 
strong unless they include the implicit confession of subsequent fornica- 
tion. [Citations.] 

The following consideration is especially urgent in leading to the 
belief that the luckless girl thought the Canon would conduct himself 
modestly during the journey. For in one of her letters she does not fail 
to take him to task (who had elsewhere been commended for honesty 
and modesty) because he had sent her questionable verses"^ (present 
Summary, No. 4) [cf. p. clvi] : " I am surprised that you, who are so 
chaste, have composed and copied matters so immodest." And further 
on : " I do not want you to do in everything as you have done in these 
books; the first of them was so very nice, but these other octaves are 
quite the contrary. I can not believe that you, who were so honorable, 
would become so bold." From this sincere rebuke it is quite evident in 
what spirit these letters were written, even though they are filled with 
blandishments and proofs of love; for she shrank even from the dis- 
honorable verses sent to her. Hence the letters should be understood 
according to the intention of the one writing them, just as one's words 
are. [Citations.] 

And should not the supposition that the unfortunate wife had 
destroyed her matronly shame in the journey be therefore considered 
trivial and improbable? For she had quite enough to do to provide for 
her own safety by headlong flight. Nor is it probable that she was 
tempted by the Canon, since the love between them is proved merely 
by the said letters "" which were preparing for the flight. And these 
letters show her solicitude for his modesty and continence, since for the 



14-6 

mere sending of them she had made such complaint. For she feared 
lest he might become too bold, as is evident from details of the letter 
cited above. Nor are examples lacking of continence observed during 
a longer and easier journey, which had been undertaken [clxxvii] and 
completed by lovers, even though they might lawfully have indulged 
their love. Hence it is not improbable that the wretched girl kept 
herself scrupulously within bounds; for she was in deadly peril, which 
she hoped to avoid by precipitate flight. 

The other proofs of this pretended adultery are far weaker, and were 
rightly ignored in the report of the case, both as regards the flight and as 
regards the decreeing of torment; for mutual love between her and the 
Canon can not be said to be sufficiently proved by the abovesaid letters; 
for they were preparatory to this prearranged flight. 

The entry and egress ^'"' to and from the home of Francesca by night 
is proved by a single base witness."^ Nor should even such entry be 
considered to be for a bad end, since it was in preparation for the flight. 
For when we have a permissible cause given, to which a matter may be 
referred, it should not be attributed to one that is illegitimate and crim- 
inal. [Citation.] 

To this reason also should be referred her readiness in showing 
herself at the window by day and night at the hiss ^" which gave signal 
that her pretended lover was passing. For since her love might be a 
mere matter of pretense for the purpose of winning him to give her 
help in the flight by affording her his company in the journey, these 
marks of love can be of no further import than the pretended love 
itself. The unfortunate wife employed it as a stratagem, indeed, that 
she might provide for her own safety. And so this response recurs: 
"If the end is lawful,"" the means ordered toward carrying it out can 
not be condemned." 

The pretended insidious manner of preparing for the flight and 
putting it into execution by means of an opiate "" administered to her 
husband and the servants (so far as it is proved and it was by no means 
proved in the Prosecution) affords indeed a proof of her flight, but not 
of adultery; for it was prearranged,"^ not for that purpose, but to 
escape deadly peril, to which the wife would have exposed herself, all 
too foolishly, unless she had made sure that her husband, who was 
lying in bed with her, was sound asleep, or unless she had contrived 
some such easy way. 

The ardor shown in some of the letters "' is indeed a sign of love, 
according to the word of the Poet : " Love is a thing full of solicitous 
fear." [Ovid, Heroides I, 12.] But since love was pretended for a 
legitimate end -'- (as was said) [clxxviii] she could also make a show 
of ardor for feigning love, since it tended toward the same end of win- 
ning his good will, so that possessed of his true service she might 



H7 

escape. Therefore, from this pretended love and these feigned signs 
of love, one can not argue that their departure together from the 
home of the husband and their association during a long journey gives 
proof of the pretended adultery; because even in true and mutual love 
continence has been observed, which is certainly more difficult. 

Nor are the authorities adduced by the Defense in § AccedU quod 
[cf. p. ex] applicable; because that text has regard to a woman spending 
the night outside of her husband's home and against his will, without 
just and probable cause, as is evident from the words of the same. This 
decision is not applicable to our case, since the wretched Pompilia left 
her husband's home and went to her father's hearth that she might 
escape the deadly peril which she feared was threatening her. And so, 
since she did it for just and probable reason, the condemnation of the 
aforesaid text is turned away. And Farinacci so explains the assertion. 
[Citations.] " But it is otherwise if done for reason, because the mere 
spending of the night together does not of itself prove vice; for a case 
can be given where a wife spent the night with men, and yet did not 
break her marriage vow." [Citation.] Since this possibility is verified in 
our own case also, the proof of subsequent adultery can not be inferred 
from her flight and association with him In the journey, for the purpose 
of providing for her own safety. 

Their mutual kissing on the journey,^'" so far as It is proved, affords 
no light presumption of violated shame; but the proof of it is too un- 
certain; for It rests upon the word of a single base witness, who swears 
to matters that are quite Improbable, namely that, while he was driving 
their carriage very rapidly, he saw Francesca Pompilia and the Canon 
kissing one another. How full of animus this deposition really may be 
is evident from this fact — that during the night he saw a momentary 
and fleeting deed, without giving any reason for his knowledge, such as 
that the moon was shining or that some artificial light afforded him the 
opportunity to see It. [Citations.] [clxxix] The Improbability, or 
rather Incredibility, is increased because, while the witness was Intent 
on driving the carriage with such great speed as to seem like flying (as 
another witness testifies), how could he look backward and see their 
mutual kissing? Such an Improbability would take away belief not 
merely from a single witness, but from many of them. [Citation.] 
Furthermore, there is the possibility -'"' to be considered that the jostling 
together of those sitting In the carriage might have happened from the 
high speed; and from this fact an overcurlous witness might believe that 
they were kissing each other, although in fact the nearness of their 
heads and faces to one another might indeed be by mere chance, and not 
for the purpose of shameful and lustful kisses. Because whenever an 
act may be presumed to be for either a good or a bad end, the presump- 
tion of the evil end is always excluded. [Citations.] And so In the 



148 

said report of the prosecution for flight, this presumption was justly 
passed over because of lack of proof; nor would it have been rejected 
otherwise. 

Nor can this improbable and prejudiced deposition of the said wit- 
ness receive any support from the pretended letters,^" in which Fran- 
cesca thanks him for the kisses sent, which she says would be dearer to 
her if they had been given by the Canon himself, and sends him back 
ten hundred thousand times as many. For it can not be thence inferred 
that if the opportunity were given their mutual kissing would follow, 
since these words were offered as serviceable and alluring for the pur- 
pose of winning him over; nor do they involve an obligation. [Cita- 
tions.] And therefore they do not lead one to infer that they were 
carried out, especially since Francesca many and many a time warned 
the Canon to observe due modesty. And when she found that he had 
transgressed its limits by sending her dishonorable verses she abjured 
him not to become bold in urging his passion. This is far removed 
from impure desire to receive his kisses, which is formally stated in the 
said letter, as it is without any thought of injuring her matronly honor. 

The use also of laic garb,-" in which the Canon was found clothed, 
[clxxx] can afford no proof, because, as he is no priest, he can not be 
said to be forbidden to do so on a journey. And this was probably 
arranged in good faith to conceal himself and to avert scandal, which 
might be conceived at seeing a priest with a woman in the flower of her 
age '" and, as I have heard, of no small reputation for beauty, journey- 
ing without the company of another woman or servant. [Citation.] 
And so the authority of Mattha?us Sanzius, etc., is not applicable, be- 
cause in his case there was no concurrent cause on account of which the 
priest might approach with improper clothes and girded with arms; and 
he was found by the husband, either in the very act or in preparation 
thereto, and was killed on the spot. In such a case the proofs of 
adultery may well be admitted for the purpose of diminishing the 
penalty, and they were gathered by the same author to that end. 

Their sleeping together -^° on the same bed, or at least in the same 
bedroom, at the inn of Castelnuovo, was not given consideration in the 
report of the prosecution for flight, because of defect of proof. This 
charge was indeed denied by Francesca Pompilia, and the Canon frankly 
confessed merely that he had rested for a little while on another bed 
in the same room. Nor ought a brief stay in that room be magnified 
to a crime, since it should be attributed to his guardianship "'* of the 
said Francesca, whom he was accompanying on the journey, and hence 
was under obligation to guard -" her lest some evil might befall her. 
Whenever an act may be said to be done for a good purpose all sus- 
picion of evil ceases. In these very circumstances Cravetta [Citation] 
says that the interpretation should tend toward lenience, even though the 



149 

harsher interpretation seems the more probable. Nor does it suffice 
as a full proof of adultery"* (if one is arguing a criminal case) that 
a young man be seen alone and naked with her, and that he be found 
locked in the bedroom with the wife, even though he have his shoes and 
clothing off; because these matters may be merely preparatory. And 
much less can proof of adultery arise from his brief stay in the same 
bedroom for the purpose of protecting her."" 

Nor can proof of their having slept together be drawn from the 
deposition of the servant of the same inn who asserted that he had 
been ordered to prepare only a single bed. For it does not [clxxxi] 
follow from this that both of them slept in it; but this was done because 
only Pompilia wished to rest a little while to refresh her strength,^'' 
which had been exhausted by the swiftness of the journey they had 
made. The Canon was keeping guard over her -'* and preparing for the 
continuance of the journey; and so, when the husband arrived, he was 
attending to this by ordering that the carriage be made ready."" Hence 
no proof of their having slept together "^^ can result from this deposi- 
tion, and it was justly rejected by the judges, so that it needs no further 
refutation. 

And although Francesca Pompilia, in her cross-examination, tried 
to conceal a longer stay at the said inn by asserting that they had 
arrived there at dawn, yet no proof of adultery may be drawn from the 
said lie,"^" for she made that assertion to avoid the suspicion of violated 
modesty, which might be conceived from a longer delay and more con- 
venient opportunity. And so. Inasmuch as her confession would have 
done her no harm, even if she had acknowledged it with circumstances 
leading to belief in the preservation of her sense of honor, neither can 
this lie injure her. [Citations.] 

Since, for these reasons, the proof of the pretended adultery is ex- 
cluded and almost utterly destroyed, no attention should be paid to the 
fact that Count Guido, in his confession, claims the mitigating circum- 
stance of injured honor, as regards both his wife and his parents-in-law; 
and that this confession can not be divided for the purpose of inflicting 
the ordinary penalty. For authorities of great name are not lacking 
who affirm that a qualification to this end added to a confession ought 
to be rejected; and above the others is Bartolo [Citation], who proves 
this conclusion by many reasons, and responds to those given contrary 
[Citation], where it is said that a judge should not admit such qualified 
confession. [Citations.] 

[clxxxii] Nor is such a plea of injured honor always in one's favor 
in avoiding the capital penalty, but only when vengeance is taken 
immediately; or after an interval, according to more lenient opinion, 
when the adultery Is proved by condemnatory sentence or by confession. 



I50 

But the reins of private vengeance would be relaxed far too much 
to the detriment of the state if, when proof of adultery were lacking, a 
stand could be made for the purpose of diminishing the penalty upon 
some qualification added by the defendant to his confession. Because 
in this way a witness might make a way of escape in his own cause, which 
is not permitted to anyone. [Citations.] And nothing more absurd ''^^ 
can be thought of than that the burden of proof incumbent upon him for 
escaping the ordinary penalty might be discharged by the mere assertion 
of the defendant. 

Nor should we admit the opinion that, even when the adultery is 
proved, a husband may kill, after an interval, an adulterous wife without 
incurring the capital penalty, since the weightiest authorities deny that. 
[Citations.] Bartolo, in distinguishing between real and personal 
injury, affirms that when injury is personal, it should be resented im- 
mediately; but if it be real it may be resented after an interval. [Cita- 
tions.] And Gomez declares: " I hold the contrary opinion, indeed,"" 
that a husband may be punished with the ordinary penalty of such a 
crime as murder; and for this reason he may not by any means be 
excused, because murder can not be committed to compensate for a 
crime or for its past essence, unless one kill in the act of flagrant crime," 
etc. [clxxxiii] And in subsequent numbers he responds to reasons given 
to the contrary. [Citation.] Gaill, after he says that murder com- 
mitted for honor's sake is permissible, states that this exception should 
be understood to hold good if the injury be resented immediately, but 
that it is otherwise if done after an interval. In this case the retort is 
more like vengeance than the defense of honor, and the offender is held 
to account for the injuries. [Citation.] 

Much less can it be claimed-that the vengeance was taken immediately 
because the husband executed it as soon as possible, according to the 
authorities adduced by my Lord Advocate of the Poor [Citation], 
where he tries to show that since Guido was unarmed, or insufficiently 
armed (that is, he was girded only with a traveler's sword) ""^ he 
could not attack the wife accompanied by the Canon; for Caponsacchi, 
as he claims, is strong and bold,-' and accustomed to sin in that way, 
and was carrying firearms.^'" And the wife showed herself ready to die 
in the defense of her lover; for it is said still further that the wife 
rushed upon Guido with drawn sword,"' and was about to kill him, if 
she had not been checked by the police officers. But the opportunity to 
kill an adulteress is not to be so taken that a violent death may be visited 
upon her with all security and without any risk. For every legal opinion 
giving excuse for diminishing the penalty shrinks from this. For such 
diminution of the capital penalty follows because of the violence of sud- 
den anger, which compels the husband to neglect the risk to his own 
life, that he may avenge the injury done him by the adultery. And so 



this first opportunity, as spoken of by the authorities, in order that 
murder may be said to be committed immediately, should be understood 
to be whenever an occasion first offers itself, in excusing the delay in 
taking vengeance either because of absence or for some other just 
reason. Such is the fact in the case about which Matthaeus Sanfelicius 
writes, contr. 12. For in that case the adultery was committed in the 
absence of the husband, and the wife had run away, so that he could 
not have avenged himself earlier, as is evident from the narrative of 
fact given in No. i, and No. 28 established this conclusion: " So they 
are excused if they take vengeance as soon as possible, since it then seems 
that they killed incontinently." 

But who can say in our case that the husband took the first [clxxxiv] 
chance, since when he found his wife in the very act of flight, at the 
tavern of Castelnuovo, he abstained from vengeance with his own hand, 
and turned to legal vengeance, to which he had always clung."^ And 
indeed he charges himself with the worst baseness when he asserts that 
he was unequal to the task of taking vengeance because of the fierce 
nature of the Canon;"" since, when the latter had been arrested, Guido 
could have rushed upon his wife. Nor ought the kind of arms they 
carried to have alarmed him, because, according to the description made 
in the prosecution, it is apparent that the Canon was wearing only a 
sword.-^^ And so they were provided with like arms. He would not 
have taken such care of his own safety if he had been driven to taking 
vengeance by the stings of his honor "' that needed reparation, even at 
some risk to himself. For just anger knows no moderation. And he 
should lay the blame on himself if, alone and Insufficiently armed, he 
had followed up his wife, who was Heeing, as he might fear, with a 
strong and better-armed lover. His very manner of following her 
proves the more strongly that his mind had turned toward legal ven- 
geance, for the purpose of winning the coveted dowry," rather than 
to vengeance with his own hand for recovering his honor.^^' For facts 
well show that such was his thought. [Citations.] 

Likewise the delay of the vengeance after the return of the wife to 
her father's home excludes the pretended qualification that the ven- 
geance was taken " immediately," because he could not put it into execu- 
tion sooner. For the return home took place on October 12,'** of last 
year, and the murder was not committed till the second of January ^^' 
of this year. And we should rather assert that he was waiting for her 
confinement,'" which took place on December 18,^°" in order that he 
might make safe the succession to the property, for which he was 
eagerly gaping;*'' because he immediately put Into effect his depraved 
plan by destroying his wife and her parents with an awful murder; 
from a comparison of these dates it will be easy to see this. Hence, 
it is evident with what purpose he committed the murders, and whether 



152 

this vengeance for the asserted reparation of his injured honor may be 
said to have been undertaken " immediately," that is, as soon as oppor- 
tunity was given, according to the authorities adduced on the other side. 

Then when he had chosen legal vengeance by the imprisonment of the 
wife and of the pretended lover, and by the prosecution of the criminal 
cause, it was not permissible [clxxxv] for him to go back to vengeance 
with his own hand; and in taking that he can not be said to have taken 
vengeance immediately. He also violated public justice and the majesty 
of the Prince ''-'* himself. This single circumstance greatly exasperates 
the penalty and increases the crime. [Citations.] 

[But the above is true] in spite of the fact that the conclusions 
adduced by the Advocate of the Poor (in ^ Et ta)itHm ahcst) [cf. p. 
cxxxii] may be applicable, and likewise the authorities approving those 
conclusions, on the ground that it is not presumable that the husband 
has remitted the injury, but rather that his desire to avenge himself has 
continued; and that this excludes the charge of treachery, even though 
the husband use trickery in taking vengeance. Because in the present 
case the question is not as to the nature of the murder, from which it 
might be claimed to have been treacherous. The husband indeed did 
not conceal his injury, but rather laid it bare by turning to legal ven- 
geance. Although this is possibly less honorable, yet since it was pleas- 
ing to him, for the purpose of gaining the dowry,'"' he could not when 
frustrated in this hope, because the adultery was unproved, take up 
again the vengeance with his own hand. And this is true, even though 
he pretends as an excuse for his delay that he could not accomplish it 
sooner. For since the delay and hindrance arose from his own act, he 
could not take therefrom the protection of an excuse. [Citations.] 

But, however he might find excuse for the barbarous slaughter of 
his wife while under the authority of the judge ^'^ at the instance and 
delivery of her husband, certainly the murder of Pietro and Violante *"' 
should be considered utterly inexcusable. In his confession he has tried 
to apply to them also his plea of injured honor, because of their pre- 
tended complicity in urging the flight of his wife and in her asserted 
dishonor. Yet no proof of this qualification can be brought, nor did 
the slightest shadow of it result from the prosecution for flight. And 
this is proved to be improbable, and utterly incredible, from merely 
considering the fact that Abate Franceschini,"'^ brother of the accused 
and confessed defendant, would not have consented that she be com- 
mitted to their custody if he had had [clxxxvi] even the slightest sus- 
picion of their complicity, since he so keenly desired the reparation of 
their honor. This fact, which was plainly confessed in an instrument 
prepared in the statement of fact in the Italian language [Pamphlet 
lo] and very stoutly denied by the Procurator of the Poor, was ad- 



153 

mitted by his own wonderful ingenuity in denying merely that notice 
had reached the husband, or In claiming that the Fisc could pretend to 
no more than mere presumptive knowledge in Guido. 

But, still further, such knowledge is quite probable and is drawn from 
strong proof. For it is very probable that Guido was informed by his 
brother of his wife's departure from the Monastery, of her establish- 
ment in the said home, of the obligation "" assumed by her parents to 
provide her with food, and especially of her detected pregnancy. [Cita- 
tion.] But we are not now arguing to prove the husband's knowledge 
thereof, but to draw from that consent of Abate Paolo a proof which 
would exclude the pretended complicity of Pietro and Violante in the 
dishonor of the wife, which latter is by no means proved. 

So far is such complicity from being proved as regards Pietro, that 
the very contrary is quite evident from his will, made in 1695, after 
litigation had been instituted about Pompilia's pretended birth. In this 
will, notwithstanding the litigation, in the first place he leaves as his 
usufructuary heir Violante his wife, and, after her death, Francesca 
Pompilia, laying upon her the obligation to dwell in the City and to 
live honorably. This is evident from the details of the said will given 
in our present Summary, No. 5. [Cf. pp. clvi-clvii.] In this he also 
asserts that she had thus far conducted herself honorably, and he 
claimed to leave the annuity to her because of her good manner of life. 
And so it becomes still further incredible that he, while alive, was willing 
to conspire in her dishonor, from which he shrank even when dead. 
For the income was to be taken from her if she should live a dishonest 
life, and he urged her in case her marriage were dissolved to assume a 
religious dress, and he left her a fat legacy to that end. 

Nor can it afford any proof of this pretended complicity that when 
Guido had made pretense of delivering a letter sent to them from the 
Canon, ^-^ the doors were immediately opened by Violante ^" [clxxxvii] 
to the assassins. The attorneys for the Defense try to argue from this 
ready credulity that the name of the lover was not hateful to Violante, 
and that hence his intimacy with Francesca was not displeasing. But 
since the Canon was the author of her liberation from deadly peril by 
bringing her from her husband's home to her father's hearth at the 
neglect of his own risk, it should not seem wonderful that Violante 
should give proof of a grateful mind for the help given her daughter 
and should open the door. Nor can one infer therefrom consent in 
unchastity, from which their past acquaintance had been entirely free. 
Much more is this so at a time when he himself was absent and in 
banishment at Civita Vecchia. 

Therefore the true cause, on account of which the Comparini also 
were murdered, could be no other than the hatred with which the hus- 
band had been aflame; [and this first of all was] because of the law- 



154 

suit "* concerning the supposed birth, which they had brought, and 
which had deceived him in his hope of gaining a fat dowry and inherit- 
ance; [and second], his desire for vengeance because of the pamph- 
lets ^"^ distributed at the time of the said lawsuit, and which had exposed 
the meagerness of the home comforts and the wretched treatment they 
had received In the home of the husband. These two do not excuse 
Guido from the penalty for premeditated murder, and Indeed Increase 
it, even raising it to the crime of hrsa majestas,*^" according to the well- 
known order of the Constitution of Alexander, as was proved in our 
past Information, § Accedit ad exasperandam. [Cf. p. Ixxvlil.] 

To escape the penalty assigned thereto by the disposition of this 
decree. In vain does he turn to an excuse drawn from supervening pro- 
vocation. [Citation.] But so far as it is claimed that this crime 
resulted from the counsel they gave toward her flight, and their com- 
plicity In the same, the proof of such complicity Is entirely drawn from 
the asserted letter,"" written by Francesca Pompilia to Abate Frances- 
chinl. But this letter has been completely rejected, and even spurned 
by Guido himself, since In the prosecution for flight we find no insistence 
was made that action should be entered against Pletro and VIolante for 
their pretended Instigation. Pietro, moreover, had long ago broken off 
the lawsuit brought as regards the pretended birth "''- and the revocation 
of the dowry contract, and so this complicity can not be made to seem 
the sole provoking cause, which would exclude causa litis. For such a 
cause should be true and not pretended, and should be In accord with 
the crime committed. [Citations.] [clxxxviii] These excuses, indeed, 
which are claimed to be drawn from complicity In the asserted dishonor, 
are still further excluded by lack of proof, both of the impurity and of 
their connivance therein; and so the provocation implied therefrom 
is shown to be entirely Irrelevant, and possibly fraudulent. 

The other suit for divorce,^"" brought In the name of Francesca 
Pompilia, It Is vainly claimed is made void because of the asserted In- 
validity of the summons; for this summons was executed against Abate 
Franceschlnl, who lacked the authority of a proxy. Yet his authoriza- 
tion was quite full enough for a lawsuit, as Is evident from Its tenor as 
given in our present Summary, No. 6 [cf. p. civil], and accordingly 
when a suit was brought it was ample for receiving a summons. [Cita- 
tion.] We are also dealing with the conditions of the Constitution of 
Alexander and of the order of the Banns given against those who com- 
mit offense on account of lawsuits. Hence the reply Is not relevant, 
which is given by the Procurator of the Poor In § Quae ctiam aptaiitur 
[cf. p. cxvill], that when the dishonesty of the wife Is established her 
impunity from the wrath of her husband, who would take vengeance, 
should not be permitted by the Introduction of a divorce suit. Nor can 
such murder be said to be committed for the reparation of honor when 



155 

committed in anger at a lawsuit. For he takes for granted as proved, 
what is in question, namely, the dishonor of the wife, the proof of which 
is quite lacking. And Guido might have proceeded to such an extreme 
if, as soon as the adultery was committed, his wife brought a suit for 
divorce; but it is otherwise since he tried that revenge after the way of 
legal vengeance had been chosen by bringing criminal charge for the 
pretended adultery and for the purpose of winning the dowry." For 
after he was frustrated in this hope (since no proofs of adultery re- 
sulted from the prosecution), and after her husband's mind had been 
exasperated, she ought to be permitted to provide for her own safety by 
begging for the remedy of divorce. And while such judgment is pend- 
ing any murder inflicted upon her ought surely to be expiated by the 
penalties inflicted under the sanction of the Alexandrian Constitution 
and of the Banns. For the provision of this decree is applicable, since 
the murder was committed while the criminal cause, brought against 
her by her husband, for pretended adultery,"*'' was still pending. And 
this decree includes both civil and criminal suits, as is evident from 
reading it. 

[clxxxix] Likewise the assembling of armed men,*"® and their intro- 
duction into the City for accomplishing more safely the murder of the 
entire family, increases the crime to hesa majestas,"" and also necessi- 
tates the increasing of the punishment, as was affirmed in our former 
information. Nor Is this avoided by the replies given, or rather re- 
peated, by the Defense, and especially by the response that since the 
principal offense was committed for honor's sake (and hence the ordi- 
nary penalty of the Lex Cornelia de Sicariis has no application for that 
reason), so likewise the penalty for assembling men, imposed by the 
Apostolic Constitutions and the General Banns, can not be Inflicted; for 
the latter is Included with the penalty for the principal offense, which 
alone Is to be attended, since the spirit and purpose make differences In 
crimes. [Citations.] Because the order of the said Constitution and 
Banns would prove utterly vain If the penalty for assemblage should 
cease, whenever the assembly were made for the purpose of committing 
some crime that is punishable with a milder penalty. [Citation.] This 
Bull Indeed is applicable even when men are called to arms in a per- 
missible cause and to good end;"' because by it the Supreme Pontiff 
wished to provide for the public security and to restrain the audacity 
of those laying down the law for themselves. Hence all the more 
shall it have place when the assembly may be made for an evil end, 
namely for committing crime, even though the crime may not deserve 
the ordinary death penalty, and when the crime actually follows. [Cita- 
tion.] Spada gives this reason, that the Pontiff in establishing this 
Constitution considered only the uproar and other ills which are accus- 



156 

tomed to arise from the assembling of armed men to the injury of the 
public peace. And although his opinion was rejected by the authorities 
adduced by his Honor, the Advocate of the Poor, in § non refragante 
[cf. p. cxxxv], this refutation does not apply to the assembling of armed 
men to an evil end (even though this end is not so criminal that the 
death penalty may be inflicted), but to their assemblage for a permitted 
cause of regaining possession immediately, by meeting force with force. 
Even in this latter case Spada holds that there is place for the order of 
the Bull. Hence the refutation given above does not prevent the appli- 
cation of the provision of the abov^esaid Constitution to our case, since 
the assembling was prearranged for the murder of an entire family, 
which was put into execution with reckless daring. 

[cxc] Nor may the opinions of the said judges of the Sacred Rota, 
requiring that the assemblage be directed against the Prince or the 
State, and not to commit some other crime, stand in the way; because 
if this qualification were accepted as true, the decree would be vain 
which had raised the act to the crime of liesa majestas *-" and rebellion; 
for this crime would result plainly enough from the deed itself, and 
from the intent to disturb the peace of the Prince and the State. And 
so far as the opinion affirmed by these authorities does have founda- 
tion, it can be applied when we investigate the order of the Constitution, 
and not of the Banns issued later. For this decree would prove vain 
and useless if the capital penalty, imposed thereby against those assem- 
bling armed men, could be applied only when the crime for which the 
assembly had been made was punishable by the same penalty; and even 
if this necessity be admitted, the application of the Constitution can not 
be avoided, because no plea of injured honor can be alleged in excuse 
for the murder of Pietro and Violante, and it had not at all been proved 
as regards Francesca Pompilia. 

Likewise the preparation and the use of prohibited arms "^ is also 
punishable with the capital penalty, if we investigate the order of the 
Banns and Constitutions of Alexander VIII, of sacred memory. Nor 
is this sufficiently avoided by the response given by the Defense that it is 
included in the main offense; so that no greater penalty can be inflicted 
for it than the main crime itself deserves. For what we have said above 
as regards " an assembling " is opposed to such a confusing of the 
punishment of the Banns, and the authorities adduced in our past 
response, § nee delationis [cf. p. cc] affirm the contrary. And those 
authorities cited for the contrary opinion should be understood to apply 
only when one is dealing with an insult, or with murder committed in a 
quarrel, or in self-defense, or for the sake of immediate reparation of 
honor. [Citation.] The difficulty is at an end in our case, because 
of the clear disposition of the Banns, which expressly declare and com- 



157 

mand that the penalty for the carrying of arms is not to be confounded 
with the penalty of the crime committed therewith. Nor does the 
response given by the Procurator of the Poor seem strong enough to 
avoid this; namely that when, under the common law, the Banns receive 
only a passive interpretation, merely the crime of preparing and bearing 
arms for committing murder is considered; but that it is otherwise if 
the arms are borne, [cxci] for no ill end, and then a crime is committed 
with them. Because it would be too harsh for one bearing arms for 
no ill end and then sinning with them, to suffer a greater penalty than 
one preparing arms to commit crime, and carrying his purpose into 
effect. Hence these Banns never can receive such an interpretation. 
For since by them the carrying of arms is forbidden as pernicious and 
as affording occasion to commit crime, much more should the bearing 
of them when purposed for committing crime be considered prohibited 
and punishable with a rigorous penalty. This is especially true when 
we consider the declaration that the crimes are not to be confounded 
with one another. 

There is left, finally, one other qualification, which greatly aggravates 
the crime, namely the violating of the home assigned as a prison "* 
with the consent of Abate Franceschini."'* And this Is so In spite of 
what can be alleged as to Guido's ignorance of this circumstance. 
Because in the said writing prepared In Italian for giving true notice 
of the fact [Pamphlet lo], it is asserted that the entire management 
of the cause was left and committed to this same brother,-^" since Guido 
had left the City. Hence It Is quite Incredible that Guldo was not 
informed by him of so important a matter. And as concerning the 
distinction between violating a public prison and mere custody In a home 
under bond, and as to offense permitted therein for honor's sake, we 
have given sufficient response in our past argument § Quibus accedit 
[cf. p. ceil] and those following. For the same reasoning is applicable 
In both cases, since In both the person detained is under the protection 
of the Prince whose majesty is accordingly insulted. And the excuse 
would hold good if we were arguing about the resenting of an injury 
offered In prison. Under these very circumstances do those authorities 
adduced by the Defense speak, as Is evident from their recognition of 
them. 

Therefore, In the present case many grave qualifications are present, 
which Increase the crime, and on account of these his Honor, the Advo- 
cate of the Poor, admits in § Agnoscit Fisciis [cf. p. cxxxiv] that the 
penalty should be Increased. Nor can such increase of penalty be made 
good except by death. For even if the adultery were proved, as it Is 
not proved in our case, the mere murder of the wife, when committed 
after an Interval, could demand only a diminution of penalty, according 



is8 

to the more lenient opinion. Hence the justice of the decree for the 
torment of the vigil should be said to be sufficiently asserted and vindi- 
cated against opposing reasons. And now [cxcii] that confession has 
followed, there remains only that condign punishment be inflicted in 
expiation of this awful crime. 

Giovanni Battista Bottini, 
Advocate of the Fisc, 

and of the Reverend Apostolic Chamber. 



[cxciii is blank in original.] 



[cxciv] [File-title of Pamphlet 13.] 

By the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend 

Lord Governor of the City in 

Criminal Cases: 

Roman Murder-case with qualifying circumstance. 

For the Fisc, against Count Guido Franceschini 
and his Associates. 

A reply in matters of law, by the Lord Advocate 
of the Fisc. 



At Rome, in the type of the Reverend Apostolic Chamber, 1698. 



[cxcv] 

Romana Homicidiorum cum qualitate. 

[Pamphlet 14.] 

Most Illustrious Lord : 

The matters deduced by his Honor, the Advocate of the Poor, for 
the defense of Guido Franceschini, who is accused of three murders with 
very grave qualifications which magnify the same, are of no real force 
in proving [first] that he should not be punished with the ordinary 
penalty of the Lex Cornelia de Sicariis, inasmuch as he had confessed 
these crimes, and [secondly] that simple torture only should be de- 
manded for gaining the truth as to these, and that the torment of the 
vigil ""^ should be omitted. I will attempt to show this, in responding 
to these points singly, so far as the excessive scantiness of time admits, 
and will keep my eyes on the rights of the Fisc, as the duty of my office 
and the dire atrocity and inhumanity of the crime demand. 

The chief ground taken by my Lord consists in placing on an equality 
[first] a case of vengeance taken immediately by the husband with the 
death of the adulteress found in her sin, and [second] that of one slain 
after an interval when the wife is plainly convicted of adultery (as he 
claims is proven in our case). But this falls to the ground both in fact 
and in law; and hence the inference for the moderation of the penalty 
drawn from this same parity is likewise shown to be without foundation. 

In fact, the proof of the pretended adultery is quite deficient accord- 
ing to what I deduced fully In my other information. In that, I have 
confuted singly his proofs, or rather suspicions, resulting from the 
prosecution, to which his Honor attaches himself. I have shown that 
the wife's flight in company with Canon Caponsacchi, the pretended 
lover, was for a legitimate reason (namely the imminent and deadly 
peril, which she feared), and not from the illicit impulse of lust. The 
participation and complicity of the Canon Conti and Signor Gregorio 
Guillichini,"'* relatives of the Accused, In forwarding the same, ought to 
prove this. For they would not have furnished aid if she were running 
away for the evil purpose of violating her conjugal faith, even to their 
own dishonor. But they well knew the necessity of the remedy, and that 
it was to free her from peril. And a witness for the prosecution " in 
the same trial for flight swore to having heard this from Signor Gre- 
gorio. And they gave their aid in carrying this out. 

Nor Is it at all relevant that, in the decree In condemnation of the 
same [cxcvi] Canon to banishment In CIvita Vecchia,"'^ the title of 
"carnal cognition" was written down; because, as was formerly re- 
sponded, the alteration of that was demanded, and likewise the substi- 

IS9 



i6o 

tutlon of a general title relative to the trial. And since no proofs of it 
resulted either from the prosecution or from the defenses which the 
unfortunate wife (who was dismissed with the mere precaution of keep- 
ing her home as a prison) could have made, if she had not been so 
horribly murdered, and since the said decree, issued without her having 
been summoned or heard, would be void, the inscription made by the 
judge in the records as a title could not convict her of that crime; 
but only the truth of the fact resulting from the proofs should be con- 
sidered. [Citations.] 

I acknowledge ^"^ that the Accused should have been considered 
worthy of some excuse if he had slain his wife in the act of taking her 
in flight with the pretended lover; since for this purpose, not merely 
the absolute proof, but the mere suspicion of adultery committed, would 
be enough. [Citation.] But when, after neglecting the pretended 
right of private vengeance, he sought out with entreaty public ven- 
geance, by having her arrested,"- he could not thereafter, while she 
was under the public authority of the judge, take private vengeance by 
butchering her who had no fear of such a thing. The suspicion of a 
just grievance, which is difficult to restrain when aroused, excuses the 
husband in part, if not entirely, whenever he takes vengeance imme- 
diately under the headlong impetus of anger. But when the vengeance 
is after an interval, and while the cause is in the hands of the judge, 
and the victim Is imprisoned at his own instance, this does not hold 
good, as will be proved further on, by showing the irrelevance of the 
principle assumed. 

Nor does the Glossa in the alleged text, In the law of Emperor 
Hadrian, stand In the way; because It speaks of a son taken by his 
father in flagrant adultery with his stepmother, and killed by the father 
immediately. [Citation.] And there is a wide difference between a 
father and a husband killing after an Interval; because, as FarinaccI 
adds, a father has the greatest authority over his son, and by ancient 
law could even kill him. And certainly the husband does not have 
this, [cxcvii] The law also more readily excuses a father,^"^ because 
he is always supposed to take good counsel for his child, from the mere 
instinct of paternal love. But one does not have this same confidence as 
regards a husband, who is accustomed to conceive unjust suspicion of 
his wife more readily. Hence it is not permitted that he kill her on 
mere suspicion after an Interval. Nor Is he in any way to be excused 
on this account, according to the text. [Citation.] " The devotion of 
a father's love usually takes good counsel for his own children, but the 
hot precipitancy of a furious husband should readily be restrained." 
[Citation.] 

This Is so far true that a father Is not excused unless he kill, or at 
least severely wound, his daughter along with the adulterer; so that It 



i6i 

should be attributed to fate, rather than to paternal indulgence, that 
she escape death. And this has been passed by law-makers for no 
other reason than that such a grievance, provoking to rash anger, is 
required for excusing a father, so that he may not spare his own 
daughter. But since this statute is not to be found among the laws 
about husbands, the manifest difference between the two, because of the 
husband's excessive readiness to seize a suspicion and fly into a rage 
against his wife, is plainly revealed. 

Nor is mere suspicion a sufficient ground to diminish the penalty for 
a husband who kills his wife after an interval. This is evident from the 
very authorities excusing him in such a case, whenever the adultery is 
proved either by the confession of the wife or by other proofs, so that 
she can be said to be convicted of it. [Citations.] Bertazzolus says: 
" I have seen the matter so regarded in the contingency of such a fact, 
and the husband has been excused who had killed an adulterous wife, 
not found in the very act, but whose adultery was really and truly 
existent and was quite plainly proved." Hence it is plain, from these 
very authorities adduced by his Honor, that the husband who kills his 
wife after an interval is not excused because of mere suspicion, or 
because of an adultery case which is still pending judgment, and which 
he himself had brought. 

[cxcviii] In law, also, is his assumption proved to be without 
foundation, which places on an equality [first] vengeance taken imme- 
diately, that is, in the very act of taking the wife in adultery, or in acts 
immediately preparatory, which lead him to such a legitimate belief; 
and [secondly] vengeance taken after an interval, even when the 
adultery is evident from such proofs as render it perfectly clear. There 
are many authorities who urge the diminution of the penalty for the 
following reason which they give — that the sense of injured honor 
always keeps urging and provoking to vengeance, and that a wife may 
be well enough said to be taken in adultery when she has either confessed 
it or been convicted of It. And these authorities have been collected 
with a full hand by his Honor, and I myself recently pointed out one 
of them. But the contrary opinion is the true one and is accepted In 
practice. To this fact the most distinguished and most skilful practi- 
tioners of our time In criminal law bear witness. These are [first] 
Farinacci, where, after he has first learnedly answered the reasons and 
authorities adduced to the contrary, he concludes that he undoubtedly 
believes so as to the law In the case, and counsels that it be so held, 
unless we wish to err; and [second] Canon Raynaldus, who also filled 
the office of Procurator of the Poor with the highest praise, and so it 
may well be believed that he was very strongly inclined toward mercy 
and commiseration, and that he therefore adhered to this opinion In the 
mere zeal for the truth. And he declared it to be the truer and the 



1 62 

more advantageous to the State, and said that one should not depart 
from it in giving judgment. [Citations.] 

But even if the conflict of authorities might in some manner favor 
the diminishing of the penalty for the Accused, if there had been excess 
merely in the matter of time; yet he is still to be considered as inex- 
cusable, so that he can not escape the ordinary penalty, since so many 
qualifying circumstances are present which increase the crime; and any 
one of these is punishable with death. 

To this end we should first consider the assembling of armed men,"' 
which is so very injurious to the public peace, and constitutes the crime 
of " conventicle." In the Banns, chapter 82, this is punishable with 
the death of its author. It is also declared that it is enough to establish 
this crime if four *^'' armed men are assembled. This had been formerly 
[cxcix] prohibited under the same penalty by the seventy-fifth Consti- 
tution of Sixtus V, of blessed memory, which had raised it to the crime 
of rebellion, for whatever reason it might be done. Spada proves this 
fully, asserting that it should generally be so understood in all cases in 
which the assembling of men has been prohibited. 

To escape or evade this capital penalty, it is not a relevant excuse that 
a husband may kill an adulterous wife by armed men brought together. 
For, however it may be when a husband wishes to kill his wife taken in 
adultery, and is afraid that the armed adulterer can resist him, and that 
he may have servants for his aid (in which case he himself can not 
take vengeance otherwise than by calling together helpers, as Caballus 
advises) ; yet in the case of vengeance taken after an interval, and while 
the wife is under the power of the judge,"" and on the mere suspicion 
of adultery, such convocation of armed men can not be said to be at all 
permissible. For the seventy-fifth Constitution of Sixtus V, of blessed 
memory, prohibits such assembling even on lawful occasion, as a dis- 
turbance of the public peace. [Citation.] And so it is much more to 
be prohibited and much the rather to be expiated with the ordinary 
penalty both of the Constitution and of the Banns, since it was made 
for an illegal and damnable end, namely to kill his wife, and his father- 
in-law and mother-in-law along with her. This is rendered plain by the 
assertion of the very authorities who excuse from the ordinary penalty 
a husband who takes vengeance after an interval. And indeed the path 
of private vengeance, which is hateful to the law, would be strewn all 
too broadly if, after the husband had chosen legal vengeance °" and had 
neglected to avenge his pretended injury in the act of seizing his wife 
in flight with the pretended lover, he should be excusable in taking 
vengeance after an interval with all security, by means of armed men, 
and in killing her while entirely off her guard, and under the power of 
the judge, without the slightest risk to himself. 



1 63 

This is true in spite of the response which might favor him, that he 
neglected to take private vengeance because he was unarmed, and the 
wife was found in the company of the Canon, who was a bold, sturdy 
man.-' The husband should impute it to himself if alone and unarmed 
he was pursuing his wife, fleeing with the lover. For then he could 
take associates with better right, and [cc] fully armed could pursue 
her; and in such a case his assembling of men would be somewhat 
excusable. But this is not so when he takes such awful vengeance after 
an interval. For if we consider the reason why a husband killing an 
adulterer or his wife is punished with a milder penalty according to the 
quality of the persons, if the vengeance follow on the very act — namely, 
rash anger, which can not be restrained — the assembling of armed men 
to do that after an interval is plainly revealed to be illegal. For rash 
anger would cause him to expose himself to the risk of resistance 
by the adulterer, who is not accustomed to approach unarmed. Be- 
cause of this risk the penalty is diminished, since it shows that the 
husband carelessly exposed himself thereto, because of the violence 
of the anger which blinded him. This is [not] the case in vengeance 
taken after an Interval, taken with all forethought and by means of 
armed men, so that the husband can not be afraid that any evil will 
befall himself in carrying it out. Such preparation is quite repugnant 
to rash anger, which can not be restrained, and from which excuse is 
drawn. [Citation.] 

The second qualification that increases the crime results from the 
kind of arms "^ with which the murder was committed, for these were 
prohibited by the well-known decree of Alexander VIII, of sacred 
memory. This was not merely for the carrying, but even for the 
keeping, introduction, or manufacture of them for any cause whatever, 
even under the pretext of military service or the execution of justice. 
Hence they would be all the more prohibited [when carried] for the 
purpose of taking such impious and awful vengeance by the destruction 
of an entire family. 

Nor is the carrying of arms in such a case to be confused with the 
main crime of murder; because when a greater penalty might be Im- 
posed for the former, as when excuse for the killing is drawn from 
injured honor, the carrying of the prohibited arms comes to be punished 
with the ordinary penalty. [Citations.] Nor are the authorities ad- 
duced to the contrary worthy of attention, for they hold good In the cir- 
cumstance of murder done in self-defense or because of provocation In a 
quarrel. [Citation.] Still further, these are not applicable because 
they do not speak within the bounds of the Constitution, which so 
distinctly [cci] prohibits such arms. For Policardus speaks of the 
Regiila Pragmatica which takes for granted the qualifying circumstance 
of the crime of treachery from the kind of arms, and he asserts that 



164 

this order ceases in murder for self-defense, or on provocation in a 
quarrel, when committed with the said arms. But this judgment differs 
by the whole heaven from the sanction of our Constitution ; because the 
latter was issued for the very purpose of entirely exterminating so 
pernicious a kind of arms. 

The third qualification likewise increasing the crime is murder com- 
mitted because of a lawsuit;"' for by the well-known decree of Alex- 
ander VII, of blessed memory, this was increased to the crime of 
rebellion and lasa majestas,"" punishable with death and the confisca- 
tion of goods. This qualifying circumstance as regards the slaughter 
of Pietro and Violante can not be denied; because the Accused had won 
a victory ^"^ in the lawsuit. And hence the offense should [not] be 
said to have been committed because of just anger for injury inflicted 
upon him; [first] by the pretense of birth, which was revealed after the 
marriage had been celebrated, in order that they might break the mar- 
riage contract; [second] by the publication of pamphlets "" greatly to 
his injury; and [third] by their conspiracy in the flight of his wife to the 
injury of the honor of the Accused and of his entire family. They 
claim that since this cause for avenging the injury is graver than that 
arising from the lawsuit, the murder should be attributed to it, as 
more proportionate thereto. 

But the victory ""' he obtained had regard only to the actual posses- 
sion of the property while the lawsuit was under appeal."^* And the 
parents were still pursuing this suit,-"^ so that that cause continued and 
could not be said to be extinct. The injury, indeed, from whatever 
different causes it may be claimed to have arisen, really came from this 
same lawsuit. And this had regard both to the pretense of birth 
revealed, and to the insults contained in those pamphlets ""* concerning 
the meagerness of the family affairs (which was quite the contrary of 
the boasted riches, in the hope of which the marriage had been made), 
and concerning the ill-treatment which the parents of the wife had suf- 
fered in the home of the Accused. For by this marriage agreement 
food was to be furnished them.°^ Still further, as to any conspiracy in 
her flight, much less as to any complicity in her pretended adultery, we 
have no proof at all. And so the cause of hatred conceived because of 
the lawsuit kept always urging him, and it does not redeem the criminal 
from the penalty inflicted by the decree of Alexander, because the suit 
might have been injurious to the Accused, either in his substance or in 
the manner. For this indeed presents such a cause as is always required 
in [ccii] premeditated murders. Nor does it exclude the qualifymg cir- 
cumstance of the lawsuit, and indeed confirms it; since it is explicitly 
presupposed that injustice had been committed. Otherwise an oppor- 
tunity to take private vengeance would be permitted, which in all law 
is forbidden, especially when a lawsuit is going on; because then the 



i65 

majesty of the Prince *"" is insulted, as was proved in my other informa- 
tion, § Accedit ad exasperandum. [Cf. p. Ixxviii.] 

The fourth and, indeed, a very grave qualifying circumstance is 
drawn from the place in which the crime was committed, namely in 
the home "' of those slain. It was also in an insidious manner, by pre- 
tending the delivery of a letter sent by Canon Caponsacchi.^" For one's 
home should be the safest of refuges to himself, as was proved in our 
other information, § plurimum quoqiie. [Cf. p. Ixxix.] The manner 
indeed savors of treachery, as is proved not merely by committing mur- 
der under the show of friendship, but also at a time when the power and 
obligation of special caution in the one slain had ceased. [Citation.] 
And this is far from doubtful In our case, for the wretched parents could 
have had no such apprehension from the Accused, who was staying in 
his own country. 

To these is added a fifth very grave qualifying circumstance, drawn 
from the place with respect to the very wretched wife. For she had 
been imprisoned at the instance of the Accused, and was detained in the 
home of her parents as a prison with the consent of the Abate,-*** his 
brother; and hence she was under public safekeeping,'"^ which it were 
wrong for the Accused to violate without incurring the penalty of 
lasa majestas. [Citation.] 

This very grave qualifying circumstance, which increases the crime, 
can not be avoided by the dual response given by his Honor; first, that 
we are dealing with no prison properly speaking; second, that one 
giving offense, or killing in prison, is excused on a just plea of injured 
honor. Neither of these excludes this qualifying crime; for the unsult- 
ability of a prison would be considerable if we could defend a violation 
of it made by one in prison and so to avoid his own injury, but if it were 
otherwise when we were arguing in his favor for avenging an injury to 
himself in a home [cciii] assigned as a prison.^*" The plea of injured 
honor can help one only if the offense in prison follow in self-defense 
under the very impulse of rash anger. In such circumstances the author- 
ities adduced by his honor would hold good. But this is not so in 
excusing vengeance taken after an Interval upon one imprisoned even 
at the instance of the slayer. For then the qualifying circumstance of 
the place greatly aggravates the crime, as it is Indeed Injurious to the 
public safekeeping and involves treachery. [Citations.] 

It is therefore very evident that the murders committed by the 
Accused have many qualifications mingled with them, which greatly 
magnify them. And however far the opinion has weight, which urges 
the diminution of punishment for one killing an adulteress after an 
interval, and however much the pretended adultery may be declared to 
have been proved in the manner required to gain such diminution, 
even by all those In favor of the milder judgment, still this penalty 



1 66 

because of these qualifications would have to be increased and the 
ordinary penalty of the Lex Cornelia de Sicariis in its entirety would 
have to be demanded. And therefore it seems superfluous to argue 
about the kind of torture, since in view of these very urgent proofs, of 
which I understand there is no doubt, and in view of the well-known 
powers granted to the Most Illustrious Governor, it is quite within 
limits that the crime should be punished with the ordinary penalty, 
even if the qualifying circumstance of special atrocity were not present, 
so that the penalty should not be increased on that account. 

But such a qualifying circumstance is not wanting here, as it results 
indeed from the treacherous manner and from the charge of l<esa 
via']estas*'° which is provable in our case on three grounds; namely 
offense committed during a lawsuit, the assembling of armed men, and 
the violation of public safekeeping, because of the home assigned as a 
prison. For according to the Apostolic Constitutions, the crime would 
be raised to that degree upon the basis of the first and the second; and 
there should be no doubt as to the power of the Prince to do so. [Cita- 
tion.] Spada asserts that in such a case, so far as all the effects of law 
are concerned, it should not be considered a matter of controversy that 
the qualification of special atrocity, which is in agreement with such a 
crime, is to be revoked. And in our very [cciv] circumstances Spada 
gives this opinion in demanding the torment of the vigil. 

Nor can that qualifying circumstance of the person concerned, so 
far as it is proved, stand in the way of such infliction of the torment of 
the vigil, which does not allow the death penalty upon a nobleman "' 
to be made worse, as is accustomed to happen in very atrocious crimes 
(because noble blood should not be degraded by such Increase of penalty 
which adds infamy). But for this purpose merely the nature of the 
crime is considered, and not the quality of the person, which would 
hinder the execution of a penalty carrying with It such infamy. Other- 
wise the torture of the vigil never could be Inflicted upon noblemen, 
priests, and men in religious office upon whom an infamous penalty can 
not be Inflicted. But nobility affords no privilege In the manner of 
torment,^^^ especially In very atrocious crimes. [Citation.] 

Giovanni Battista Bottini, 
Advocate of the Fisc and of the Apostolic Chamber. 



[ccvi] [File-title of Pamphlet 14.] 

By the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend 
Lord Governor in Criminal Cases: 

Roman Murder-case with qualifying circumstance. 

For the Fisc, against Count Guido Franceschini 
and the others. 

Response of the Lord Advocate of the Fisc. 



At Rome, in the type of the Reverend Apostolic Chamber, 1698. 



«67 



[ccvii] RESPONSE 

To the Account of the Fact, and Grounds in the Franceschini Case. 

[Pamphlet 15.] 

The splendid statue of Nebuchadnezzar fell because it was not firm 
on its feet. So fall to ground those imagined and forced suppositions 
concerning the origin of the present execrable murder, which the Anony- 
mous Writer in his printed pages [Pamphlet lo] has tried to insinuate 
into the dull heads of the crowd."^ This murder was committed here 
in Rome upon three wretched and innocent persons, by Guido Frances- 
chini, assisted by four men who were armed with prohibited arms,*" 
who were brought together for that purpose by the influence of money, 
and who were kept insidiously for many days at his expense. [These 
pages claim that] the crime arose from justly conceived anger; [first], 
because eight months earlier ^" Guido had discovered Francesca Pom- 
pilia, his wife, sinning against him in his own house at Arezzo, and 
[then] because she had fled in company with Canon Caponsacchi of the 
same city back to Rome to place herself again under the protection 
of Pietro and Violante Comparini, who had raised her as their 
daughter; and [thirdly] that the suspicion had also grown upon Guido 
that in her precipitate journey she might have broken with the Canon 
her marriage obligations, since certain love-letters "'" were found upon 
her, from which he unreasonably deduced her adultery, and he supposed 
that the said Caponsacchi was condemned as an adulterer to a three 
years' banishment at Civita Vecchia."'^ And these pages try, under the 
pretense of injured honor, to render Guido's crime less grave and to 
excite compassion, no less in foolish persons "' than in the hearts of our 
most religious judges, for the purpose of disposing them toward a 
milder penalty and one out of keeping, according to the laws, with the 
quality, form, and circumstances of this crime. And this in substance 
is all that is claimed by the author of the pamphlet entitled Notizie di 
fatto, e di rag'ione nella Causa Franceschini. But they are indeed very 
much at fault in their account of that tragic history, which had a differ- 
ent beginning and an occasion independent of the imagined ground of 
honor. In that pamphlet it was presupposed [ccviii] all too bitterly, 
that Guido's honor had been injured by his wife; whereas she always 
preserved her sense of shame and had well observed the laws of con- 
jugal honor, as is plainly shown in this present article. 

That this sad catastrophe, this slaughter of an entire family, did 
not proceed (as the Anonymous Author claims in his pages) from the 
pretended sense of injured honor, but from damnable greed," one can 
very clearly see by considering the fact that for this very object the 

168 



169 

unfortunate marriage with Francesca Pompilia was entered into by 
Franceschini." For it was taken for granted that after the death of 
her supposed parents she would surely fall heir to a considerable 
property."" All the more ought we believe that the crime was committed 
because of hatred arising from the three lawsuits then pending;'"" that 
is, two in the civil courts and a third in the criminal courts. One of 
these was as to the legitimacy of the parentage of Francesca Pompilia, 
the wife, and the nullification of the dowry-agreement,""" and was 
brought by Pietro in the Tribunal of the Sacred Rota.^"^ The second 
suit was for divorce,^"" and was brought by the said Francesca Pompilia 
before the Vice-Governor.-"* The third is a criminal suit, as to the 
pretended adultery,^"" which is still pending in the Tribunal of his 
Excellency the Governor;-'" this latter was brought under the very 
impulse of greed," to gain the entire dowry. Since this fact was con- 
clusively evident in the case introduced by the said Franceschini, he was 
deceived in this hope of gain by the failure of the proofs, which the 
defense caused to vanish utterly, as they could do by means of the wife. 
Hence he broke into an excess so tragic and so deplorable as to reveal 
clearly the tricks and frauds practiced for the purpose of bringing about 
that marriage. Here then are the plain proofs that this is the truth. 

Guido Franceschini was staying at Rome in idleness, out of the 
service of a certain Cardinal,'" without a soldo,^' by which service he 
had provided for himself up to that time. His usual loafing-place was 
in the shop of certain women-hairdressers,^' where he often announced 
his intention of setting up his house with some good dowry. He also 
boasted of the grandeur of his country, his birth, and his property. By 
his promises he induced this woman to find him a chance for such a 
marriage, and she informed him of the opportunity in the said Fran- 
cesca Pompilia. The latter was then esteemed to be the true and legiti- 
mate daughter of Pietro and Violante Comparini. He set about this 
enterprise with the aid of his brother Abate Paolo, using the astute pru- 
dence '" with which the malign serpent advanced his designs in [ccix] 
Paradise to subvert Adam into disobeying God's precept and into eating 
the forbidden fruit; for [Satan] considered the matter in this way: 
" If I wish to assault the man directly, who is so strong and so resolute, 
he will turn and give me a sure repulse. It is therefore better that I 
first tempt the woman, who is of a fickle nature and soft-hearted." 
And he made his first attack upon Eve ; because when he had gained his 
point that he might have her, by her means it would be easier for him 
to win over Adam. " For he first attacked the mind of the weaker sex," 
are the ingenious words of St. Hilario. 

And so for this purpose did the said Guido devise the marriage with 
the knowledge of his brother. Abate Paolo, and likewise to this point 
he succeeded in it. For he avoided talking with Signor Pietro '" about 



170 

the marriage, by whom it would probably have been refused, and wished 
first to tempt Violante, his wife. Because by gaining her he would the 
more easily overpersuade her husband to give his consent. Nor 
was it difficult *" for him to astound the woman, because he knew how 
to impress her very well with the thought of the grandeur of his 
country, of the first-rate nobility of his blrth,''^ and of the great income 
from his patrimony, amounting to 1,700 scudi.'" And he gave her an 
itemized account of it written with his own hand. She was enchanted 
thereby and, without getting any further information about the matter, 
she was able to persuade her husband and to extract from him his 
consent to it." This proves what we read written in Proverbs: " A 
wife takes captive the soul of her husband." He speaks this of Mor- 
decai who availed himself of Esther, when he wished to placate the 
anger of Ahasuerus against his people; of Joab, who used the services 
of the woman of Tekoah when he wished to soften the anger of David 
against his son; and of the Philistines of Timnath, when they wished 
to gain from Samson the secret of the riddle proposed to them at the 
marriage feast. 

The credulous but deceived woman so cajoled her husband " that she 
at last induced him to sign the marriage agreement providing for a 
dowry of 26 bonds "' and, at the death of the said Comparini, for all 
their possession,"- amounting, as the Anonymous Writer acknowledges, 
to the sum of 12,000 scudl." And, for the purpose of making the said 
Franceschlnl guardians of the said property even during the life of the 
Comparini, they had to give up even the Income of it. This property 
consisted of numbers of profitable and well-situated houses, and of 
bonds.'" The Franceschlnl also assumed the obligation [ccx] to take 
the said Comparini to the city of Arezzo, and there to feed, clothe,*' 
and provide them such service as they would need. This promise was 
made not without the hope that on account of the insults and sufferings 
which they would have to bear their death would be hastened. And 
thus Guido would become the absolute master of their property. 

After having signed the said agreement Pletro absolutely refused to 
go on with the effectuation of the marriage ^* of the said Francesca 
Pompilia, with the abovesald Guldo, of whom he had had few good 
reports;^' and these were far different from the pretended riches and 
vaunted nobility. Hence one may well say of him what Persius con- 
cludes in his fourth Satire: " See what has no real existence; let the 
rabble carry off their presents elsewhere. Dwell with yourself, and you 
will know how meager your furnishing may be." 

At any rate, the said Guido joined the said Violante, whom he had 
imbued with his flatteries and endearments, spurning any further con- 
sent of Pietro by keeping him In ignorance of it. And without the 
knowledge of the latter, Guido contracted the marriage with the said 



lyi 

Francesca Pompllia in the face of the Church.^" And he evermore dis- 
closes by this act, which shows so little reverence to the promiser of the 
dowry, his own greed,*" not merely for the amount which had been 
assigned to him in the marriage agreement, but also for the rest of 
Pietro's property. For he felt sure that after Pietro's death the prop- 
erty, by the entail "* of the ancestors, would necessarily fall to the said 
Francesca Pompilia, who was already his wife. 

When, after a few days, Pietro found out **' that the marriage had 
taken place, though he reproved the deed vigorously, yet because what 
is done can not be undone, and by means of the cajoleries of Violante 
his wife ** and the Interposition of another Cardinal, whom the Abate, 
Guido's brother,"" served, the poor old fellow was constrained to drink 
the cup of his bitterness. And he came, as it were by force, after many 
months to the stipulations of the dowry agreement. He quickly began 
to feel the effects of Franceschini's trick, since Guido had scarcely a 
single soldo of his own to pay the first expenses of that marriage agree- 
ment. Hence, to supply these, he was obliged, against the wish of 
Pietro to free from entail five of the bonds, or more, by the authority 
of the Auditor of the Most Illustrious Governor, and to sell them for 
[ccxi] meeting these expenses. Hence one may see clearly that the 
primary object of Franceschini in this proceeding was to trick Pietro, 
and Violante his wife, and their poor child, to enrich himself with the 
property of others." 

He can no longer deny the fraudulent pretense of vaunted riches of 
the Franceschini in the note written in his own hand ^- and given to the 
Comparinl. And Indeed the Anonymous Writer confesses it openly. 
For, in order to free Abate Paolo from complicity in that trick, the 
latter pretended that he took Guido his brother to task roundly for 
the alteration of the said note. The said Comparinl very quickly found 
this out. For as soon as they had gone to Arezzo they learned that the 
property of the Franceschini family was very slight. And such were 
the miseries and abuses "^ that the Comparinl had to suffer in victuals 
and In harsh treatment that they were obliged to return to Rome "" 
after a few months ;^^ for they were locked out of the home and had to 
go to the tavern to lodge; and these abuses were for the purpose of 
shortening their lives, either by their sufferings, or the fury caused 
thereby. And this fact is very evidently proved by the rent-rolls taken 
from the public records of the city of Arezzo. From these it Is shown 
that the said Guido did not possess a single dollar's worth of the settled 
property mentioned In the said note. It Is also untrue that he and his 
family enjoyed the highest rank of nobility In the city, because, from 
other extracts drawn from the public records of the city, it is evident 
that his family Is of only secondary rank.^* 



172 

The abovesaid crafty and fraudulent methods of dealing, which 
came to light long before the murder had followed, and which became 
known in this Court and in Arezzo, can well show that greed '"' was the 
origin of this premeditated slaughter (which was put in execution in 
such a horrible manner, as is notorious) and not the pretended ground 
of injured honor. For, according to common opinion. Abate Paolo, 
no less than Guido his brother, had worked the tricks "" exposed as 
above. And by men they were suspected of subterfuge and craft, so that 
this made them more sensible of injury than anything else. Hence they 
could no longer boast the grandeur of their nobility and the affluence of 
their riches, which they had spread abroad on the lips of the crowd. 
And every one avoided having anything to do with them,"' as persons 
of bad faith and as [ccxii] usurping a glory to which they had no real 
right. 

The greediness of this self-interest became greatly inflamed; so that 
in these Franceschini brethren one may see the common axiom verified: 
" Craft is deluded by craft." '"* That is to say, Violante was urged on 
by remorse of conscience "^ and by the abuses and injuries received in 
their house, and was constrained by her confessor ^"^ at the time of the 
Jubilee '"^ to reveal to Pietro, her husband, that the said Francesca 
Pompilia was not their daughter, but was of a false birth.^"' And this 
seems very probable in view of the age of 48,"* which Violante had 
reached, when she pretended to be pregnant with her; because in the 
fourteen years, during which she had lived in lawful matrimony with 
Pietro, she had never had children. Also, by witnesses then living,"" 
she could afford conclusive proof of the pretense of the birth. And 
when notice of that had been given to Abate Paolo, that he might come 
to some compromise over the annulling of the dowry contract for the 
entire patrimonial property, he spurned the kind offers made to him 
through the mediation of friendly persons and refused every means of 
peace. Then a warning (as to the falsity of the said birth and the 
illegality of the dowry contract) was served on him by Pietro before 
Monsignor Tommati.""^ And conclusive proof of the birth was given by 
six witnesses,""^ who were examined before the judge with questions 
offered in behalf of the said Franceschini. Yet the same judge saw 
best to forward the case during the mere immediate possession, by con- 
tinuing to the said Francesca Pompilia the quasi-possession of her par- 
enthood.'"'* Nevertheless, an appeal was taken from his sentence,""* 
and it was committed to the Sacred Rota, before Monsignor Molines,""- 
where it still hangs undecided """^ as to the principal point of the pre- 
tended parentage and the nullity of the dowry contract. For righteous 
judgment in such a tribunal the judge doubtless awaited for conclusive 
proofs of the said pretense of birth. The nullity of the dowry contract 
would none the less be decided, because it had made declaration that the 



^73 

said Francesca Pompilia was their daughter. And with this falsehood 
the advantage which the Franceschini had obtained for their own selfish 
gain by such tricks would cease. 

All this is proved by the reflection that the trick of Franceschini was 
made public, not merely in Rome, but in Arezzo, [ccxiii] and that he 
also was deluded by a similar artifice because of the proofs already 
made, while judgment was pending, that the said Francesca Pompilia 
was not the real and legitimate daughter of the said Comparini. On 
the ground of these far-fetched suspicions, Guido made pretense of a 
reason for maltreating her with insults and blows, and more than once 
he provided himself with a sword "* and fire-arms to take her life. 
He did this to take vengeance upon her for his own trick, by which he 
had been deluded.'"* Therefore it was quite right for the poor wife, 
who was of the tender age of sixteen years and a stranger in the place, 
to avoid the rage of her husband at different times by fleeing for pro- 
tection to Monsignor the Bishop,'^^ and to the Governor,*^^ or Com- 
missioner of the City, that they might put some check upon the cruelties 
she was suffering. And although these persons by their interest in the 
matter succeeded for the time in putting a stop to the threats, yet the 
poor intimidated wife always passed her days shut in a room.'" And 
her fear was greatly increased because she saw that the said Guido had 
made a mixture of poison "^ with which he threatened he would take 
her life without the uproar attendant on the use of arms; and thus he 
would be the surer of his crime going unpunished. Now if, even at a 
time when no shadow of suspicion of dishonor had fallen, the husband 
was contriving the death of his wife, the Anonymous Writer might well 
abstain from soiling his pages for the purpose of proving that the 
slaughter of those murdered had had its origin in the impulse to repair 
offended honor. For his pages would have had much better foundation 
if he had consulted the truth, namely that these crimes had arisen from 
deluded self-interest." ""* 

The poor wife, in her agitation over these difficulties that we have 
told, had nothing else to do but think of finding refuge from the 
death she feared. And when her mind was somewhat sharpened by its 
vexations, she intrusted herself to the Canon Conti,'" who is closely 
related to the Franceschini, and declared to him her miseries, her perils, 
and her just fears (although they were not unknown to him), in order 
that he might try to give her consolation by placing her life in safety. 
He was touched with living compassion and was moved to free her 
therefrom by pity for the grievous state in which she was. And he well 
knew that there was no other escape than flight from the home of her 
husband, according to the saying of the poet [Virg. A., Ill, 44] : 
" Alas, flee the cruel earth, flee the greedy shore." But not being able 
to give her aid in this affair, [ccxiv] he suggested to her that for putting 



174 

the matter into execution, there was no better person to the purpose 
than Canon Giuseppe Caponsacchi,"'' ^^ his friend and intimate, whose 
spirit had stood every test/'' And when ContI had spoken of it to him, 
although Caponsacchi saw difficulty in aiding the desire of the young 
woman, because he did not wish to incur the anger of the Franceschini, 
yet at last the impulse of charity and pity "'^ prevailed upon him to free 
this innocent woman from death. And when his readiness for the 
attempt was reported to her by Conti, she did not fail to inflame him 
with more messages and letters,^" even containing alluring endearments, 
for the effecting of her escape. Yet she also kept during all this time 
her constant desire of not violating her marriage-vow, since in some of 
these letters '^- she praises the Canon for his chastity, and in others 
reproves him for having sent her some rather improper octaves. She 
also warned him against degenerating from the good behavior, on which 
she had congratulated herself and had planned with him the flight. 

While her husband and the whole household were asleep, both of 
them, with the assistance of the Canon Conti,'^ set out upon a headlong 
journey ^'** by post, without losing a moment's time, except for changing 
horses; and they arrived by night at Castelnuovo. And although the 
host had prepared a bed for rest, nevertheless they did not avail them- 
selves of it. For Caponsacchi was always solicitously watching ^" to 
see that the driver prepared other horses,^'' to continue the journey to 
its end. Nor did the host of that tavern, when cross-examined in the 
prosecution for flight, ever dream of bearing witness that the wife and 
Caponsacchi had slept together ^^^ in the bed that was prepared, even 
though Franceschini, to his own dishonor, had published the contrary, 
that he might, by the pretense of injured honor, throw a false light upon 
the true grounds of the murders committed by him. 

In the meantime her husband arrived. When his wife saw him, did 
she, timid as she was,''^* shrink back? Did she acknowledge herself 
guilty of any sin, or of any wrong done to him in guarding her purity 
and modesty? No! But all on fire, though she was at the tender age 
of sixteen years, as I have already said, the constancy of her own honor 
rebuked "" him for the tricks and abuses "° which he had employed, 
and for the threats and blows he had very often given her, and for the 
poisonous drugs"' he had prepared to take her life. And [she de- 
clared] that she had been obliged to do as she had done, to find an 
escape by flight from graver peril, [ccxv] and to go back to the pity of 
the Comparini, who had raised her as their daughter; and that she had 
always been careful to keep her wifely honor intact. The same rebuke 
was made by Caponsacchi,^^" who during the flight had religiously 
observed the limits of due modesty. 

What did Franceschini answer? What did he try to do, although he 
was armed with a sword ^"* against his defenseless wife and against 



175 

Caponsacchi, who had with him only a little dagger? ^-^ Nothing, 
indeed! according to what witnesses who were present deposed; for 
he stood convicted by the just remonstrances of his wife.""*' But what 
did he do? He gave up all vengeance, which by right of natural law, or 
much more by civil law, he might have taken for that;*"^ and, as the 
Anonymous Writer goes on to boast in justifying him for this execrable 
crime, he implored the arm of the Law "-' and had his wife and Capon- 
sacchi arrested by the authorities "^ of the place. And at his own 
instance they were conducted as prisoners to the prisons ^^^ of the Most 
Illustrious Governor of Rome, before whom Guido charged them with 
flight. Then, not content with this, he brought forward that other 
charge of supposed adultery committed with the said Caponsacchi.^^' 
He also outdid himself greatly by making noisy petition to the Supreme 
Pontiff -''° for their punishment, and the latter sent back "*^ his entreaties 
to Monsignor the Governor. He was brazen enough to demand, with 
a new complaint, that his wife should be declared an adulteress and 
that to him, according to law, should pass all the gain of the dowry." 
This in substance clearly proves that he did not insist on vengeance for 
the reparation of his honor, which he himself had passed by, but he did 
all this for the sole object of gain, that is to win the dowry.''® 

What efforts, what exclamations, what diligence did Franceschinl 
and Abate Paolo, his brother, not use to have the wife declared an 
adulteress and to gain the desired lucre? " Monsignor, the Most Illus- 
trious Governor,^^" knows it, who endured with all forbearance their 
passionate pressure upon him. Signor Venturini,"" judge in the case, 
knows it. And all the other judges and notaries of the Court, who were 
nauseated by their importunity, know this very well. Then since judg- 
ment could not in any event fall according to the designs of the Frances- 
chini, as there was no proof in the trial of any offense, either in the 
wife or in the said Caponsacchi, the most Religious Judges, who in 
prudence were judging rigorously [ccxvi] (for the purpose of giving 
some satisfaction -'" to the Franceschinl brothers in their strong insist- 
ence, rather than because of the obligations of justice), banished the 
said Caponsacchi to Civita Vecchia for three years."" Caponsacchi 
straightway obeyed this sentence and has never left the place assigned 
him.""^ The case was left undecided as regards the wife who was 
placed in the Nunnery of the Scalette as a prison.^^*' Then when there 
was some question as to her pregnancy,""^' with equal prudence, she was 
removed from the nunnery by the order of the Most Illustrious Gov- 
ernor; for it was not decorous that she should give birth to a child there. 
And with the consent of the said Abate Paolo "*' she was placed in the 
home of the said Comparini under security of 300 scudi to keep it as a 
secure prison.^** 



176 

On this point the Anonymous Writer disputes too bitterly what was 
written learnedly by the Fisc, and claims that the consent of the said 
Abate Paolo had not been given. But the great and incorruptible 
integrity of the Fisc is known to everyone; because of which he would 
be unwilling to give his word in writing for what was not evident on 
the surest proof. Yet the fact of Abate Paolo's consent is plainly 
proved, since he in person so agreed with Monsignor, the Most Illus- 
trious Governor,"" and with Signor Venturini,"'" the judge, jointly. 
And he exacted from Pietro Comparini the obligation to supply her 
with food ^" without any hope of recompense. And this was so carried 
out, although the quality of the Comparini did not deserve so indecent 
a rebuke, on account of having been too indulgent with them. 

With like bitterness it is denied that the said Abate Paolo had power 
of attorney from Guido, his brother, enough to give such consent; be- 
cause, in making such a provision, Monsignor the Governor had no need 
of the consent of the parties. And, even if he had wished to show 
Abate Paolo such courtesy and urbanity, the Author should not reply 
thereto with such incivility, in criticizing the judge for having done 
wrong because of the lack of that power of attorney. For by such 
procedure [Abate Paolo] proves that he wished to trick also Mon- 
signor the Governor into consenting to a thing beyond his power. And 
he rests convicted of this, because the said Abate Paolo was the manipu- 
lator of all they did, nor was a straw moved without his assistance.'"' 
And he was well provided with abundant power of attorney by his 
brother, [ccxvii] wherefrom he had the fullest authority to do as if he 
were the very person of his brother, with a proviso of after confirma- 
tion, the efficacy of which everyone knows. And this is confessed even 
by the Anonymous Author, since he asserts that Guido at his departure 
left the entire conduct "° of his case to the Abate, his brother. But one 
may well see with what object he denies the said consent, that is, in 
order that he may more bitterly make pretense of the complicity of the 
Comparini in the pretended dishonesty of Francesca, who had been 
guarded by them as a daughter. This would seem very improbable if 
he should once admit the consent of the Abate. 

No less rancorous is the assertion made by the Anonymous Writer 
that Laniparelli laid out the money to provide Pompilia with food while 
she was in safe-keeping."'- Nor was Lamparelli reimbursed by the 
deposit in the Office, which had come from the money found on her and 
on Caponsacchi, when they were arrested at Castelnuovo, which was 
supposed to have been stolen from the husband. But the 48 scudi, 
which the wife confessed to have taken away from him, were fully 
restored to the said Abate Paolo, as is proved by his receipt, made 
during the trial. The rest of the money was conclusively proved to 
belong to Caponsacchi. And as soon as Abate Paolo received the 



177 

money, for which he continually clamored, he left Rome to take part 
in the planning of that notorious murder,^"* which followed a little 
while later. 

But there had previously been given notice, at the instance of Fran- 
cesca Pompilia before Monsignor, the Vice-Governor,"''* of a suit for 
divorce -"" and for the recovery of the dowry,^^' which had been spent. 
This was very bitter to the Franceschini, because in that lawsuit con- 
clusive proof would be made of their subterfuges, their cruelties, their 
threats of poisonous drugs "^ that had been prepared; of which the 
Canon Conti,^'' who was the mediator in that flight, had not been ignor- 
ant. And it is public talk and report throughout Arezzo that he died 
about a month ago ^^ under similar suspicious circumstances. Hereby 
ceased all hope, which the Franceschini had had from the beginning, of 
gaining the entire property of the Comparini."" And from this every 
sane mind may see and know what is the true root of such rash and 
pitiable murders; whether it is injured honor, or scandalous and 
detestable greed and cupidity." From this arose the hatred in the 
lawsuits brought and still undecided, which drew even greater dishonor 
upon the said Franceschini, and when decided would be for their ruin. 

[ccxviii] In vain therefore this Anonymous Writer and his other 
defenders wear themselves out in exaggerating the plea of injured 
honor. For then that which had no true existence would have been 
taken from Guido by his wife. This was fully proved in the arguments 
made for the Fisc, in answering those letters,"'' from which Guido drew 
his strongest proof. On the contrary, Franceschini has by his own 
deed renounced all right to repair his honor,"^ since he did not avenge 
it at the time of overtaking her in the said Inn of Castelnuovo. Nor 
does his excuse really help him — that he was unarmed, because he had 
with him indeed a sword,""* and possibly other concealed arms. For it 
is not probable that he would have been willing to go on following his 
wife accompanied by Caponsacchi, without being provided with arms. 
And this all the more because the fugitives also were unarmed and were 
provided merely with a little dagger."* But Guido preferred to chose 
the judicial road "^ and had them arrested by the police,""" and he 
demanded that the charge against them be pushed through to their 
punishment, even imploring the rescript of the Supreme Pontiff.^™ He 
also laid his entreaties again before the judges in the case (this very 
well discloses his purpose, which was the unconquerable motive of all 
his acts) and made special insistence before them for the payment of 
the price of the honor, which he pretended had been taken from him. 
And would he not even have had his wife declared an adulteress for 
the sake of gaining the dowry?*" If then he has, as one may say, 
demanded the price of his honor in the Courts, how can he be per- 
mitted to commit such awful murders for honor's sake? 



178 

For whenever a husband is permitted by reason of natural law, or 
even by the civil law, to kill his wife for honor's sake, this power and 
faculty ceases whenever the husband has renounced it by imploring, as 
above, the arm of the law. And these complaints that he made, and his 
recourse to the Pope,'*" show the price he put upon his honor. And 
with these judicial proceedings he lost, without doubt, his right of 
private vengeance for his injured honor, which he might have carried 
out. And by this one tacit renunciation this right is extinct. [Citation.] 
For the Writer can not claim that the judicial action brought by Frances- 
chini would not effect the renunciation of private vengeance [ccxix] for 
his honor, but that he could still employ the one or the other, and avail 
himself of whichever might seem better to him. For this is contrary 
to the text [Citation] which is stated as follows by the celebrated 
Canonist, Giovanni Andrea : " A choice can not gain both alternativ'es 
in seeking confirmation therefrom; even if the one is claimed to include 
that by which the man can attain the end of his intention. Therefore 
a man must chose one, and when it is chosen he can not turn to the 
other." And still clearer are the following words of the same author- 
ity: " The right to return to a second alternative shall not at all be 
allowed, when one seems to have renounced to choose the first and to 
profess that his rights can not arise therefrom." 

But although this exception from every miscarried law might be 
judged permissible, every foundation of it would be destroyed by the 
utter lack of proof of an offense received in his honor; for there was no 
proof of it in the prosecution for flight. The Anonymous Writer strives 
to deduce that from the pretended love letters ^^^ written to Capon- 
sacchi, which were denied by Francesca and were not proved to be her 
handwriting, either by her own acknowledgment or by her signature. 
One can not claim that she was convicted of it, nor that any legitimate 
proof of it resulted, as all judicial practice shows. 

And even if without reason we were obliged to acknowledge that they 
were written by her, would it not be too hitter and too unreasonable 
an inference that from them arose the husband's motive for killing her 
because she had written them? No one of sound mind will be per- 
suaded to pity the husband who has gone on to kill his wife for the sole 
reason that she had written love letters. For conjugal honor is offended 
neither by note, nor by pen, but only by acts of impure dishonor; and 
of this, in our case, every shadow of proof is lacking. 

This Is all the more true because the mere suspicion of dishonor 
ceases with a thought of the true motive, for which the letters were 
written;^" namely, by pretended demonstration of affection to allure 
this Caponsacchi to rescue her from imminent peril of death. Nor from 
this could she find any other escape than by flight; for she was always 
terrorized by the anger and hatred conceived by her husband for 



'79 

feigned reasons, [ccxx] And therefore, as the love letters arose from 
that occasion they ought to be referred to it, and not to a dishonorable 
wish to smirch her conjugal faith to her husband. To the same cause, 
likewise, should certain conversations be referred, which she had had 
from the window with the said Caponsacchi in order to arrange the 
manner of saving her life, and not to give offense, nor to hazard her 
own modesty, nor the honor of her husband. Even the most chaste of 
women have used like artifices. We find in the Sacred Scriptures that 
Judith *-" entrapped Holofernes in the same way, for the purpose of 
winning the liberty of her native land. And so it may be no less per- 
missible for this poor woman, who was solely intent upon the security 
of her life, to allure Caponsacchi -'' by amatory letters to be a safe 
companion for her in her flight, and this without any stigma of 
immodesty. 

Much less can an offense of his honor be inferred from the flight; 
because, as I noted above, this flight resulted from the cause declared. 
And one may see clearly that it was not for doing any injury to her 
husband. For the fugitives did not turn aside into unknown places,""* 
but they journeyed precipitately along the consular road by post, with- 
out spending the night anywhere.'"* And their journey was toward 
Rome, where the poor wife hoped that the Comparini, who had raised 
her as their daughter, would continue toward her those acts of love 
with which they had brought her up, even till the said marriage was 
contracted with Franceschini. 

And all that is being reported that a driver testifies he had seen 
them kissing -"" along the road has no legal foundation. For it rests 
merely on the word of a single witness of the lowest class, and he 
swears to matters that are quite improbable, because he had to drive 
the carriage with such rapidity as that with which the fugitives were 
following their journey. Hence it was almost Impossible for him to 
look backward, or to see what they were doing inside of that covered 
carriage. And this is all the more so because his deposition Is vague, 
nor does It specify whether the kisses were given at night or by day. 
But his deposition is rendered much more doubtful and improbable 
because, in such a swift journey as the carriage was making. It might 
chance during the jolting -°" of it that the accident of their faces meeting 
casually would arise, and to him this might seem the act of kissing. 
This happens very commonly, even when one is making no such 
journey, according to the quality of the road and the rough ways which 
one finds. This makes his [ccxxi] testimony insufficient and doubtful 
enough or, even further, It Is audacious and Incredible. 

Then as to the other point which the Anonymous Writer asserts too 
bitterly, namely, that when they arrived at Castelnuovo the innkeeper 
was ordered to make up only one bed for the repose of the fugitives. 



i8o 

and that they slept together.^'^ The host, however, did not have 
the hardihood to swear, in his cross-examination, that they had slept 
together in it. This circumstance is excluded by the deposition of the 
wife as well as by that of Caponsacchi. Because their affidavits con- 
stantly affirm that neither of them went to bed for rest, but that merely 
the wife, who was worn out by the discomfort and suffering of so 
precipitate a journey, rested for a few hours seated in a chair; and 
that the bed was left arranged as the host had adjusted it; and it would 
have been found mussed, if they had slept in it. It is also proved that 
when Franceschini arrived at the said place he found Caponsacchi 
urging that the horses be harnessed for continuing the journey,"'" and 
no proof is given to the contrary. Nor can one justly pity Franceschini 
for his injured honor, which had been kept Intact by the fugitives. 

Likewise the title,"'* to which the same Writer appeals — that the 
decree of condemnation for Caponsacchi's banishment had been Inflicted 
because of criminal knowledge,"' to the Injury of Guide's honor — has 
no real foundation ; because this title was corrected as untrue, and not 
in accord with the proofs. Of this fact we may have as legitimate 
witnesses the very Governor himself, and all the judges and notaries 
of the tribunal who have any part in the criminal court. And if one 
will only give It due thought, the title of that case was placed there, 
just as a wine bush "" hangs outside the door of an Inn, which very well 
shows that they sell wine there, but does not prove whether what they 
sell Is good, and salable, and agreeable. Oh ! by no means. For one 
may find the wine there to be sharp, and muddy, and of other inferior 
qualities. If therefore we read the documents and the proofs registered 
during the prosecution, by which the crime is proved, and not by the 
erroneous title, which can not offer a shadow of proof for the pretended 
criminal commerce, there Is even less suspicion of immodesty. And 
one can well understand that all proof was lacking during the prose- 
cution, [ccxxii] from the mildness "" of the penalty inflicted, which 
does not at all correspond with the gravity of the crime charged. One 
can also see the impropriety of condemning Caponsacchi as an adult- 
erer "" while the cause against the wife was still pending;"'" because 
she could not be condemned while undefended. 

But to remove every suspicion of this pretended adultery, I beg any 
dispassionate reader to reflect that the adultery could not have been 
committed in i\.rezzo, because to the guardianship of her husband was 
added that of the brothers, of their common mother, of the servant, of 
the relatives, and of the neighbors; yea, the voluntary imprisonment"' 
of the unfortunate child, who was always shut in a small room to guard 
her honor. Much less could adultery have been committed during the 
journey, as has been proved to be utterly unlikely, improbable, un- 
proved, and far from the truth. Nor could it have been committed at 



i8i 

Rome; for it is well known that Pompilia was taken from Castelnuovo 
to prison, "^^ and from there was removed to the Nunnery of the 
Scalette,-" and then because of her pregnancy "^^ was consigned to the 
said Comparini, under the form of keeping their house as a prison with 
security of 300 scudi.'" Caponsacchi also was staying then at his 
place of banishment in Civita Vecchia. In this fact all suspicion ceases, 
since the consent of Abate Franceschini,"** who is so zealous for his 
brother's honor, as well as his own, concurred therein. 

Nor can one restrain himself without strong exertion when he hears 
such exaggeration from the Anonymous Writer as that Caponsacchi 
left his prison to go in banishment to Civita Vecchia at a time when 
the wife was staying in the house of the said couple, as a prison, and that 
he lodged -"^ in their house. But he can not speak a more barefaced lie 
than that, because Caponsacchi has never been their guest, and as soon 
as he left the prison he went to the place of his exile; and he has 
faithfully observed his banishment without ever returning to Rome. 
Nor did the wife leave the nunnery before it was proved to Monsignor 
the Governor that Caponsacchi was staying in Civita Vecchia, as was 
established by the authentic testimony of the Chancellor of that district. 

The said Writer, however, gives me even more room to blame his 
excessive boldness in stigmatizing the honor of Franceschini as sullied 
by his wife, by saying that as soon as Guido had ascended the stairs in 
company with his fellows, armed to commit this execrable murder, he 
looked about upon those walls,^-^ which were all full of his insults, as 
if the said silent stones [ccxxiii] had known how to make contrivances 
of foolish thoughts to foment his inhumanity for so horrible a murder. 
Because for this he can give no other proof than that he was writing 
fancifully without any foundation. For Guido was indeed willingly 
dishonored; because to his other dishonors he added these disgraces 
also, even by his own wrongdoing. For it is made very clear above 
that the cause for which he committed the crime was not to repair his 
honor, which had been injured by his wife. But it was his unmasked 
tricks, the hoped-for lucre," which had vanished, and the lawsuits still 
pending. 

And why can he not bring some other no less convincing proof, if 
honor urged Franceschini thereto? And was not that honor sufficiently 
avenged by the death of his wife? Why imbrue himself straightway 
with the blood of Violante and Pietro,*" who were not accomplices 
in the pretended dishonor? And why should he lay such plots through 
many days to procure the death of that kindly benefactor, because the 
latter had been moved by pity and had ministered to their aid in the said 
lawsuits? Upon that one there has never fallen a suspicion prejudicial 
to Guido's honor. For while the wife was in Arezzo he was staying 
at Rome. And when she was first married she was not fully thirteen 



l82 

years old, and after her flight, when she had returned to Rome, we 
know that she continued under guard in prison, or in the nunnery, and 
then in the home of her parents, and at this time she was very near her 
confinement. Hence one can concUide truly that the motive of this 
murder was other than that of honor, and that it was his greed," as 
was said, and the lawsuits,^" as Franceschini himself confesses in his 
cross-examination. 

Nor ought the declaration made by the said wife in the face of death 
be despised, since in the presence of many priests and persons who are 
quite trustworthy, even while she was constantly suffering from such 
severe wounds, she maintained and professed with greatest frankness 
that she had always lived chaste and faithful to her husband.^^^ And 
with a heart in fullest resignation to the Divine Mercy, she prayed 
pardon for every mistake she had committed to the disgrace of her hus- 
band. Nor in such a matter is it to be presumed that the one dying 
lies, at the risk of the eternal safety of her soul.^"" A person should 
also reflect that in this deed there occurs a special favor ^^' from the 
hand of the very Omnipotent, who caused the wife to survive for a 
few days, in order that she might [ccxxiv] make clear her own inno- 
cence and throw light upon the murderers ; for without this the crimes 
would have gone unpunished. For during the same crime Franceschini 
had repeatedly commanded his companions to see if she were quite 
dead. And when they had taken her by the tresses,^" and had lifted her 
from the ground where she lay, they believed she was dead; because the 
poor wife, by natural instinct,'^^ knew how to feign it by her relaxation, 
as the delinquents confessed. And this mark of divine favor ^*^ all 
the more verifies the declaration of the wife, which has been proved by 
the confession of those guilty of the crime. 

I have left it for the last to discuss and refute what the said Writer 
pretends concerning Abate Paolo.^"^ But if he had to speak the truth, 
he might reasonably affirm that the Abate ^" had been the whole founda- 
tion of this scandal. For he had urged Guido on to the murders, and 
he had woven the whole plot, inasmuch as it was he who, from the 
beginning wished to attain, by dint of industry and trickiness, the mar- 
riage of the said Francesca Pompilia. It was he who had sustained the 
suits, both civil and criminal, and he who, under the name of a grandee 
and by boasting of their word of honor, had tried to extort a judgment 
by means of fine insinuations, by subterfuge, and by trickery; which was 
not right. It was he, who was very sensible of having been proved to 
be the man of guile, who had been deluded by his own trick."** There- 
fore this Writer had good reason to say that the faces of others served 
the Abate as mirrors by which to read his own evil courses, and not 
the lost honor of his brother. 



i83 

I forbear to respond to what the Anonymous Writer has tried to 
have beheved to the praise of Abate Paolo Franceschini, to excite 
greatly our pity; since the intention"'' of the author of the present 
response is no other than to make clear the falsity of the suppositions 
against the honor of the poor wife and against the Comparini, and to 
serve the cause of justice. And he leaves the judgment of it to those 
who have full knowledge of it. From the same consideration I pass 
over responding to the many other improprieties, which have been 
advanced uselessly and without any point by the said Writer. 

And I close my response with the example of Samson, alleged by him. 
When he saw himself exposed to the public scoffs of the people, he gave 
a shove to the pillars of the palace, causing it to fall that he might die 
with the rest under its ruins, [ccxxv] and might cease to be longer 
the scorn of that people. So lest the said Franceschini may be ridiculed 
for his tricks, it is fitting that he and his companions pay the penalty 
merited by their crime. For these are pernicious to the State and to that 
peace and security which litigants in the Courts of Rome ought to enjoy, 
if we would maintain what the vigilance of the Supreme Pontiff Alex- 
ander VII, and his successors, has provided. For they have published 
a Constitution as to that, and with it Banns, successively promulgated. 
The sacred order of such laws should be observed all the more willingly, 
inasmuch as Guido had chosen the judicial way to vengeance, and the 
appeals made to the Supreme Pontiff,^*" who is most eager to do what is 
just,"- were sent back to his judges.^*' Nor could Guido grieve for this 
without some pretended injury, as is evident; hence the Anonymous 
Writer wished to ascribe it to the aggravation by which the anger of 
Franceschini had been exasperated. This clearly shows with what 
intent he had broken into such detestable excesses. 



[ccxxvi is blank in original.] 



[ccxxvii] Romana Homicidiorum. 

[Pamphlet i6.] 

Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Lord: 

I omit further discussion with my Lord Advocate of the Fisc about 
the communication of his allegations, because the time is brief, and I 
have professed great reverence for him since my youth. Let me also 
pass over the claim that when one is arguing about death inflicted by a 
husband upon his wife, not in the act of taking her in adultery, but 
after an interval, mere suspicion, however strong, is not sufficient to 
redeem him from the ordinary penalty of the Cornelian law, but that 
the clearest proof of the adultery is required, as is claimed by our oppo- 
nents. Yet we have proved the contrary in our former argument § qttam- 
quam ad hoc. [Cf. p. xxvi.] And Dondeus, Sanfelicius, and Muta, who 
were not cited there, hold that it is quite enough if the couple be found 
alone in some retreat; and No. 3 says especially if the wife be beautiful. 
[Citation.] See the word of Ovid : " Great is the strife of modesty with 
beauty, And man keeps eagerly craving it." [Heroides, Paris to 
Helen.] So in the present case, according to the same author: " By 
this young and passionate man is she supposed to have been returned 
still a virgin?" [Heroides, 5, 109.] 

At present, we are dealing with a case not merely of clearest proof, 
but also of notorious fact; because we have a decree of this very Tri- 
bunal, by which such adultery was declared."^ Although the words of 
this decree have been given in the present information, § Absque eo 
quod [cf. p. cxxvi], yet I wish to repeat them here, because they are so 
clear: " Giuseppe Maria Caponsacchi, of Arezzo, for complicity in 
the flight and running away of Francesca Comparini, and for criminal 
knowledge of the same, is banished for three years to Civita Vecchia." 

But I can not pass over what is still claimed — that this decree was 
revoked — because, as I have said in my information, the truth is quite 
the contrary; for we have only the fact that, in the mandate for impris- 
oning the sinning Canon, the repetition of the whole decree, as given 
above, was omitted, and it was said : " For the cause, concerning which 
in the suit." These words are so far from showing a revocation that 
they rather offer confirmation of the said decree, as we have affirmed in 
our information, § Nee verum est. [Cf. p. cxxvi.] The same should be 
said of the like words furnished by the notary in the bond which 
Francesca Pompilia executed to keep the home of her father as a 
prison.-"* This was when she was brought there from the nunnery, 
where she had been staying securely, on the grounds of her supposed 

184 



i85 

infirmity,^'^ but I may say more truly that it was because of her preg- 
nancy, which she wished to hide by some evil deed. 

[Our claim is all the more true] because this pretended revocation of 
the decree could not be made when the other side had not been heard, 
as I have said in my information § Eoque magis. [Cf. p. cxxvii.] 

[ccxxviii] Likewise I can not pass over what is said as to the Canon 
having been condemned only to the penalty of banishment "^ because 
of defect of proof "" of adultery. For if such proof had not existed, 
how could my Lords Judges express in the decree that they condemned 
him for criminal knowledge of the same Francesca Pompilla ? It is 
the truth that the judges held that the said adultery was most con- 
clusively proved, and that the said Canon was convicted of the same, 
since in the prosecution nothing is wanting but the taking of them in 
the foul act; and this is not necessary to prove adultery. [Citations.] 

The penalty to which the said Canon was condemned did not indeed 
correspond with the said crime."'" As to this many replies may be made, 
but, because this has no connection with Count Guido let it also pass 
by. For however that may be, who can deny that Count Guido, on 
reading the said decree, which needed no comment, ought justly to be 
angered for the conjugal faith violated toward himself? And who 
can deny that he ought to be somewhat excused, if afterward he took 
vengeance for such a violation? [Citations.] 

And this is true, although he took such vengeance after an interval, as 
was plainly demonstrated in my said past information, § nee verum est. 
[Cf. p. xxvi.] For there are few authorities who hold the contrary, 
and therefore it would be almost heretical to doubt the truth of such 
an opinion. [Citation.] Especially since this has been accepted in 
almost all the tribunals in the world, especially in that of the Sacred 
Council, which establishes the precedent for all the other tribunals of 
the City and of the entire Ecclesiastical State. Hence Concioli affirms 
that it is almost like sacrilege to depart from this opinion. [Citation.] 

And is it not a fine pretense to wish to exclude the plainest proofs of 
adultery by the word of the very wife convicted of it, and then retained 
in the nunnery by reason of it, as my honorable Lord Procurator 
General of the Fisc has ingenuously acknowledged? For a person is 
not obliged to disclose his own baseness in the face of death, as we have 
proved in the said present information, § Et qitatetius [cf. p. cxxx], and 
the § following. And since she had lived badly, not to say in utter 
baseness, to the injury of the honor and reputation of her husband, we 
inflict no injury on her by wishing to presume that even in death she 
did not come to her right mind, according to the saying: " He who 
lives badly dies badly." And no one, even in death, is presumed to be a 
Saint John the Baptist, as in my information § Nee valet did. [Cf. p. 
cxxxi.] 



1 86 

As therefore it remains firmly established that Count Guido had just 
cause for killing, or causing to be killed, Francesca Pompilia, [ccxxix] 
his wife, the same must be said as to the murder of Pietro and Vio- 
lante,*"' the father-in-law and mother-in-law. For in the prosecution 
of the said Francesca Pompilia for flight from her husband, proof also 
came to light that they had conspired in that same crime, and conse- 
quently were among the causes of the injured honor and reputation of 
Count Guido. And this injury to his honor had also resulted from what 
they had pretended and had exposed before everyone — that his wife 
was not their daughter, nor legitimately born, but was the daughter of 
a harlot."" And afterward they had received her into their home when 
she had been declared an adulteress. For either she was their daughter, 
and they ought not to deny it in Court, or else she was not their 
daughter, and they should not receive her into their home after she 
had been convicted of adultery. For in doing so they had, by that 
very act, declared that they had been and wished to be her panders. 
[Citations.] 

The confession of Count Guido can not be divided from its qualifica- 
tion, that he had demanded the murders for honor's sake. But it ought 
to be accepted by the Fisc along with the said qualification, as we have 
proved in our information § Hnhisviodi enhn confessio. [Cf. p. cxxix.] 
The authorities alleged to the contrary by my Lord Advocate of the 
Fisc hold good in a qualification, extraneous to the confession itself and 
which is not therefore proved otherwise, and when there is argument 
for some extraordinary penalty, and we have admitted this in our 
information § Prasertim. [Cf. p. cxxx.] 

But just as the plea of injured honor relieves Count Guido from the 
ordinary penalty for murder, so should he be excused from certain 
other ordinary penalties, laid in the Banns and Apostolic Constitutions 
against those bearing prohibited arms "' or committing other crimes. 
For I have said, and I repeat, that the just anger which excuses him 
from the one crime should also excuse him from the others, since this 
reason is everywhere and always in his favor, that he was not of sound 
mind,"* according to what was afl'irmed in our information from 
§ Agnoscit Fiscus [cf. p. cxxxiv], down to § Quo vero ad litem. [Cf. p. 
cxxxvii.] 

And just as this cause is enough to gain for Count Guido a diminution 
of the penalty, so should it be considered to be sufficient likewise to gain 
that favor for his fellows, who as auxiliaries can not be punished with a 
greater penalty than the principal himself, according to almost innumer- 
able authorities, and they of great name, who were alleged in my past 
argument, § Qua dicta sunt [cf. p. xxxvi], with the following, and in my 
present argument § Verum et Sociis. [Cf. p. cxxvi.] To this, no 
response has been given by the other side. 



1 87 

This Is all the easier as regards Blaslo Agostinelli,'" who has not at 
all confessed that he killed or wounded any one, but only that he was 
present, as we have formerly considered the matter in our information 
§ Quoad Blashnn. [Cf. p. cxxxviii.] 

And as to Domenico and Francesco, beside what has been deduced in 
favor of the others, they are foreigners,''-^ and are therefore not bound 
by the Banns of the Governor ( for by these, men who live outside of 
the District are not bound) [ccxxx] nor by the Apostolic Constitu- 
tions prohibiting the bearing of arms,*'^ as we have said in our past 
argument § Quae eo facilius. [Cf. p. xxxix.] 

This is all the more so since Domenico still asserts that he is a 
minor,*-^ "■* and for this purpose he was so described in the Prosecution, 
page 304. And as regards Francesco, beside the abovesaid description 
in the same prosecution, page 35, we have the baptismal register, which 
conclusively proves his age. [Citations.] For he was born the 14th 
day of February, 1674, from which it is evident that at the time of the 
commission of the crime, which is to be had in regard for punishment, 
[Citations] he had not completed the twenty- fourth year of his age.*" 
And to one less than twenty-five years old the penalty should be dimin- 
ished, etc. [Citations.] 

And this indeed is of necessity, and not at the discretion of the 
judge, because such diminution of penalty arises by advantage of law 
that has been passed and from intrinsic reason, diminishing the penalty. 
[Citations.] 

Although there are not lacking some authorities who think the 
contrary, namely that it all depends upon the discretion of the judge, 
yet our opinion is the truer and the more generally accepted in criminal 
causes which are not very atrocious. [Citations.] And when the crime 
is merely savage, or more savage, the judge is obliged by the very 
necessity of his duty to diminish the penalty, according to those author- 
ities recently alleged. [Citations.] 

This opinion also has a place In the crime of murder, notwithstanding 
the order of the text. [Citation.] " If any one should make you a 
defendant under the Cornelian Law, It Is suitable that your innocence 
shall defend and purge Itself by your minority." For the order of this 
text should be Interpreted thus, namely that a delinquent who is a minor 
is [ccxxxi] not to be excused entirely, but is only to be punished more 
mildly, according to the old authorities who arc cited with abundant 
hand by Farinaccl. [Citations.] 

This Is especially so when, as In the present case, the delinquent minor 
does not sin alone, but In company with others; for then he is presumed 
to be seduced by them, and therefore the ordinary penalty comes to be 
diminished the more readily for him. [Citations.] 



1 88 

We do not know whither the Fisc pretends to turn for the destruction 
of these foundations in law, because my Honorable Lords, the coun- 
selors of the Fisc, have claimed nothing as to this matter, either in their 
past argument or the present one. For when they claim to escape our 
exception by the Florentine Statute, [Citation] that a minor of sixteen 
years is punished criminally, other responses are at hand : 

First, that the provision of this statute does not extend to crimes 
committed outside of the territory of the said State, but that the place 
of the crime and its statutes should be attended. Then these Indeed 
cease, as they do in the present case, because the Banns of the Governor 
have no place when there is argument for the punishment of a foreigner. 
This fact arises from defect of power in the Prince or official establish- 
ing them, according to what was alleged in the past argument § Quae eo 
faclUus [cf. p. xxxix], and the one following. For then the criminal 
should be punished according to common law. [Citations.] 

The second response is that the statute says nothing else than that a 
minor of sixteen years can not be punished with the ordinary penalty 
of the crime. Consequently it ought to hold good in our case, since we 
are indeed arguing about a minor exceeding sixteen years, but of one 
less than twenty-five years old. Such a rule should be drawn from 
Common Law, in view of which the said statute in such a case receives 
a passive interpretation. [Citations.] Caballus testifies that he saw it 
so practiced In diminishing the penalty to one less than twenty-five years, 
that Is to one who was eighteen years old. [Citations.] 

Finally the third response, and the one that lays the ax to the root of 
the tree. Is that the Accused Is not of the city of Florence, nor of Its 
territory, but of the territory of Arezzo. But the city of Arezzo 
[ccxxxii] and its dependencies are not bound by the statutes of Flor- 
ence ; first because they are not called subjects, but vassals, of the said 
city of Florence; and, second, because the city of Arezzo has its own 
statutes. [Citations.] For reference Is had to the ruling state, when 
other subject states have not their own statutes; but it is otherwise if 
they have them. [Citations.] 

And so they are contrary, or Incompatible. [Citations.] 

Soccinius [Citation] bears witness of what manner these statutes 
of Arezzo are, as compared with those of the city of Florence, etc., 
and this Is plain from the Rubric, etc., where It is commanded that 
those under twenty-five years can not be rendered liable, without certain 
ceremonies, as Paolo di Castro counsels. [Citation.] For from this 
statute it is sufficiently evident that in the said city and its environs a 
less age is the rule according to common law. 

So far as the Fisc may have foundations, which in our feeble judg- 
ment we have been unable to guess, I pray that these be kindly com- 
municated to me, lest the poor accused minor may remain undefended. 



1 89 

Finally, as regards Count Guido, I pray that notice be taken of the 
unfortunate condition of himself and of his noble family. For all of 
his family and connection have had enough to lament even to the last 
breath of their lives, when they look upon the ignominy brought upon 
them by this woman and her parents. And because of this, there has 
been doubt up to the very present moment whether one nearly related 
would go mad. And the excellent piety of our most clement Prince and 
Most Illustrious Lord has declared this, to whom the Accused himself 
with his whole heart commends himself in the arguments made in his 
defense, not to speak of what they may learn about it from the Anony- 
mous Author [Pamphlet lo]. [Citation.] 

Desiderio Spreti, 
Advocate of the Poor. 



[ccxxxiii is blank in original.] 



[cCXXXiv] [File-title of Pamphlet 16.] 



"By the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend 

L,ord Governor of the City in 

Criminal Cases: 

Roman Murder-case. 

For Count Guido Franceschini and his Associates, 
Prisoners, against the Fisc. 

Reply as to law, by the Honorable Advocate 
of the Poor. 



At Rome, in the type of the Reverend Apostolic Chamber, 1698. 



igo 

[ccxxxv] [Letter I.]"" 

To the illustrious Signer, my most worshipful Signor and Patron : 

Too late have arrived those proofs, which were sent to me by your 
Honor, on behalf of Signor Guido Franceschini of blessed memory. 
For when the Congregation of Monsignor the Governor had deter- 
mined, in spite of the reasons given in his favor, that Signor Guido 
was guilty under the death penalty, I obtained, with much trouble to 
myself, some delay for proving his clergyship " alleged by me. To 
this end a messenger was dispatched to Arezzo. But since the Sanctity 
of Our Lord [the Pope] did not deem it wise to postpone the execu- 
tion of the sentence already decreed, he has seen best by special writ "° 
to make denial of any clerical privilege, which might have been claimed 
[in Guido's favor], and also as regards the minority of Francesco di 
Pasquini, one of the accomplices. Hence sentence against all five has 
been executed to-day, with distinction only in the manner of their death, 
as Guido's life was ended by decapitation. This consolation survives 
for his relatives and friends, that he has been pitied by all men of 
honor and by all good men. Confessing my own shortcomings, I can 
not deny feeling infinite regret, as I attribute the whole outcome to my 
inability in offering the valid grounds. May God reward his house 
and all his friends with abundant blessedness for this tragic accident. 
Desiring your further commands I reaffirm myself as ever 

Your Excellency's most obedient servant, 
Rome, February 2 2, 1698. GiAciNTO Arcangeli.'" 

To the illustrious Signor, my most worshipful Signor and Patron, 
Signor Advocate Francesco Cencini,'" Florence. 

[ccxxxvi is blank in original.] 

[ccxxxvii] [Letter IL]"" 

Most Illustrious and most honorable Signor, my most Worshipful 
Patron : 
The proofs you send did not arrive in time, because to-day finally, 
after so many disputes, the execution of poor Signor Guido has taken 
place, with the loss of his head, while the four cutthroats have been 
hanged. The case was decided Tuesday,*'- but because his clergyship 
was adduced, and on this ground it was claimed that the death-sentence 
had no place against him, a messenger was despatched to Arezzo later 
on to get proofs of it. But the Pope yesterday issued his warrant, and 
ordered that it be carried out completely to-day. Now that the will of 
God has been fulfilled that he should suffer such a punishment, it has 
at least been brought about, in view of the argimients made in his 
defense, that he died the death of a gallant man. For aside from the 
fact that he has died with exemplary courage,"" he has also been pitied 
by all gallant men,*"* and his house has lost nothing in the matter of 
reputation. "° All Rome was there,^" as you may well believe. And 



191 

it has not been made good with all that has been written, and there have 
not been lacking admonitions of greatest consequence, since the Am- 
bassador of the Emperor "" spoke of that point on Tuesday, as he 
himself told me day before yesterday. And then the matter [ccxxxviii] 
was settled precipitately. 

I have finished the argument before the Congregation of the Council, 
and at any time that Monslgnor Secretary wishes to take it, I think we 
shall be ready. I pray you favor me with those copies of the process as 
soon as possible. And if Canon Philippo does not give us the oppor- 
tunity, he should be good enough to acknowledge it to me that I may 
think of other measures, wishing once for all to get out of this imbroglio 
if it shall be possible. And finally, I remain with all reverence, 

My most illustrious and most excellent Signor, 

Your devoted and obedient Servant, 

Rome, February 22, 1698. Gaspero del Torto. 

To the most illustrious and most honorable Signor, 

My dear Signor, Signor Francesco Cencini," Florence. 

[ccxxxix] [Letter III.] "' 

My most illustrious and excellent Signor, my most worshipful Patron : 

Tuesday "^ this most unfortunate case was brought up and the 
Congregation of the Governor decided — Delay and according to in- 
structions. The instructions were that they would await the proofs of 
the well-known clericate." At this favorable decision the defense took 
heart and Guide's good friends began to breathe again."" Then last 
evening at eight *^' o'clock Monsignor signed of his own accord the 
warrant, in denial of the clergyship so far as it might be alleged and of 
the minority of one of the accomplices. No sooner had he signed the 
warrant than the news of it sped throughout the City, and with it the 
assurance of the sentence, which has been executed to-day since dinner 
against the five; that is, the loss of his head in the case of Signor Guido, 
and the gallows for the other four accomplices. I will not tell your 
Excellency my own grief, because you yourself will be able to be a true 
witness of it. These proofs would have been of the greatest relevancy, 
but not in the present case, because Monsignor wished it so. 

I inclose the Fisc's argument,'^ except a single response, which I will 
send to you as soon as I can lay hands on it, that your Excellency may 
have the entire case. 

Now that Signor Advocate del Corto has abandoned his present 
interests I may serve your Excellency in the matrimonial case [ccxl] 
and in the other of Gomez. ^" Therefore I set myself to all that your 
Excellency shall write, praying evermore your continual commands, that 
I may ever be your Excellency's 

Obedient and humble servant, 

Rome, February 22, 1698. Carlo Antonio Ugolinuccl 



[ccxiiii] Rom ana. 

[Pamphlet 17.] 

Most Illustrious and most Reverend Lord : 

In the contention most sharply and most learnedly carried on between 
the Defenders of the Poor and the Fisc in the case of the murders 
committed by persons led by Count Guido Franceschini against the 
person of Francesca Pompilia his wife, and Pietro and Violante Com- 
parini, I refuse to descend into the arena, lest I may seem to fail In the 
office which I discharge in common with the said Defenders. My 
silent pity has delayed and let time slip by; because I believed it would 
be to the prejudice of Guido and his fellows imprisoned for that offense, 
(in whose excuse the plea of injured honor is especially strong) if I 
should wish to push the defense (which was committed to me long ago) 
of the shame and honor of the same Francesca Pompilia; for her tender 
mind has been stained by no infamy arising from impure lust, and 
against her the suspicious husband could have made no objection, 
unless wife-murder had followed, as if from this he wished to prove the 
adultery merely because he could then kill his wife, and he killed her 
that she might be believed to be an adulteress. 

But now since the case has been most sadly terminated as regards all 
of those imprisoned (for thus these things terminated which should not 
have been begun) I begin anew the dispute over that most unfortunate 
question, and assert most safely (both for the reasons fully given in 
my argument for exclusion of the asserted rape, which is reassumed 
gratuitously, and for those more fully gathered by his Honor, My Lord 
Advocate of the Fisc, in his very learned allegations distributed in 
both ^"^ presentations of the case), first that the memory of the afore- 
said Francesca Pompilia should be utterly absolved from the crime of 
adultery, which was unjustly and all too bitterly charged upon her by 
her husband, and second that declaration should be made by a definitive 
sentence that she has never violated her marriage vow. And this is in 
spite of the fact that such insistence may seem incongruous. For 
although all crimes cease with the death of the criminal [Citations] 
[ccxliv] nevertheless when a crime is atrocious, and of such a nature 
that it involves in itself a brand of infamy, its memory ever endures. 
Therefore it is worth while for the principal to vindicate the fame of the 
authoress from the asserted crime of adultery [Citation]. Peregrini 
speaks as follows: " The thirteenth case is when the heirs of one dead, 
for the purpose of purging him from the infamy which works against 
him publicly on account of crime, wish that [the court] take knowledge 
of the crime itself, for the purpose of establishing his innocence, for this 

192 



193 

is conceded by law." And Boss asserts : " Note that even if death does 
utterly remove any further penalty, yet the heirs of one who is dead 
may make a stand for his fame and honor, in order that a declaration 
may be made about that crime." And Caballus: " For although with 
the death of the delinquent, a crime may be said to be extinct so far 
as his own person is concerned, yet the heirs of the accused, in their own 
interest and to wipe out the infamy of the one who is dead, may petition 
that the court go on to give an opinion, and that it be declared that the 
dead one had not committed crime." And he affirms the same under 
the following number. 

And indeed this is not without manifest reason. For just as the Fisc 
may go further in the investigation of a crime that had been perpetrated 
during the lifetime of the one now dead, even for the purpose of 
damning his memory, [Citations] likewise it can not be denied by the 
principal himself, as the beneficiary heir and successor of the same 
Pompilia and Pietro Comparini, that inasmuch as her innocence is 
evident he may insist upon carrying away a sentence of absolution; for 
in other cases any one at all may have a chance to defend one who is 
dead. [Citations.] 

[ccxlv] And to delay such a judgment it is not right that the flight 
again be alleged, which the said Pompilia made in the company of 
Canon Caponsacchi, with whom she was arrested at the inn of Castel- 
nuovo. For to remove that charge it is quite enough for one to allege 
the judgment of this Most Illustrious Congregation, given under the 
date of February i8, last past, against Guido Franceschini, because of 
which he was publicly put to death on the twenty-second day following, 
notwithstanding the fact that, to avoid the penalty of wife-murder, he 
insisted solely upon the asserted adultery, which he claimed had resulted 
from the aforesaid flight from home. All suspicion whatsoever of her 
dishonesty ceases because of the defenses then made and because, in the 
very prosecution, there was apparent a very just reason, on account of 
which the wretched wife attempted to flee thus from the home of her 
husband. Nor was it for the purpose of satisfying lust with the asserted 
lover, but that she might go back to her own hearth and there, with 
her parents, might live a safe and honest life. This cause is very 
plainly proved by the notorious quarrels "' which arose on account of 
the poverty of the domestic establishment immediately after her arrival 
at the City of Arezzo along with Pietro and Violante Comparini in 
execution of the agreement included in the marriage-contract."' And 
on account of this poverty the Comparini were obliged, after a few 
months,"* to go back to the City,^"" with no small bitterness on account 
of the deception which they had detected. This is evident from the 
letters of Abate Paolo Franceschini, which presuppose these complaints 
that resulted from the said deception, and especially from the letter 
13 



194 

written March 6, 1694: " I write again to you that I do not wish to 
imitate him in his manner of writing, not being of his mind to sow 
broadcast in my letters such words as would well merit response by 
deeds, and not by words. And these are so offensive that I have kept 
them for his reproof and mortification." And further on : " So that if 
you give trouble, which I will never believe, you yourself will not be 
exempt therefrom." It is also evident from the letters given in my past 
information, and especially in § Videns ig'ttur, with the one following. 
And although this does not show the nature of the altercation, yet, since 
Abate Paolo has not shown the letters written to himself, the presump- 
tion presses upon him very strongly that the complaints were just and 
that the cause of their quarrels and altercations was well founded. 
[Citations.] [ccxivi] 

It is also true that a very bitter lawsuit ^"^ was brought by Pietro 
Comparini for the nullification of the dowry contract and for the 
proof of the pretense of birth, which had been made by Violante, the 
mother,"^ both to deceive her husband and to bar his creditors,^"' who 
were pressing him hard at the time.'^ And since the dowry included all 
the property "' and the entire patrimony of Comparini,"- which was of 
no small value when we consider the rank of the persons concerned, 
controversy had indeed been raised for a considerable amount by the 
father-in-law. And this, as experience teaches from time to time, is 
accustomed to bring forth implacable hatred and deadly enmity. [Cita- 
tions.] It produced indeed such an effect for this unfortunate wife, 
so that the love of her husband, which had long been disturbed by the 
preceding altercations, was finally quite extinct. And this was so to such 
an extent that she often found herself exposed to deadly peril because 
of the severity of her husband, who at times pursued her with abuse, 
and again even with a pistol."^ And It can not be questioned that such 
perils are quite suited to strike fear even into any hardy man. [Cita- 
tions.] Hence it can be much more affirmed of Francesca Pompilia, a 
girl of tender age, who was destitute of all aid, and away from her own 
home and her parents. [Citations.] And Mogolon [Citation] declares 
that the mere sight of arms, even if the one who has them does 
not use them nor unsheath them, is just cause for fear; and in § 7, 
No. 75, he considers the absence of relatives as a ground for fear. 
And D. Raynaldus [Citation], [ccxlvii] says that it is enough if one 
sees signs or acts of manifest desire, or such as are preparatory. 

Therefore, since so many very relevant circumstances concur, on 
account of which Pompilia was moved to desert her husband's bed by 
flight, all suspicion whatsoever of dishonesty and of violated conjugal 
faith is utterly removed. For whenever we have two causes, one of 
which is lawful and permissible, while the other is iniquitous and abom- 
inable, the former is to be fully received, and thereby the charge of crime 



195 

is quite excluded. [Citations.] [And this is true] in spite of the fact 
that this lawful cause may seem to be excluded [first] by the letter 
written by Francesca Pompllia to Abate Paolo. For in the letter,"^ 
after she had thanked Abate Paolo because he had joined her in mar- 
riage with his brother, pretense is made that her parents gave her the 
depraved counsel to destroy the entire home and to go back to the City 
with her lover; [it also makes pretense] that since their departure she 
was enjoying a quiet and tranquil life. [Second] from the company of 
the Canon Giuseppe Caponsacchi, with whom she had fled; because of 
which he was banished to Civita Vecchia for three years."^ 

For however it may be with the asserted letter, whether it is sub- 
stantiated or not, and whether or not the qualification should be con- 
sidered probable, which is added in her sworn testimony by the same 
Pompilia, namely that her husband had marked the characters "* and 
she had blackened them with ink by tracing them with a pen, because 
she herself did not know how to write; yet It is certain that if the letter 
be read attentively it will be absolutely impossible to assert that she had 
written it with a calm mind. For who can be found, so unmindful of 
filial love and duty toward parents as to persuade himself that this 
tender girl could have laid upon her parents such detestable crimes? 
Because at the time she was not more than fourteen years old, according 
to the certificate of baptism given in the Summary of the Fisc [cf. p. 
civ], in the second setting forth "* [ccxlviii] of the cause. No. 2. And 
she was away from her own home and still grieving for the very recent 
departure of her parents, and was badly treated in the home of her 
husband, as is clearly shown by the continual complaints and recourse 
made not merely to the most reverend Bishop,"" but also to the Lord- 
Commissioner of the city."° Nor is it probable that she would have 
informed her brother-in-law, who was so very unsympathetic toward 
her, of these matters unless, as she has frankly confessed in her sworn 
examination, she was compelled thereto by her husband. Nor without 
very evident peril of death could she show any reluctance to him because 
of his excessive severity, which she had very often felt before. And as 
this improbability is well suited to strike horror into those who read it, 
so likewise it very well shows that the letter was not written volun- 
tarily,*"* but under compulsion. [Citations.] Caballus asserts that what 
no sane mind would approve is inadmissible. [Citation.] And indeed 
such excessive cunning in extorting the said letter from the wife plainly 
proves Guido's craft, and the fact that the letter was obtained by false 
pretense, in order that he might quiet the mind of the same Abate, his 
brother. For the latter had been harassed by continual complaints on 
account of ill treatment of the wife, and had not ceased to criticize 
Guido daily for them. [Citation.] 



196 

As to her association with Canon Caponsacchi, this likewise does not 
seem enough to establish the blot of dishonor. For the most wretched 
wife was utterly destitute of all earthly aid and had vainly entreated 
the authority of the most reverend Bishop,"' and of the Lord-Com- 
missioner,"' to free her from deadly peril; and on account of her age 
and sex it was not suitable that she should flee alone or in the company 
of some lowborn serving woman,"* for in that way she would carelessly 
expose herself to graver peril, as might have happened to her if she 
had been overtaken while alone on the journey. For then it could be 
said of her : " She fell upon Scylla while trying to avoid Charybdis." °" 
Therefore we should not be surprised if she took the aforesaid Canon as 
a companion. For he had been proposed to her by both Canon Conti "" 
and Gregorio Guillichini,*" who were related to Pompilia's husband, 
[ccxlix] And it is utterly incredible that they would have consented to 
such a flight if they had not known it was quite necessary to evade the 
peril of death, which they very well knew was threatening the luckless 
wife, and if they had not had strong faith in the honesty and integrity 
of her companion. Therefore, as such a necessity was pressing so hard 
upon her, her prudent choice of the lesser evil eliminates any shadow 
whatsoever of her pretended dishonesty. [Citations.] 

[This is especially true when we] consider the manner in which the 
flight was executed, by taking the most direct road to the City with 
the utmost possible speed. And it very well shows that the sole motive 
was to save her life, and not to debase herself by licentious delights. 
For if this latter had indeed been the principal cause, she would not have 
gone to Rome by the shortest road,''"' where she might immediately be 
taken by her brother-in-law and her parents, but would have gone to 
some more distant regions, or else she would not have gone with such 
swiftness, but would have delayed out of the public highway, and in a 
place where her husband could not find her, and where she could fulfill 
to satiety her lust. 

This utter improbability therefore very well shows the truth of the 
cause for flight adduced by the wife in her sworn testimony — namely 
that she had gone swiftly to the City in order that she might there place 
her life and honor in safety in the home of her parents. For just as the 
strongest sentence of blame may arise from mere probability, so likewise 
no less presumption of innocence should arise from this improbability. 
[Citations.] 

And this is strongly urged by the frank protestation made in the 
very act of arrest at the inn of Castelnuovo to the husband himself by 
the Canon, who rebuked him concerning this flight: " I am a gallant 
man, and what I have done, I have done to free your wife from the peril 
of death." "" So testifies Jacopo, son of the former Simon, a witness 
for the Fisc, in the prosecution for flight, page 50. And an example 



197 

was offered by me In my allegation as regards that flight, namely that 
of Scipio Africanus. [ccl] For when the beautiful young wife of 
Aleuclus, the chief of the Celtiberi, had been captured by Scipio's 
soldiers, he said in restoring her to her husband: " Your wife has been 
with me as she would be with her own parents. Her virtue has been 
preserved for you so that she can be given back to you again, a gift 
unviolated and worthy of me and you." Titus Livius bears witness 
to this in his Histories, book 26, and page 493 in my volume. 

And although it may be very difficult for a beautiful woman " to 
preserve the decorum of her honor while journeying in the company of 
a young lover, yet it is not utterly impossible, as the examples seem to 
show, which were related in my allegation § Quidquid dicat. And to 
these I add that of Penelope, of whom Ovid sings in book 3 of his 
elegies: [Amores III, 4, 23.] " Although she lacked a guard, Pene- 
lope continued chaste among so many suitors." 

And this is especially true since neither the journey nor the company 
of the Canon were voluntary, but were merely for the purpose of 
avoiding the peril of death. And since such necessity was present, the 
presumption drawn from Ovid's Ars Amandi is rendered still further 
inapplicable, namely that " From a passionate young man, can she be 
believed to have returned a virgin?" [Heroides, 5, 129.] 

Nor do the letters "^^ which were found in the closet "' of the inn at 
Castelnuovo seem to stand in the way and hinder the sentence peti- 
tioned, and impose a blot of infamy upon Francesca Pompilia. It is 
claimed that these were written by her to the Canon on account of the 
very devoted love with which she was pursuing him. But the exceptions 
and responses made in the past informations hold good. The first is 
that they were not acknowledged by her, nor was the identity of the 
handwriting proved; and some uncertainty is still present, since it is not 
evident to whom they were directed; nor would it be improbable that 
they might have been framed by the husband."' For he was present 
at the capture and search "^ and hoped, indeed, that therefrom might 
result more readily the fixing of the crime of adultery. And he insisted 
very strongly upon this, in order that he might gain the desired dowry 
and lucre." This mere possibility to the contrary is enough to avoid 
the proof, which it is claimed may be drawn from them. [Citations.] 

[ccli] The second response is that, even though such exceptions as 
the above might not hold good, yet no proof of violated conjugal faith 
and of dishonor can be drawn from these letters. For even though 
proof of adultery may result from love letters, it Is utterly excluded in 
our case when we see that they were directed to a licit end,-" namely 
toward soliciting the Canon that he might afford her aid In her flight 
and that she might avoid deadly peril. For then, just as the end is 
permissible, so should the means also be considered lawful and per- 



198 

missible, even though suspicion is not lacking; for these should be con- 
sidered, not in themselves, but on account of their end. [Citations.] 
But indeed, unless from the love letters themselves there result an 
implicit confession of fornication, proof of adultery can not be drawn 
from them. [Citations.] 

It should be specially noted that she had very strong confidence in her 
own continence and in the integrity of the Canon. And she trusted 
him much, and hoped that he would conduct himself modestly during 
the journey, since it is evident from these same letters that she had found 
fault with him for his freedom once: " And I marvel that you, who 
have been so chaste, have composed and copied matters that are so dis- 
honorable." And further on: " But I would not have you do in any 
case as you have done in these books. The first of them is honorable, 
but the other octaves are quite the contrary. I can not believe that you, 
who have been of such honor, have become so bold." For such sincere 
objurgation and the very tenor of the letters, in which no dishonesty is 
read, clearly show and declare the spirit of Pompilia, who wrote them. 
For just as words are to be understood according to the thought of the 
one proffering them, so likewise should letters be interpreted according 
to the intention of the one writing them. [Citations.] 

[cclii] Since therefore the honor and modesty of Pompilia is vindi- 
cated from the flight and the letters, of still lighter weight are the other 
proofs of pretended dishonor. These are deduced from the approach 
of the Canon to her home ^"^ for the purpose of speaking to her; from 
the insidious manner in which the flight was prepared and put into 
execution, by means of an opiate "" administered to her husband and the 
servants; from their mutual kisses on the journey;""" and from their 
sleeping together at the inn of Castelnuovo.^"* For beside the general 
response that no conclusive proof is offered for all these, such as would 
be necessary to establish Pompilia as guilty of adultery, there is a 
separate response for each of them. 

The entry and egress at night time "" into the home of Francesca 
rests merely upon the deposition of a single witness, Maria Margherita 
Contenti,"' who is under two very relevant exceptions: namely those 
of singleness and of harlotry.'" Her word therefore can impose no 
blot of infamy. [Citations.] And since such approach would tend 
toward the single end of arranging for the flight and rescue of the 
unfortunate wife from the very imminent peril of death, it should not be 
presumed to be for an evil end. For when an express cause is plainly 
present, to which a matter may be referred, and this cause is entirely 
lawful, the matter should not be attributed to a cause that is illicit and 
criminal. [Citation.] 

The insidious manner, also, whereby Francesca Pompilia put into 
execution the flight, by preparing an opiate *'° for her husband and all 



199 

the household (aside from the fact that it is not proved), would afford 
proof of sagacity rather than of dishonor, even if it were proved. For 
the wife would have been very foolish if she had attempted flight with- 
out such a precaution."' 

Under the same lack of proof labors the asserted mutual kissing 
during the journey;^"" for that proof is entirely too slight, which is 
pretended to result from the deposition of a single witness of the lowest 
class, [ccliii] Especially since his word is shown to be too much preju- 
diced; for he swears that, while he was driving the carriage swiftly at 
night time, he saw Francesca Pompilia and the Canon kissing each 
other. Nor does he give any reason, as that the moon was shining, 
or that some artificial light was present to dispel the darkness. Inas- 
much as such a detail is necessary in a witness who is testifying about 
a deed at night time, its omission takes away all confidence in him. 
[Citations.] For there is to be added another very strong improba- 
bility, namely that, while he was driving the carriage with such velocity 
that it seemed to fly rather than to run, he could see their mutual kissing 
by looking backward. Still more is this improbability increased by the 
very word of this same witness, since he swears that he had driven 
Pompilia without knowing that it was she, until afterward, while return- 
ing to Arezzo, he had met Guido Franceschini, her husband, following 
her. Because if he had seen her kiss, he would have recognized her 
straightway, since he had often seen her before and she was well known 
to him. And therefore it should be absolutely declared that, either 
influenced by the tedium of his secret prison,"" he had been compelled 
to swear so, or, as is more probable, since on account of the very great 
speed of the carriage the bumping together of those seated therein 
might chance, ^"^ he had believed that this chance jostling of their heads 
and faces was for the base purpose of kissing. Hence the proof arising 
from his deposition was justly held in contempt in the prosecution for 
flight. And it would have been considered if it had had any probability. 

Finally the proof of dishonor drawn from the asserted sleeping to- 
gether in the same tavern at Castelnuovo, is far weaker, since it was 
constantly denied by both Pompilia and Caponsacchi in their testimony. 
And only a single witness, the house-man of the same tavern, swears to 
it; and this also not from certain knowledge, but presumptively, [ccliv] 
because they had asked him for a room with a single bed. Canon 
Caponsacchi frankly confesses why he had ordered that only a single 
bed should be prepared — namely that Francesca Pompilia, who was 
worn out because of ill-health "^ "" and the discomfort of their precipi- 
tate journey, might rest a little, while he himself kept guard.-" Such 
an act should not be assigned to an illicit cause, as Cravetta [Citation] 
advises in such circumstances. And, in No. 15, he says that interpreta- 
tion should always incline to the humaner side, even when the rigorous 



20O 

side may seem the more likely. And the same author continues thus in 
Nos. 20 and 2i. For it would not suffice as a full proof of adultery 
that any one be found alone and naked with her alone and naked, and 
that a young man be found unclothed and with shoes off in a closed 
chamber with a woman. Much less can such proof arise from a very 
brief delay in the same chamber for the purpose of keeping watch.^" 

Very slightly does it stand in the way that Francesca Pompilia, in her 
cross-examination, concealed this delay by asserting that she had arrived 
at the tavern at dawn."^ For she was very well aware of the credulous- 
ness of her husband, and possibly asserted this to avert further suspicion 
of violated honor, which certainly might have arisen if she had con- 
fessed that she had spent a longer time in the tavern. As even if she 
had not denied such a stay, the confession under circumstances that still 
argue for the preservation of her modesty would not have been to her 
prejudice, so likewise the lie can do no injury. [Citations.] 

But all suspicion of pretended dishonor is quite eliminated by the 
assertion of the most unfortunate woman, which was made in the very 
face of death, after many severe wounds had been inflicted upon her 
by her husband. [For she declared that] she had never sinned against 
her marriage vow,'°° as is very evident from the numerous depositions 
of religious men,'" who ministered to her in death. They assert that 
they heara her continually praying that she might be given no forgive- 
ness by the Divine Clemency for such a sin.^^" This assertion made in 
the very face of death, [cclv] deserves all faith,'^^ since no one placed 
in that condition is presumed to be so unmindful of eternal safety as to 
be willing to lie. [Citations.] 

Finally, no foundation for accusing the memory of Francesca Pom- 
pilia of dishonesty can be established upon the asserted decree of this 
most Illustrious Congregation, by whom Canon Caponsacchi was con- 
demned to three years' banishment in Civita Vecchia,^" with a state- 
ment made of his running away and criminal knowledge of Francesca 
Pompilia. For, as the Fisc himself admits, there was demanded by me, 
though not in extenso, the modification of that title by the honorable 
Judges, with the approval of his Excellence the Governor. And there- 
fore, in the order for imprisonment, these words were suppressed and 
others were put In their place : Pro causa de qua in actis. 

All further difficulty is removed from the mere consideration that 
such a decree had been Issued, while no defenses had been made for 
Francesca Pompilia, and while she was still utterly without a hearing. 
For she had not the slightest knowledge of it, since she had not been 
notified. But in the decree for the assignment of the home as a prison, 
only a cause relative to the trial was expressed. Hence it could not 
injure her, since it was Issued against a third party "* while she herself 
had not been cited. [Citations.] And In the circumstances that a 



20I 

sentence given against an adulterer can do no injury to the adulteress 
when she has not been cited, is the text [Citations] : " If he is con- 
demned, the wife is not condemned thereby, but shall carry on her own 
case." [Citation.] 

This is especially true since we are not now contending to free the 
husband from wife-murder, and to infer a just cause apart from belief 
[cclvi] in the dishonor of the wife resulting from the said decree, and 
which would excuse him from the penalty of the Cornelian law. In this 
case, the changing of the said decree might possibly serve for an escape. 
But we are contending about the damning of the memory of a woman 
now dead, and about rescuing her and her family from infamy. And 
in the latter case just as such a harsh decree could not injure her during 
her lifetime, so likewise it can not do her injury after her death. 

Antonio Lamparelli, Procurator of Charity. 

[in old writing] 

And according to the letter of Carolo Antonio Ugolinucci, May 17, 
1698, I understand that the criminal court after two votes, decided on 
absolution. 

[cclvii is blank in original.] 
[cclviii] [File-title of Pamphlet 17.] 

'By the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend 

Lord Governor in Criminal Cases, or by 

the Most Excellent Lord Venturini. 

Roman Lawsuit. 

For the Heir-beneficiary of the former Francesco 

Pompilia, formerly wife of the former Guido 

Franceschini, against the Fisc and 

Associates in the Lawsuit. 

Memorial of Fact by the Honorable Procurator 
of the Poor. 



At Rome, in the type of the Reverend Jpostolic Chamber, 1698. 



202 



[cclix] INSTRUMENT"" OF FINAL JUDGMENT. 

[Pamphlet i8.] 
Given for the restoration ■*" of the good name and reputation of 
Francesca Pompilia, now dead, formerly the wife of Guido Franceschini 
of Arezzo, now dead; for acquittal in favor of Domenico Tighetti, 
as an heir beneficiary of the same Francesca Pompilia, from all dis- 
quietude,""* all molestations, vexations, and perturbations, brought or 
threatened to be brought by the Venerable Monastery of Saint Mary 
Magdalene of the Convertites '" in the Corso; together with the cita- 
tions lawfully executed in observation of the four terms to instruct 
themselves as to the appeal and its legal prosecution, in order that the 
same sentence might pass on, as it has passed on, to judgment, because 
no appeal has been interposed. 

In the name of God, Amen. 

September 9, 1698, under the sixth declaration in the eighth year of 
the Pontificate of the Most Sacred Father in Christ, etc.. Innocent XII, 
Pope by Divine Providence. This is a copy or transcript of the cita- 
tions made by my own act, and written below, and of the sentence ren- 
dered respectively of the following tenor, namely: 

The Most Reverend and Most Illustrious Governor in Criminal 
Matters :*" 
Let the undernamed principals on the other side be cited, etc., to 
appear in the Criminal Court to-morrow, which will be the nineteenth 
day of the current month, at the accustomed hour of convening court, 
lest it seem good that each and all the terms be repeated as ill founded, 
and that they therefore are to be held and observed as null and void in 
their force for any powers whatsoever, and lest the one so insisting be 
freed from censures, so far as, etc., it be concluded, or seem best to be 
concluded in the case, [cclx] and that the final sentence be heard in due 
form according to the aforesaid insistence by Domenico Tighetti, heir- 
beneficiary of the former Francesca Pompilia, the wife of the former 
Guido Franceschini, as Principal, or, etc. 

Notary for the Poor. 

The Most Illustrious Francesco Gambi,"' Procurator General 
of the Fisc, and of the Reverend Apostolic Chamber. 

The Honorable Giovanni Maria Serbucci, Procurator and 
Manager of the lawsuit brought by the former Guido 
Franceschini. 

The Honorable Francesco Paracciani, Procurator of the Ven- 
erable Monastery of St. Mary Magdalene of the Convertites 
in the Corso. 



203 

Against the Procurator General of the Fisc, etc. He says that no 
sentence can be given, unless in favor of the Fisc, and so far as, etc., 
insists that he be granted delay for the purpose, and in the meantime 
they can not go on to any expediting of the cause, except for reason 
given in full court, and by the vote of the Lords thereof, and by testi- 
mony of the opposition in prison, and without citing all who have in- 
terest, etc., this 1 8th day of August, 1698. 

Francesco Gambi, 
Procurator General of the Fisc. 

I have made the above citation against the Fisc personally this day, 
and against the others by copy, which was sent to their homes, this 
August 18, 1698. 

Balatresius. 

Aloysius Pichius, Substitute for the Fiscal General. 

August 19, 1698. 

When he had made statement of fact, Antonio Lamparelli, Pro- 
curator, presented his case and petitioned as above. Thereupon the 
Most Illustrious and Most Excellent Lord, Marcus Antonius Ventur- 
inus, J. V. D.,"** "" who holds the judicial bench, for the Most Illustri- 
ous and Most Reverend Governor of our dear City in criminal cases, 
gave sentence, as in this schedule, which he has taken in his own hands, 
has seen, read, and subscribed, and given and consigned to me as a 
notary for publication of the following tenor, etc., in the presence of 
Antonio Bernardino Piceno and Antonio Toparino of Caprarola, 
witnesses, etc. 

In favor of Domenico Tighetti, in the name, etc., against the Fisc 
and those consorting with him in the suit. 

In the name of Christ, whom we have invoked, we who sit for this 
Tribunal, and who have only God before our eyes, give this as our 
definitive sentence, which we offer In these writings by the advice 
of those skilled In law. In the cause or causes which have been 
tried before ourselves In the first place, or In the second, and which 
are now being considered, between Domenico Tighetti, as the heir- 
beneficiary of the former Francesca Pompilia, the wife of the former 
Guido FranceschinI of Arezzo, on the one part; and the Fisc and 
Giovanni Maria SerbuccI as Procurator and Manager of the lawsuit 
of the former Guido FranceschinI, and Francesco Paracclani, Procu- 
rator of the Monastery of Santa Maria Magdalena of the Convertltcs 
In the Corso for all their rights and parts In that Interest, on the other 
part; concerning and upon the pretended adultery committed by the said 
former Francesca Pompilia with Canon Giuseppe Maria CaponsacchI, 



204 

and as regards other matters in the conduct of the cause or causes of 
this kind, [cclxi] more fully deduced, etc. By authority of the decree 
for the remission of the case, which was made by the Most Illustrious 
and Most Reverend Auditor S. S., by the acts of Pascasius, concerning 
which in the conduct, etc., and for cause given in the Court, and by vote 
of the same, we say, pronounce, declare, and finally adjudge from what 
has been newly deduced, that proof is not established as regards the 
pretended adultery, and therefore the memory of the same Francesca 
Pompilia should be and is entirely restored to her pristine good name 
and reputation; and that the same Domenico Tighetti, in whose name 
the above was deduced, should be and is absolved and liberated from 
each and all disquietudes, molestations, vexations, and perturbations 
brought, or threatened to be brought, by occasion of these, as on account 
of the statement of these we have restored, absolved and freed him, 
as above. And for this restitution and absolution and freedom, we 
wish and command that it be held as law that the suit or suits, of what- 
ever nature, which have been brought thereupon be abolished, as we 
abolish them. And we charge that perpetual silence be imposed upon 
the Fisc and his consorts in the suit. And we have thus spoken, pro- 
nounced, declared, and finally given sentence, not only, etc. 

I, Marcus Antonius Venturinus, who hold the judicial bench have so 
pronounced. 

Given on this 19th day of August, in the presence of Antonio Ber- 
nardino Piceno, and Antonio Toparino of Caprarola, Witnesses, etc. 

By the Most Illustrious Governor of the City in criminal cases, or the 
Most Excellent Lord Venturini. 
Let the undernamed be cited for learning the appeal, and its lawful 
prosecution for the first time, at the aforesaid instance of Domenico 
Tighetti, as Principal Heir-Beneficiary of the aforesaid Francesca Pom- 
pilia, formerly wife of Guido Franceschini : 

Charitas. 
The Honorable Giovanni Maria Serbucci, as Procurator and Man- 
ager of the legal proceedings of the said former Guido Fran- 
ceschini, as principal on the other side. 
The Honorable Francesco Paracciani, the Procurator of the Ven- 
erable Monastery and Convent of St. Mary Magdalene of 
the Convertites in the Corso for all, etc. 
I have made the said citation at his home, August 31, 1698. 

MOLINELLUS. 

September i, 1698. 
When we had made statement of fact, R. D. Alexander Cassar, Sub- 
stitute Procurator of Charity, appeared, petitioned, and was granted, 
as above. 



205 

By the Most Illustrious Governor of the City in criminal causes, or by 
the Most Excellent Lord Venturini. 

Let those named below be cited for learning of the appeal and its 
legitimate prosecution this second time, at the aforesaid instance of 
Domenico Tighetti, heir-beneficiary of the former FVancesca Pompilia, 
formerly wife of the former Guido Franceschini, Principal, or, etc. 

Charitas. 

[cclxii] D. Giovanni Maria Serbucci, as Procurator and Manager 

of the lawsuit brought by the former Guido Franceschini, as 

the Principal on the other side. 
D. Francesco ParaccianI, Procurator on the other side for the 

Venerable Monastery and Convent of St. Mary Magdalene 

of the Convertites in the Corso, for all, etc. 
September i, 1698, I have made this. 

MOUNELLUS. 



By the Most Illustrious Governor in criminal causes, or by the Most 
Excellent Lord Venturini. 

September 3. When he had made statement of fact, R. D. Alex- 
ander Cassar, Substitute Procurator of the Poor, appeared, petitioned, 
and was granted, as above. 

Let those named below be cited for learning of the appeal and its 
lawful prosecution, this third time, at the aforesaid instance of Dom- 
enico Tighetti, heir-beneficiary of the former Francesca Pompilia, wife 
of the former Guido Franceschini, as Principal, or, etc. 

Charitas. 

D. Giovanni Maria Serbucci, as Procurator and Manager of the 
lawsuit brought by the former Guido Franceschini, as prin- 
cipal on the other side. 

D. Francesco Paracciani, Procurator of the other side for the 
Venerable Monastery and Convent of Santa Maria Mag- 
dalena of the Convertites in the Corso, for all, etc. 
I made this September 3, 1698. 

MOLINELLUS. 



September 4, 1698. 
When he had made statement of fact, R. D. Alexander Cassar, sub- 
stitute Procurator of the Poor, appeared, petitioned, and was granted 
as above. 



2o6 

By the Governor In criminal causes, or the Most Excellent Lord Ven- 
turini. 

Let those named below be cited for learning of the appeal and its 
lawful prosecution, this fourth time, and of the final presentation, and 
the decree, etc., at the aforesaid instance of Domenico Tighetti, heir- 
beneficiary of the former Francesca Pompilia, formerly wife of the 
former Guido Franceschini, as Principal, or, etc. 

Charitas. 

D. Giovanni Maria Serbucci, as Procurator and Manager of the 
lawsuit brought by the former Guido Franceschini as Prin- 
cipal on the other side. 
D. Francesco Paracciani, as Procurator of the Venerable Monas- 
tery and Convent of St. Mary Magdalene of the Convertites 
in the Corso, for all, etc. 
I have done this, September 4, 1698. 

Balatresius. 



September 5, 1698. 

When he had made statement of fact, R. D. Alexander Cassar, Sub- 
stitute Procurator of the Poor, appeared, petitioned, and was granted, 
as above. 

I, Domenico Barlocci, Notary of the Court of Criminal Causes of 
the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Governor of the City, as 
Notary for the Poor, have found this copy correct by collating it, 
although it was extracted from the original documents by one who is 
trustworthy in my eyes, etc. In pledge of the above, I have subscribed 
and have published it, as I am required to do. 
[The seal of the said Notary.] 



The Secondary Source 

of 

The Ring and the Book 

A Contemporary Manuscript Pamphlet. 



NOTE. 

"The following pages contain a MS. contemporaneous account of the 
execution of the principal actors in the tragedy which has been immortalized 
in the poem of The Ring and the Book. 

" I am enabled by the kindness of my friend, Mr. Browning, to give it a 
place in these Miscellanies of the Philobiblion Society." 

John Simeon. 

(I shall not attempt to say with what a feeling I correct proof-sheets 
received on the day subsequent to that which brought the intelligence of the 
death of this great-hearted and noble-minded man, characteristically good 
and gracious to the very last.) 

R. B., May 24, 1870. 

The above words are the introduction by Sir John Simeon and the comment 
by the poet (Philobiblion Society Miscellanies, Xii, 1868-9), on the reprint of 
the subsequent pamphlet in the original Italian. 

It was found in London by one of Browning's acquaintances, who, knowing 
the poet's interest in the subject, sent it to him. Internal evidence indicates 
that it was probably written (but not published) some few years after the 
crime, and it is more popular in style than any part of the Book. The writer 
during the first half of his pamphlet follows closely the affidavit of Pompilia 
and the second anonymous pamphlet [No. 15] of the Book. He then adds 
much interesting information as to the murder and the pursuit, arrest, trial and 
execution of the criminals. Browning uses almost every scrap of additional 
information it affords. He accepts its fact with the same fidelity he shows in 
using the Book, and uses it extensively and without discounting its value as 
compared with the official record. It is therefore treated as an essential portion 
of the present source-study. Its new matter will be indicated by italics in the 
following translation. 

Mrs. Orr has published somewhat less than half of the pamphlet in her Hand- 
book in translation, which has been reprinted in the Camberwell Browning, and 
in the Browning Guide Book by G. W. Cook. The present version is made 
directly from the Italian text of the Philobiblion Society reprint. 



2o8 



THE DEATH OF THE WIFE-MURDERER GUIDO 
FRANCESCHINI, BY BEHEADING. 



Guido Franceschini, a nobleman of Arezzo" in Tuscany, had stayed for 
some time here in Rome in the service of a person of some eminence.'' He 
decided to take a wife with dowry enough to be of advantage to his own 
house. When he had revealed this desire to a certain hairdresser" n^ar /A? 
Piazza Colonna, she proposed to him the Signora Francesca Pompilia, thirteen 
years of age, the daughter of a certain Pietro Comparini and Violante Peruzzi. 
For beside the promised dowry she was heir to the reversionary interest in 
bonds and other properties worth about 12,000 scudi. When he had heard of 
this advantageous dowry, which seemed to him to be quite to his point, he 
lost no time in revealing it to his brother Abate Paolo, who had dwelt here in 
Rome for many years in the service of a Cardinal. He went along with Guido 
to the mother" of the young woman, as they flattered themselves that they 
would succeed better in this way than by demanding her of the father, who 
was somewhat hard to approach. When they had made it appear that their 
income was of considerable amount, they succeeded in their intent ; although 
it was then found out that their entire capital did not amount to the total of 
their income, as given in that note." 

It was easy for Franceschini to win over this woman, as she was driven by 
the ambition of establishing her daughter in the home of persons of good birth. 
She gave her own consent, and so worked upon her husband"' as to induce him 
to sign the marriage bond. Then when Comparini had been informed by a 
person who knew the resources of Franceschini, that they were quite different 
from what they had been represented to him, he changed his mind, nor did 
he wish under any consideration to carry out the marriage.** He gave as a pre- 
text the very tender age of his daughter, along with other reasons. The mother 
of Francesca, however, not seeing any chance to give her daughter to Frances- 
chini, had her secretly married during December, i6gj, in San Lorenzo in 

r ■ 85 

Luctna. 

When this marriage reached the ears of Comparini, he was much angered 
at Violante." But she had such a gift of gab that Comparini not only agreed 
to it,"* but beside the dowry of 2,600 scudi,*' on which he had already paid 700 
scudi, he also made gift of his entire possessions to the couple.^ 

After several days, Franceschini decided to conduct his wife and her parents 
back to Arezzo, and this took place in the same December.^'' When they had 
arrived there, the parents of the wife could see that the state of their son-in-law 
was much worse than they had imagined it."' Therefore they were all the 
more embittered by the penuriousness they showed in the food, and in many 
other matters. One morning while they were at the table they heard their 
daughter denied fire for warming her bed, and saw the Franceschini practice many 
other cruelties toward her. They were much troubled at it, and all the more 
so when they saw a Canon of the Franceschini household, a brother of the husband, 
rush upon their daughter. He struck Francesca with a dagger in his hand, who 
had to make her escape by running into a room and shutting the door. Then one 
evening her father went to visit a friend, and when he had come back home he 
14 209 



2IO 

found the door shut. Therefore his daughter, who was still awake, was obliged 
to go downstairs to open it for him, but not without first having called her hus- 
band, who never even opened an eye. Then when she had gone down to open 
the door and had gone outside a few steps to meet her father, all of a sudden 
she found herself shut outside the house along with her father. For that reason 
they were both of them obliged to sleep outside of the house that night, her father 
at the inn and the daughter at one of the neighbors. Therefore, more and more, 
as the days passed, the Comparini decided to return to Rome.™ But as they 
were without money they were obliged to beg it of Franceschini, who scarcely 
gave them the necessary expenses of the journey.' 

When the old Comparini had departed, Franceschini thought to hide what 
had happened. He constrained his wife to write'" to Rome to the Abate, his 
brother, to tell him that she cherished in her heart his memory. This letter 
was dictated by the husband himself. The ignorant girl did as Guido wished, 
whose purpose was to have it believed that his parents-in-law were the 
fomentors of the dissension which prevailed between the couple and the rela- 
tives of Franceschini. 

When the Comparini had reached Rome, ill-contented as they were with 
the house of their son-in-law, for whom they now saw they had sacrificed 
their daughter, they did not know how to hold their peace about that matter, 
of which they themselves had been the cause. All the more so when they 
were harassed for the remainder of the dowry, beside the fact that they saw 
the rest of their property in danger. While aflfairs were in this state a Jubi- 
lee'"^ was announced; under these circumstances Violante Comparini revealed 
in confession '"' that Francesca Pompilia, who was married to Franceschini, was 
not their daughter, but that the birth had been pretended. She had in fact 
been born of a poor widow, a foreigner ^'^^ and had then been adopted to bring 
it about that the reversionary interest"* would fall to their house, and hence to 
make good the many debts of her husband."" When the confessor heard this, 
he charged her to reveal all the affair^"* to her husband himself. Violante obeyed, 
and Comparini was greatly surprised at it, and rebuked his wife sharply. He 
then submitted the matter to judgment before Monsignor Tommati,'"^ and the 
following was spoken in sentence: It should be maintained that Francesca 
Pompilia shall be and is in quasi-possession of her relationship as daughter.'^ 
Therefore appeal™* was taken by the Comparini to the Tribunal of the Sacred 
Rota, but the suit still remains undecided."'^ In the meantime the Frances- 
chini, seeing that they had been deluded by this circumstance, since they could 
not get possession of the residue of the dowry, redoubled their cruelties to the 
poor Pompilia even to the point of threatening her with death. Hence she 
was very often obliged to save herself by fleeing into some other house, or 
before the authorities, ''^^ or even into the presence of the Bishop,'' whom she 
finally begged to save her by putting her in some monastery. But this prelate 
thought it better to send her back'*^ to her husband's home, urging him not 
to mistreat her. 

When the unfortunate woman saw that the admonitions of this Bishop had 
been useless, and that this way of softening the heart of her husband and his 
relatives had proved vain, and when they reproved her for sterility " and for 
coquetry,"' and for other faults of their own imagining, she betook herself to 
an Augustinian, Romano,'" that he might write to his Superiors or to her 
parents to find some provision for her. But although the Father promised to 
do as she desired, his letters never reached their destination. The wretched 
woman was therefore desperate, and determined to get to Rome in some manner 
or other. She told the whole matter to Canon Conti,'" a relative of the Frances- 



211 

chini, to whom she made a most pathetic picture of her situation. He was 
moved thereby, and answered that he would aid her, as he did by offering to 
have her taken to Rome by Canon Caponsacchi, his friend, since he himself 
ought not and could not do it. When the circumstances had been told to 
Caponsacchi,'" he was opposed to it for fear of incurring the anger of the 
Franceschini ;'*' but when he had been urged both by Conti and the woman, 
he consented thereto. And on the last Monday of April"* the wife arose from 
bed as soon as day dawned,'** without her husband knowing about it. She 
took some things of her own,*°° some jewels, and money, left the house, and 
at the gate of the city found Caponsacchi, who was awaiting her with a car- 
riage."" They mounted together and set out on the road toward Rome. 

When Franceschini awoke and discovered the flight of his wife, as he already 
suspected that she had started for Rome, he began to pursue her, and on the 
following Tuesday [should be Wednesday] overtook her at Castelnuovo in 
the post-house,*'" where she was in company with Caponsacchi. The young 
woman was not at all terrified at the sight of her husband, but on the contrary 
she mustered her courage and reproved "" him for all the cruelties practiced upon 
her, because of which she had been forced to this step. Then Franceschini 
was thunderstruck, and did not know how or what to respond. Hence he 
thought it best to have recourse to the authorities. The fugitives were 
arrested by the Governor of the place, and both of them were taken to Rome 
and placed in the New Prisons,''** ^'* and were charged with adultery because 
they had run away together. He tried to prove the charge by certain love- 
letters™ which had been found, and by the deposition of the driver.*'" But as 
the adultery was not proved, the Canon was condemned for three years to 
Civita Vecchia, and the wife was shut into the monastery of the Scalette"" on 
the Lungara.™ 

When the husband therefore saw that this had not helped him in gaining 
the dowry, he decided to go back to his own country,*'" leaving the care of his 
case in the hands of his brother, the Abate, who was in the service of a 
Cardinal. But although the Abate tried by many a turn to succeed in his 
intent before the tribunals, he could not achieve it. Hence he also decided to 
leave Rome. And he was spurred all the more by its becoming known that 
his sister Pompilia was with child.''' For this reason, the Governor of Rome 
had constrained him to consent that she should keep her own home as a prison,*** 
under security of 300 scudi to present herself at every demand of the Tribunal. 
The Abate indeed was unwilling to give his consent '"^ unless Pietro Comparini 
should first assume obligation, by an official document, to furnish her with 
food.**' y^nd then, when he hfid obtained the permission of his Cardinal, he sold 
his furniture and books, and when he had made them pay over the 47 scudi 
which had been found upon Pompilia at Castelnuovo he left Rome.™ After 
that Pompilia bore a son,*'' whom she named Gaetanoj'" after the saint to whom 
she made her vows. 

Franceschini, who was now overwhelmed with manifold troubles, and was 
urged on now by honor and again by self-interest to take vengeance, at last 
yielded to his base thoughts and planned to kill his sixteen-year-old wife and 
her parents. When four other criminals had been admitted to the scheme, he 
left Arezzo and on Christmas eve reached Rome.'" He stopped at Ponte Milvio,^'^ 
where there was a villa of his brother. There he remained in hiding with his 
followers until a time opportune for the execution of his designs should come. 

They spied out all the ways of the Comparini family, and on January 2," 
which was Thursday i'"^ at about seven o'clock'*" in the evening, he approached 
the Comparini home with his companions. He left on guard at the street door 



212 

Biagio Agostinelli"^ and Domenico Gambassini, and knocked at the door. 
When he had said that he brought a letter of Canon Caponsacchi "' from 
Civita Vecchia the door was opened to him. Immediately this cutthroat 
Franceschini, assisted by the other two criminals, leaped upon Violante who 
had opened it'"' and struck her dead to the ground. Pompilia in this crisis''* 
extinguished the light, hoping thus to escape the assassins, and ran to the 
neighboring door of a locksmith crying out for help. But when she saw that 
Franceschini was provided with a lantern she went to hide under the bed; but 
she was dragged from there, and was barbarously slain with 22 wounds'"'^ by 
the hand of her husband. Not content with that, he dragged her to the feet 
of Comparini,'"'* who was likewise wounded by one of the other assassins, and 
was crying out confess ton. 

IVhen the uproar of this horrible slaughter was heard abroad, ' people ran 
thither, but the criminals succeeded in escaping. But in their haste one of them 
left his cloak, and Franceschini his cap,'''' which betrayed him afterward. The 
unfortunate Francesca Pompilia, under the burden of such wounds as those 
with which she had been cut to pieces, implored the Holy Virgin for the 
favor of confession, and obtained her prayer. Hence she survived some little 
while and was able to tell about this horrible crime. She told that after the deed 
was done her husband had asked of one of the cutthroats who had done the 
murder with him, if she were indeed dead. JVhen that one had assured him, he 
replied: "Let us lose no time,'' but return to the vineyard." And so they made 
their escape. In the meantime the police had been summoned, and came with 
a captain. A confessor was quickly called and also a surgeon who gave his 
attention to the luckless girl. 

When the Governor had been informed of the outcome, he immediately 
despatched Captain Patrizi to arrest the criminals. When the posse^ arrived at 
the vineyard,^'' he found that these were no longer there, but that about an hour 
ago they had left in the direction of the highway. Then Patrizi followed without 
interrupting his journey, and when he had reached the inn he learned from the 
host that Franceschini had demanded horses with threat of violence^ but they had 
been denied him, because he lacked the necessary order. Hence he had traveled 
afoot with his companions toward Baccano. Patrizi continued his march, 
and after taking the necessary precautions arrived at the tavern of Merluzza.'" 
There he found the assassins, who were straightway arrested. On them were 
found, still stained with blood,'" those daggers with which they had done the 
murders, and upon Franceschini were found 150 scudi in money. This arrest indeed 
cost the life of Patrizi, '** because having been overheated and wounded with a 
slight scratch he died in a few days. 

Franceschini s dagger was of a Genoese pattern, triangular, and with certain 
hooks made in such a way that in wounding they could not be drawn from the 
wound without such laceration as to render the wound incurable. 

tVhen the criminals were known to be at Ponte Milvio, in that very inn they 
were heard on their preliminary examination by notaries and judges sent there 
expressly, and satisfactory confession was had. 

fVhen the capture of the delinquents was known in Rome, a countless throng of 
people rushed thither to see them, while all the criminals were tied to their horses 
and conducted to Rome. It is told that Franceschini, while making the journey, 
asked one of the officers how in the world the crime had ever been discovered. 
And when he was answered that his wife, whom they had found still living, had 
revealed it, he was so astounded that he was, as it were, deprived of his senses, 
dbout five o'clock in the evening^" they reached the prisons.'*^ A certain Francesco 
Pasquini, of the town of Castello, and Alessandro Baldeschi of the same town, both 



213 

of them 22 years old, "* along with Guido Franceschint had been the slayers of the 
Comparini. And Gambassini and Agostinelli were those who had stood guard at 
the street door. 

In the meantime there were exposed in San Lorenzo in Lucina^^ the bodies 
of the assassinated Comparini, who were so disfigured, and especially the wife of 
Franceschini , by wounds in the face^'^ that they were no longer recognizable. The 
unfortunate Francesca, when she had taken sacrament and had pardoned her 
murderers, and had made her own will, died, not yet having completed her 
seventeenth year. This was on the 6th,^'''' which was the day of the Epiphany. 
She was able to justify herself against all the calumnies inflicted by her hus- 
band. The surprise of the people at seeing the said bodies was great, because of 
the atrocity of the deed, which truly made them shudder, seeing that two old 
septuagenarians" and a young girl of 17 years had so wretchedly perished. 

As the trial of the criminals advanced, there were many arguments made on 
the matter, laying stress on all the more aggravating circumstances which 
accompanied this horrible massacre. Others also were made in the defense 
with much erudition, especially by the Advocate of the Poor, who was a cer- 
tain Monsignor Spreti. He succeeded in delaying the sentence, because 
Baldeschi^'" made denial, even though "the cord" was administered to him 
twice, under which he swooned. Finally he confessed, and the others did 
likewise. They also revealed that they had planned to kill Franceschini himself, ^^^ 
and to rob him of his money, because he had not kept his word to pay them as soon as 
they left Rome. 

On February 22 was seen in the Piazza del Popolo *^ a great platform with 
mannaia, and two great gallows, which had been built for the execution of the 
criminals. Many stands were constructed for the accommodation of those curious to 
see such a terrible execution, and so great was the concourse of people"^ that some 
windows brought as much as six dollars each. At the eighth hour \_2 a. ot.]"* 
Franceschini and his companions were informed of their death and were placed in 
the Consorteria. There they were assisted by Abate Panciatichi and Cardinal 
AcciajoU, "'^ nor did they delay in preparing themselves to die well.^^ At the 20th 
hour"" \_2 p. m.^ the Company of Death and of Pity arrived at the Prisons. The 
condemned were made to go downstairs*"' and were placed upon separate carts to be 
drawn to the place of execution. 

The first to mount the cart was Agostinelli, the second Gambassini, the third 
Pasquini, the fourth Baldeschi, and the fifth Franceschini, who showed more 
intrepidity and composure than the others, to the wonder of all. 

They left the Prison ' and followed the Pilgrims Street, the Street of the Gov- 
erno, of Pasquini, Piazza Navona, the Pantheon, Piazza Colonna, and the Corso. 

The first who was executed was Agostinelli, the second Gambassini, the third 
Pasquini, the fourth Baldeschi, and the last Franceschini.*** When the last named 
had mounted the platform, he asked pardon for his sins, and begged them to 
pray for his soul, adding that they should say a Pater, an Ave, and Salve Regina 
for him. " When he had made the confessor announce that he was reconciled, he 
adjusted his neck upon mannaia and, with the name of Jesus on his lips, he was be- 
headed. The head was then shown to the people by the executioner. 

Franceschini was low of stature,*" thin and pallid, with prominent nose, black 
hair and a heavy heard, and was fifty years of age. He wore the same garb as 
when he committed the crime — that is a coat of brown cloth, black shirt, a vest of 
goatshair, a ivhite hat and cotton cap ; clothed presumably as he had been when he 
had set out from Arezzo. 

The execution took place during the Pontificate of Innocent XII, in 1698. 



Trial and Death of 
Franceschini and his Companions, 



for the 



Murder of Comparini, his Wife, and Daughter, 



Which happened during the time of Innocent XII. 



NOTE. 

The following additional account of the Franceschini murder case was dis- 
covered a few years ago in the Royal Casanatense Library, Rome (Misc. Ms. 
2,037), in a volume entitled Farii successi curiosl e degni di esser considerate, 
containing thirteen pamphlets by various authors, most of them concerning 
famous criminal trials, the majority of them from Rome of the 17th century. 
The volume is in a hand of the early i8th century, and contains an indorse- 
ment to the efiect that a copy was made from it in 1746. The Franceschini 
murder is the subject of the tenth narrative of the volume. Internal evidences 
indicate that it was written somewhat later than the secondary source pam- 
phlet, by one who has considerable knowledge of the crime. It presents a 
better story and a fuller account of the motives of the actors, especially those 
of Abate Paolo and Violante, together with a number of additional matters of 
fact not contained in the Book. It never fell in Browning's way and hence 
has no immediate source-relation to the poem, but it does prove in some cases 
the accuracy of Browning's conjectures of unknown facts when definite data 
failed him. 

The pamphlet was printed in translation by W. Hall Griffin in the Monthly 
Review, November, 1900. The present version has been made by the editor 
from a transcript of the original Italian executed by a friend in Rome. — C. W. H. 



216 



TRIAL AND DEATH OF FRANCESCHINI AND 
HIS COMPANIONS, 

FOR THE 

MURDER OF COMPARINI, HIS WIFE, 
AND DAUGHTER, 

WHICH HAPPENED DURING THE TIME OF INNOCENT XII. 



The Abate Franceschini,^ born in Arezzo, Tuscany, of a family which was 
noble but poor of estate, having the cleverness to advance his own fortunes, pro- 
ceeded to the city of R.ome and was admitted by Cardinal Lauria into his 
household as Secretary of the Embassy. His inherent mental aptness won for 
him the favor of the Cardinal, who was held in great esteem in the Sacred 
College by reason of his learning, and who stood so high that he might well 
have aspired to the Papal Chair. In this lucky juncture. Abate Paolo, wishing 
to take advantage of his good fortune, thought to provide a wife for his brother 
Guido and to recoup his family fortunes by a rich dowry. Guido had served 
Cardinal Nerli^' in the same capacity, as Secretary of the Embassy; but either 
because he had not the good luck or the ability of his brother he left that 
service. Although Paolo knew that the idle state of his brother would be 
hurtful to his claims of dowry, he did not cease aspiring to a very advantageous 
one, flattering himself that his own distinction might make up for the short- 
comings of his brother. 

Now Guido had reached full maturity, was of weak temperament, ordinary 
in appearance, '° of a disposition more gloomy than pleasant, and moreover was 
of scant means. Hence, unless Abate Paolo should use his own influence, he 
could have little expectation for Guido. After having attempted several alli- 
ances of high rank, Paolo fixed his thought on Francesca Pompilia, the daughter 
of Pietro and Violante Comparini. As she was their only child, and as her 
parents were too far advanced in years to have other offspring, she would fall 
heir to a reversionary interest of 12,000 scudi;" and he hoped that he could 
easily make the match, as the Comparini were rather inferior to him in birth. 

A certain hairdresser" frequented the home of the Comparini with the 
familiarity admitted by those women who desire to make themselves appear 
more beautiful to their husbands' eyes than they are and which some husbands 
tolerate who rely too much upon the fidelity of their wives. Paolo considered 
this woman to be the best means for aiding his designs for the marriage of 
Guido, and the latter often went to her shop with the purpose of winning her 
confidence by odd jobs. When he had often turned the talk to the subject of 

217 



2l8 

taking a wife, she told him one day he might readily apply for the daughter of 
the Comparini, for she had a suitable dowry, besides being heiress to a rever- 
sionary interest, and was of a small family connection, which were his very 
requirements. When through her efiorts he had succeeded in achieving the 
marriage, it was understood he should reward her with 200 scudi. The hair- 
dresser lost no time in broaching the matter to Violante," who, anxious for the 
advancement of her daughter and for the establishment of her own interests, 
agreed to speak of it to her husband and, if the matter were as stated, to per- 
suade him to effect it. Violante spoke to her husband"' about it and he did 
not reject the proposal provided that the vaunted riches of the Franceschini 
were verified, but he said this would have to be given in a written statement 
attested by well-known and reliable persons. When the hairdresser had carried 
back this word to the Franceschini, they sent a statement"' of their real estate 
in Arezzo, with an income amounting to 1,700 scudi, attested by persons well 
known to the Comparini and who confirmed it to them orally. 

Abate Paolo, fearing lest this fortune might escape him, gave them no time 
to change their minds, and in order to make the matter surer he desired to 
secure it by the hand of Cardinal Lauria,"" his patron, by whom he had the 
marriage agreement drawn up; for his Eminence was pleased to show kindness 
to the advantage of a man whom he regarded with some favor. Meanwhile 
Comparini had become better informed of the rank and property of the Fran- 
ceschini and found them far different from the preceding account, both in 
rank and in property. Therefore he had a warm dispute with his wife, who 
persisted in the marriage and declared that he had been advised by persons 
envious of the good fortune of one or the other house, and who wished to 
hinder it, and that she was not shaken in her original desire ; for she was very 
sure, from other truthful witnesses, that the Franceschini were of the first rank 
of nobility of Arezzo, and not of the second,^ as those had said, and that the 
property given in the list had been untampered with. But the more she 
warmed to the matter, the cooler became Pietro ; for being very diplomatic, if 
he could not gain, at least he wished not to lose by the marriage of his 
daughter. But what does not a man lose when he allows his wife to rule him ? 
He loved her so tenderly that from the first day of their marriage he had con- 
stituted her the arbitress of his wishes. Violante, nevertheless, fearing lest 
Pietro, in a case of such importance, might be more influenced by reason than 
by flattery, could suffer no delay in making secure the reversionary interest which 
another house could claim if the Comparini were without an heir j"" she there- 
fore resolved to have the marriage performed without the knowledge of Pietro. 
When she had secured the consent of the daughter, who was always obedient 
to her commands, and had made an appointment with Guido, she conducted 
her, suitably clothed, one morning to San Lorenzo in Lucina, and espoused 
the two.** 

Pietro felt the blow keenly, but being unable to find any remedy for it, he 
cloaked his anger"' with the show of being displeased at not having been pres- 
ent, and this displeasure would cease in him with the joy of the nuptial feast, 
which should be in their house. He assigned to his daughter as dowry twenty- 
six bonds,*' with future succession to the remainder.** On the very same 
day, after talking of the advantages which would result to both houses from 
the union of their interests, they decided upon the removal of the Comparini 
to Arezzo,'* which followed in a few days, and with it the absolute administra- 
tion of the property by Guido.'" 

When they had reached Arezzo the Comparini were received by the mother 
and relatives of Franceschini with all that show of love which is customary 



219 

on such occasions. But very soon, from constant association, disturbances 
arose,'* and thence they passed to hostihties. The mother of Guido, a proud, 
avaricious woman, "* who governed the household despotically, took to stinting 
it even in the necessary food. This moved the Comparini to complaints, to 
which the Franceschini first responded with insults and then with threats. This 
was a thing Violante could not tolerate, for, being a woman, she had her own 
share of natural arrogance." So she began tormenting Pietro, cursing the day 
when he had decided to move to Arezzo, laying the blame on him for all that of 
which she had been the cause. And Pietro, who was one of those men who 
let themselves be overcome by a couple of crocodile tears of their wives, instead 
of reproving her for the undertaking (although she had concluded the marriage 
against his wish and without his knowledge), entreated her afifectionatcly to 
bear with patience the abuses, which would possibly cease when the Frances- 
chini saw them defended by their daughter. 

At that time [November 30, 1693] passed from this life to Heaven Cardinal 
Lauria, a churchman of merit beyond all praise. Then Abate Paolo*" was 
elected Secretary in Rome of the Religious Order of Malta. At this the 
haughtiness of the Franceschini increased so much that they considered it 
grand good fortune for the Comparini to be considered their friends, not to say 
their relatives. Violante being no longer able to live under the proud com- 
mand of another woman, since she had been in the habit of domineering," as 
her husband had been subject to her wishes, so tormented him that she induced 
him to take up his residence in Rome again. For this purpose the Frances- 
chini gave them a sum of money^ sufficient for the journey and for the most 
necessary furniture in the home. 

Scarcely had they reached Rome when, to the surprise of everybody, it was 
reported that Pietro had dispatched a judicial warning, in which he set forth 
that Francesca Pompilia was not really his own daughter™ and that therefore 
he was not obliged to pay the dowry.™ He brought the attestation of 
Violante his wife, who had declared that to check her husband's creditors'" in 
the matter of the trust fund and to enjoy the income of the bonds, she had 
feigned to be pregnant"* and, that her husband might not discover the trick, 
she agreed with him that when she became pregnant they should abstain from 
association until after the birth of their child. And so, on the very day of this 
pretense, they took separate bedrooms ; still further, by well-arranged clothes, 
she feigned the swelling of the womb, and by suitable drugs made pretense of 
nausea until her time was come. She then took advantage of a day when 
Pietro was occupied in his lawsuits, to bring forth the pretended birth, which 
was well carried out by the sagacity of a midwife in the secret, who provided 
whatever was necessary. And that the house servant might not detect the 
trick, they sent him to the apothecary to secure certain medicines. At the 
same time the midwife went to get a little creature whom she had received the 
day before from a neighbor, who was already in the secret. When she had 
returned to the house she summoned a familiar friend of the Comparini from 
a window. Matters were so well arranged that when the woman arrived, 
there was nothing more to do than to make her believe what was not really 
so. And to trick more surely the thought of this neighbor, they feigned that 
when Violante wished to pass from the bed to a chair, she fainted into the 
arms of the woman by reason of her pains, since the midwife could not run up 
in time. 

This unexpected act of Pietro, which became known in Rome immediately, 
was heard with less wonder than scorn. The just anger of the Franceschini 
would have undertaken due vengeance if it had not been mitigated by the hope 



220 

that, since Pompilia was not the true and legitimate daughter of Pietro and 
Violante, the marriage would be annulled^' and Guido's wounded reputation 
would be healed. But when he had taken counsel with several authorities and 
found they were of different opinions, he was unwilling to risk so doubtful an 
affair, in the promotion of which they would necessarily confess and presuppose 
that she was not the daughter of the Comparini, and by this confession they 
would be prejudiced in their claims to the dowry. They opposed the judicial 
notice and obtained for Pompilia the continuance of her quasi-relation as 
daughter"*" together with a decree for the transfer of the dowry bonds. But 
Pietro appealed "'''* to the Signature of Justice so trickily that the Franceschini 
had the expense of the transfer, but not the enjoyment of the income, since 
they obtained from it not even a two months payment. 

The unfortunate Pompilia was the victim of the hatred of these two houses; 
for she was left alone in Arezzo at the will of her husband, her mother-in-law, 
and her relatives, who were mortally offended at her parents, and she was 
hourly threatened with death. In so deplorable a state the courage even of a 
more mature woman would have failed, not to speak of that of a girl only 
sixteen years old. For she was innocent of the wiles of her mother and of 
the duplicity of her father and by her own good qualities she was worthy of 
tenderness rather than cruelty. The unhappy one suffered as best she could 
these tyrannies which were ever increasing, but despairing of all hope of peace, 
she often had recourse to the Governor of the City,"^ that he might interpose 
his authority with the Franceschini. As this was of no avail, she threw her- 
self at the feet of the Bishop,"" who had Guido come into his presence and 
who tried to reconcile him. But Guido's anger increased all the more because 
of this public recourse, and he threatened Pompilia with certain death if she 
should ever try it again. 

When the poor child saw every way to peace closed against her she appealed 
to Canon Conti,^^ "* a relative of the Franceschini, who was very well in- 
formed of her wretchedness because he visited the house, and she begged him 
to save her life, which was in continual peril. He was moved to pity, for he 
knew that she had no other remedy than flight. As he could not personally 
assist in this, lest he would have to bear the hatred of the entire family con- 
nection, he suggested to her that the very person for such an enterprise was 
the Canon Caponsacchi,"" his intimate friend and somewhat related to him 
by blood, whose courage was no less ready to meet danger than to overcome it. 

Pompilia accepted the counsel of Conti, who lost no time in opening the 
affair with Caponsacchi. He at first showed some unwillingness,'™ as he 
hesitated to carry away a wife from her husband, even with the sole purpose 
of conducting her to her own parents. But when he had been fully informed 
of the insufferable abuses of Guido and his relatives his pity prevailed over all 
other considerations and he accepted the undertaking. Pompilia, who was 
eager for this, tried to win him by letters and amorous verses,"^ "' yet always 
keeping herself true to her marriage vows, as one may read in her letters. In 
some of these she praises the modesty of Caponsacchi, in others she reproves 
him for having sent some octaves which were slightly reprehensible, and she 
urged him to keep unstained that nobility of which he boasted. On the day 
appointed for flight, with the assistance of Canon Conti, the two took their 
places in a carriage and traveled as fast as they could,'** without resting save 
when it was necessary to change horses. They arrived the second morning at 
dawn"' at Castelnuovo,''" and, in spite of the fact that the host had assigned 
them a bed for repose,"'* Pompilia seated herself in a chair and Caponsacchi 
went down to the stable to urge on the driver. 



221 



When Guido awoke after the flight of Pompilia and perceived that she was 
not in bed, he arose in a fury and, seeing the jewel-box open"* and minus the 
jewels and money,^™ which it had contained, he surmised what had happened 
to him. Accordingly on a good horse he sped along the Roman road and 
overtook the fugitives at the abovesaid inn of Castelnuovo an hour after their 
arrival. When Pompilia saw him, with that courage which desperation may 
arouse even in the weakest spirits, she seized Caponsacchi's sword which lay 
upon the table, unsheathed it, and thrust at his life,"' calling him betrayer and 
tyrant. Guido, fearing lest her spirit no less than the valor of Caponsacchi 
might bring his death rather than revenge, turned his horse and rushed to the 
authorities.™ He had the fugitives arrested and conveyed to the New Prisons,'" 
where he entered charge of flight and adultery against them. 

The Abate Paolo who, as has been said, was the Secretary of the Religious 
Order of Malta in Rome, made noisy recourse for his honor to the Pope,^** and 
he put a petition before Monsignor Pallavicino, the Governor, demanding that 
he declare Caponsacchi the seducer of his sister-in-law, and both of them 
guilty of adultery, and that his brother for that reason was entitled to gain the 
entire dowry. Legal proceedings'*' were instituted against them according 
to the most rigorous forms of law, but no proof of guilt was found against 
Caponsacchi"" and Pompilia except the love letters"'^ written at the time of 
the arranging of the flight, the undertaking of the flight itself, and the deposi- 
tion of the driver.'** For the latter declared that he had sometimes seen, 
when he had turned back during the journey, that they were joined face to 
face, that is cheek to cheek, a matter which did not make full proof of fault, 
since the rough roads and the headlong speed of the journey jostling them 
about™ might have been the cause of it. Wherefore the Court deemed it 
prudent and just to sentence Caponsacchi to three years relegation in Civita 
Vecchia for his rashness™ in running away with a wife from her husband, 
even though the motive was pity. While the case of the Franceschini against 
Pompilia was on trial, Pompilia was transported with their consent, as their 
prisoner, into the Monastery of the Scalette™ on the Lungara,"" with the 
obligation that Guido, her husband, should provide her food.'"' There, after 
a little while, it was discovered that she was pregnant and as it no longer 
comported with the reverence of that place that she should remain there,'*' 
with the consent"* of Abate Paolo, who had power of attorney for his brother, 
Monsignor the Governor ordered that she should pass into the home'** of the 
Comparini, her parents, under security of 300 scudi to keep it as a secure 
prison; and he declared that Guide's obligation for her food should cease"" the 
very day she left the monastery. 

This cause, in which the Franceschini were not obliged to have hand for 
mere honor's sake, was seen to have its chief motive in selfishness. Therefore 
there was not a company where the conduct of one or the other party was not 
censured. For this reason the Religious Order of Malta gave secret intima- 
tion to Abate Paolo that he should resign his office. At the loss of this 
honorable post, rein was given to the evil tongues of his adversaries. This put 
Abate Paolo in such straits that, ashamed to meet his dearest friends, he 
decided to leave Rome™* and to pass to a clime where information of the 
dishonor that so afilicted him would never come. 

When Guido was informed of the departure of his brother and of the 
obligation resting on him of repairing the honor of his house, he thought** that 
to go into voluntary exile, as his brother had done, would only prove the 
baseness of his own mind. For he had been justly charged with this since at 
the time he had overtaken his wife with her abductor he had failed in that 
very place to take the vengeance'" which was demanded at his hands. 



223 

In due time Pompilia had given birth to a son^** who was sent out of the 
house by the Comparini to nurse.™ Thereupon everyone believed, and 
especially Violante, that the ties of blood would move Guido to a reconciliation 
with his wife. For in spite of their declaration that Pompilia was not their 
daughter, the minds of the Comparini might still be disposed to some reconcili- 
ation. But Guido's thought was quite different, for he was continually stirred, 
even in the absence of Abate Paolo, to plot the removal from this world of the 
entire memory of his dishonor by the death of Pompilia, Pietro, and Violante, 
and possibly of still others. 

Guido had in his employ, in the country,^'" a daring and wicked laborer'" 
[Alessandro Baldeschi] to whom he often exaggerated the shame which his wife 
and the Comparini had brought upon his house. To him Guido revealed that with 
his assistance he wished to purge with their blood the stain to his honor. The 
cutthroat straightway accepted and declared that, if there were need of other com- 
pany, he had three or four friends for whom he would vouch. Guido replied that 
he should take three bold and trusty ones to make sure against any possible 
resistance and should use all care to secure them at the lowest possible price. 

When all had been agreed upon,^"* and arms suitable for the affair had been 
prepared,'" Guido, with his four companions in disguise, secretly took the road 
to Rome. Reaching the home of the Comparini at eight o'clock^"" in the 
evening, one of them knocked at the door, and when Pietro responded the 
murderer told him that he had a letter to give him which had been sent from 
Civita Vecchia by Caponsacchi. When the women heard this they told Pietro 
to have him come back again next morning, urging him not to open the door. 
But he was curious about the news from Caponsacchi and when the murderer 
replied that he could not come back in the morning, as he was obliged to 
leave that night, he opened the fatal door and thereby admitted his own death 
and that of Violante and Pompilia. 

Guido in a transport of rage leaped in with two companions, leaving the 
others on guard. They first dealt the poor old man many blows and deprived 
him of life before he could lift his voice.''* Scarcely had the unfortunate 
women seen this when, transfixed with like wounds, they suffered the same 
fate. Upon the unfortunate Pompilia fell the blows of her husband,"* accom- 
panied with countless insults, and after he had trampled her several times under 
foot and wounded her anew, not trusting his own fury, he told his companions 
to see if she were really dead. One of them lifted her by the hair'" and let 
her fall again, and assured Guido that she was no longer alive. 

When this barbarous murder had been concluded and the money agreed 
upon had been paid to the cutthroats, Guido wished to leave them, but they 
would not allow him to desert them for fear that one might kill another, as 
frequently happens for hiding such misdeeds. Or else the murderers, while 
united with their leader, had agreed to kill Guido"" as they thought he might 
have a large sum of money. Hence they did not consent to his leaving them 
and they took the road toward Arezzo together, which they agreed to make 
on foot, ' as they could not secure posthorses. 

From these repeated wounds Pietro and Violante were quite dead, but not 
Pompilia, though her wounds were more numerous. For because of her 
innocence she was especially helped by the divine mercy"" and she knew so well 
how to feign death"' that she deceived the murderers. When she saw that they 
were gone, with her dying breath she mustered sufficient strength of voice to 
make the neighbors hear her cries for help.''* 

They found her in the last extremities and eagerly ministered first to her soul 
and then to her body. Her wounds were so numerous and of such a nature 



223 

that although they did not immediately kill her, they made her death certain. 
This occurred a few days later, to the sorrow of all those who assisted her and 
who had knowledge of this pitiable case. The fortitude with which she 
suffered the pains of her treatment caused as much wonder as her resignation 
to the Divine Will caused love. She not only did not blame the cruelty of her 
husband, but with fervent prayer she besought God to pardon him.'^ The 
compassion of her assistants both for her soul and for her body, I attest by the 
following sworn statement concerning not only her innocence, but the happy 
passage of her pure soul to heaven. 

[Then follow the affidavits of Fra Celestino and others given on pages Ivii-lx.] 

Divine justice, which would not suffer so atrocious a deed to go unpunished, 
caused the criminals to be overtaken by the authorities at the break of dawn " 
at an inn a few miles from Rome. For when they had eaten a little, they 
went to sleep by the fire,"' fatigued by the journey and overcome with drowsi- 
ness. The police rushed violently in upon them and, pointing carbines at 
their breasts, assailed and bound them at once. They were straightway taken 
to the New Prisons'** and the Governor apprised the Pope" of this barbarous 
murder and of the arrest of the guilty. He gave commands that, without 
delay and with all rigor, trial should be brought, this being a case which, by 
reason of the consequences which might arise from it, should be examined into 
with very special attention. 

Far less torment "° than would seem to be necessary had to be applied to 
get the confession of the murderers and of Guido, who more than the rest 
had stood by his denial. But at the sight of torment he had not the heart to 
resist longer and confessed fully, saying indeed that the crime had had no 
other motive than the reparation of his honor which had been so publicly 
offended. This was a matter which any common man would have under- 
taken, not to speak of himself, who was a gentleman; and if on his first exam- 
ination he denied the truth of this, he had done so lest he might injure his 
companions, who had aided him in a deed worthy of all sympathy, because he 
had honor as his sole end. 

With the confession of Guido and its ratification by the rest, the process was 
finished, and they were sentenced,"' the cutthroats to the gallows and Guido 
to mannaia, a means of death conceded rather out of respect for his being in 
clerical orders than for any other reason. The Advocate and Procurator of the 
Poor had written so ably in their defense on the point of honor that there is no 
memory of more learned arguments. But the features of the crime were so 
many (and all of them punishable with death) that they were overcome no 
less by their nature than by their number. Among such features was the 
bearing of arms"' prohibited under capital penalty, the death of Pietro and 
Violante*"' who were not accomplices in the flight of Pompilia, the murder 
while a law-suit was pending,"' and in their own home,'" which place the 
authorities had with the consent of Guido assigned to Pompilia as a secure 
prison.*'" The many other weighty charges which displayed the great learning 
of the defenders were the just cause of the death of the accused. Yet with 
the usual hope of all those who make confession of capital crime, Guido 
flattered himself that he could save his life by reason of his honor. At the 
unexpected announcement he did not give up to such a frenzy as frequently 
follows in those who experience so terrible a disaster, but, as if stupefied, after 
a few minutes he heaved a deep sigh, accompanied by a few tears, which by 
their extraordinary size showed dying symptoms. He said : I well feared a 
heavy sentence, but not that of death. My crime is great, but love of honor 
has never suffered me to perceive what it was until now that sentence has 



224 

been passed, which I hold in such reverence that I wish to appeal only to God, 
to whom alone I turn for the only mercy. Without His will I should never 
have reached this awful pass, which may be a comfort to me and not a source 
of bitterness, that I may gain by entire resignation to His will the merit of 
His pardon." And then he"' threw himself into the arms of the compassionate 
Frati and showed such signs of true contrition that their prayers were accom- 
panied by tears rather than by exhortations. 

His four accomplices did not submit themselves with the same readiness,"' 
for as they were of lower birth so were they less swayed by reason, which 
would render them impressible to the punishment they had merited. The 
oldest [Baldeschi] and youngest [Agostinelli] were the most obstinate, the one 
from having a heart hardened by so many years of evil life, and the other being 
all too sensitive to so harsh a punishment for a single crime, in the very flower 
of his youth, without ever having spilled a drop of blood, and with the sole 
fault of having been induced to stand as guard at a door through which Guido 
had had to pass, to purge himself of the stains to his honor by the blood of his 
foes. As the hour of execution drew nearer, the stubbornness of these wretches 
so increased that the Frati despaired of their repentance. At last the Divine 
Mercy, which works miracles when we least expect it, entered their hearts 
and gloriously demonstrated His omnipotence. They finally trusted in God, 
and the memory of those faults which had made them obstinate, and which 
were now illuminated by the Divine Grace that disposed them to penitence, 
fitted them for pardon. When these souls had been secured for God after 
such a hard contest, the execution passed from the New Prisons at Tor di 
Nonna to the scaffold raised in the Piazza del Popolo in view of the gate and 
of the Corso. In the midst was the block on a lofty scaffold,"' larger than 
usual and with steps made with particular care; on the two sides the gallows 
were placed at equal distances. In spite of the vastness of the Piazza, not a 
single foot was left which had not been occupied by stands,*" which were 
covered with tapestry and other ornaments forming a theater for festal celebra- 
tions rather than for a solemn tragedy. 

His four companions preceded Guido, each of them in a separate cart,"' 
assisted by the devotion of the accustomed Frati [The Brotherhood of Death] 
and followed by a countless concourse of people praying for a blessed departure, 
which in view of their contrite resignation seemed not at all doubtful and 
even a certain hope. Rarely did Guido Franceschini turn his eyes from the 
crucifix, except when nature, overwearied by the steadfastness of his gaze, 
made him turn away his head but not his heart, which had been wholly given 
to his Creator so that none was left for himself. 

When he had reached the Piazza di Pasquino, and the cart had stopped 
before the church of Agonizzanti, where on days of public execution it is 
customary to offer the Sacrament to the delinquents condemned to death and 
therewith to bless them, Guido knelt and began to recite, in a voice quite 
audible to bystanders, certain verses of the Miserere,**^ and among them this. 

Hide thy face from my sins and blot out all mine iniquities." He accom- 
panied this with such signs of sorrow and penitence that the people by their 
tears showed no less grief than the one condemned. 

With equal devotion his companions received the same blessing, but the 
behavior of the youngest [Agostinelli] was remarkable beyond belief, who 
beside himself with his love of Heaven and of God, by his expressions which 
exceeded his own capacity, confounded the wisdom of his pious assistants. 

Thence by the most densely populated streets"" they continued the journey 
to the Piazza del Popolo, where they all died, Guido last, with those acts of 



225 

contrition which their preparation had shown. As the youngest had displayed 
most blessed signs during life, so it pleased God that he met his death likewise, 
for at the moment the executioner did his work, he clasped between his breast 
and his hands the image of that crucifix whereby they had become certain of 
Divine Pardon. This assured the people of his salvation as his untimely death 
had aroused their pity. 

Rome has never seen an execution with a greater concourse of people, 
nor does it remember a case on which there was such general talk as on this. 
Some defended the Comparini, because they had suffered abuse, others the 
Franceschini as it was a matter of honor. But, on looking at the matter 
dispassionately, they were adjudged to be equally guilty, except that Pompilia, 
who was entirely ignorant of the truth, was without blame; for she had con- 
sented to the marriage at the command of her mother without the knowledge 
of her father, and had fled from her husband for fear of death with which he 
had often unjustly threatened her. 

From trickery arose the union of these two houses, from the Franceschini 
in frauds regarding property they did not possess, from the Comparini by the 
pretended birth, or by this very pretense if the birth were real. The trick arose 
from greed of gain in Pietro to secure the trust moneys for himself, and in 
the Franceschini to minister to their own ease; so all was done contrary to 
laws both human and divine. Hence a bad beginning was followed with a 
wretched ending, as has been told above. 



IS 



The Making of a Great Poem. 



An Essay 

On the Relationships of The Ring and the Book 
to the Old Yellow Book. 



Lovers of dead truth, did ye fare the worse? 
Lovers of live truth, found ye false my tale? 



THE MAKING OF A GREAT POEM. 



" So absolutely good is truth." 

/. The Mystery of Poetic Creation: 

The philosophy of art concerns itself with some of the most profound 
truths of humanity, and the creative act and creative artist alike have 
always fixed the attention of the thoughtful. In olden days, the divine 
afflatus endowed the vates with a sacredness which all men revered. 
Bards wandered safely amidst even the more barbarous conditions of 
medieval life. Artists have continually invoked divine assistance, 
whether of the Muses or of the heavenly Urania. The scientific spirit 
of our latter day may not regard with religious devotion this divine 
mystery of creative art, but it is still probing with no less interest the 
meaning and power of the creative activity of the human spirit. This 
diverted regard has shown itself largely in the increased study of 
biography and of source-materials, which have been sought and sought 
again for an explanation of the mystic power we call genius. The 
biographical study of artists, which has increased so greatly in recent 
years, has been no mere idle curiosity concerning personal gossip; and 
the reader has turned In disappointment from many a biography, from 
which the personality of the artist — the one all-important x of the 
problem — has utterly escaped. The biographer's attempt to trace 
power to the facts of heredity, education, and environment seems to 
fall far short of this purpose. And so the mystery of creative genius 
gets but a half answer In biography. 

Latter-day critics have also turned in their research to possible revela- 
tions from source-studies. How far does the artist's raw material 
control or master his creative activity? What is the difference between 
the material and the final product? What personal activity of the artist 
effected this change? We soon find that art is far more than matter 
of fact. It is personalized, subtlelzed fact — fact raised to a higher 
coefficient by the intense play of genius upon it; it is fact athrob with the 
deeper truth of life, which is part of the endowment of the great artist. 
Some alchemizing power, which is a function of the artist's personality, 
has wrought the change. And this power is little less mysterious now 
than when in olden days it was called inspiration. The play and the 
illumination of this power differ indeed with the individual artist, and 
the general problem of its place In art assumes new aspects with each 

227 



228 

genius studied. Nineteenth century criticism has already examined, so 
far as lay in its power, the artist's work upon his originals. Beginning 
with Shakespeare's source-books, it has followed on to those of Chaucer, 
Goethe, Milton, Tennyson, and others. Each of these studies has 
served to emphasize the import in art of the inalienable personal force 
of the man of genius. He has succeeded in no mere lucky find of 
what would have made another man great. We are told that the story 
of Evangeline was given originally to both Longfellow and Hawthorne, 
and that for a while there was a question as to which should use it. But 
we can not doubt that what has fixed the world's attention on Evangeline 
would have been lacking if even Hawthorne had undertaken his ver- 
sion of the story. Now source-study can in no sense fathom or explain 
away the element of personal power in creation, but it can at least differ- 
entiate the peculiar master-power of each artist; it can make clearer the 
Miltonic, the Shakespearian, the Chaucerian touch. For in art, as in 
life, we find important data for estimating the man in considering the 
material upon which he reacts and in which he takes a peculiar interest. 
Many a secret of personality opens at the sesame of a master passion 
or of a dominating interest, and slowly from the contemplation of these 
various artists at work we may evolve a philosophy of creative art. 

With a view toward a fuller solution of this master problem, and 
toward a clear comprehension of the peculiar genius of Robert Brown- 
ing, the present source-study of his chief poem has been undertaken. 
For Browning is one of the most original and vital of our English poets, 
and the play of his personality in its creative moments can not fail to 
interest the student of art and the student of the human soul. In this 
comparison we may trace the creative reaction of Browning through a 
period of four years upon a mass of chaotic, unpromising material. 
Browning's habits as an artist come gradually into clearness as we 
follow this study to its ultimate outcome. We see his reverence for 
truth, his intense human sympathy, his grotesquerie, his realism, his 
insight into motive, and his easy mastery of countless details. While his 
intellect grasped every fact of this history, his insight and imagination 
had free sway; and he felt no check to his power in his abiding conscien- 
tiousness in the use of fact. Still further, this study does much to 
explain the creation of the unique genre which Browning has developed 
from his practice of monologue writing for The Ring and the Book 
as his crowning work. 

//. The Ring and the Book as the Macrocosm of Browning: 

In the wide range of the work of Robert Browning no single poem 
can rival The Ring and the Book in scope and manifold power. The 
subject had fallen to his hands at the very fullness of his maturity by 



229 

" predestination," as it seemed to him. In the poem, as he planned his 
treatment, there was opportunity for every phase of his peculiar genius, 
so that the completed masterpiece became the macrocosm of his work. 
Fortunate indeed is the artist who at the climax of his career meets the 
subject that will exact all and express all of himself. Browning's whole 
artistic life had been tending toward some such large expression of 
itself, and the poet did not hesitate to invest lavishly of his creative 
energy, confident of the final power of this work. In his early manhood 
he had written long poems — the biographies of his aspiring heroes; 
but they had been intense and narrow, eloquent but chaotic. Moreover, 
Browning the humorist and realist is utterly lacking in Paracelsus, Sor- 
dello, Strafford, and we may almost add the dramas. Then follows a 
quarter of a century devoted to shorter subjects, from many phases of 
life, but none of these singly can " all-express him." They display 
widely varied powers. His humor laughs through Lippi, his roman- 
ticism follows the flight of the Duchess, his satire pierces Johannes 
Agrlcola, his philosophy falls from the lips of Rabbi Ben Ezra, his 
analytic keenness in character pierces the episcopal robes of Blougram, 
his grotesquerie runs riot in Caliban, his hero-worship exalts Luria, and 
his personal devotion utters itself in One JVord More and By the Fire- 
side. These poems, gathered chiefly in Men and JVomen, 1855, and 
Dramatis Personae, 1864, had firmly established the Poet's reputation, 
so that he stood at least a sure second to the famous Laureate. None of 
them represent long-protracted thought and labor. 

At this juncture the story of Pompilia and Caponsacchi and Guido 
fell in his way. He might have made of It a dramatic romance of a 
few hundred lines. He preferred to give It an importance in his art far 
beyond anything he had ever essayed. This had not been the cherished 
purpose of a lifetime, as were the Paradise Lost, the Dlvlna Commedia, 
the Faust, or the Idylls of the King. But Browning almost instantly 
realized the fitness of the subject for his magnum opus — though It had 
none of the prestige of the century-laden legends which fascinated these 
other poets. Hence he treated it in no cursory way, but continued 
working on it till the poem had reached epic dimensions, till he had 
devoted to It four of his ripest years, and till it had deployed every 
energy of his nature. He has nowhere displayed more telling irony, in 
which he Is so eminent, than in BottinI; more profound philosophy than 
in the Pope; more tender understanding of woman than in Pompilia; 
nor sadder nor wiser Insight into the depths of sin than in Guido; nor a 
finer conception of true heroism than in Caponsacchi. The poem ranges 
through many emotional keys. It contains long passages little removed 
from prose, save In form, but it rises to heights of Impassioned poetry 
seldom attained by Browning. It is therefore what the long poem 
should be — expressive of the whole naturcj the whole art, the whole 



230 

view of life of the Poet. That he himself saw here his greatest subject * 
is evidenced, apart from this excessive expenditure of time and skill 
upon it, by the motto from Pindar which he inserted in the " old yellow 
book": 

Her strongest-winged dart my Muse hath yet in store."* 
He would, therefore, summon every power to his new theme and spend 
more of himself on it than on any other subject with which he had ever 
grappled. And yet, though written broadly and deeply, it was simpli- 
fied in method and in style until it was fairly directed to the average 
intelligence of thoughtful readers. It can in no sense be regarded as a 
critics' bone of contention, but is one of the most lucid of all of the 
Poet's works. Hence it is no matter of surprise that the better critical 
appreciations of Browning which have appeared of late years, such as 
those of Brooke, Dowden, Chesterton, and Herford, have given the 
poem a place of greatest importance. It stands eminent, we do not 
hesitate to say preeminent, among the longer English poems of the 
nineteenth century. 

///. The Poet and the Source-study of his Poem : 

With a self-consciousness of his artistic functioning, not unusual in 
Browning, the Poet insistently calls attention to the source of his long 
poem. The very title includes the Book; and The Ring and the Book 
is symbolic of the artist's use of his raw material for the purpose of his 
art. In the introductory book of the Poem, the Poet describes the 
finding and the nature of the Book with such particularity that the 
reader naturally queries, 

is there book at all, 

And don't you deal in poetry, make-believe, 

And the white lies it sounds like? 

The sham book of memoirs or the book of letters is such a common- 
place in fiction that its mere mention excites the incredulous smile. 
De Foe was a past-master in this art of sham originals, and Haw- 
thorne has made this device a door of entry into his Scarlet Letter. 

But Browning had long given his readers the impression of a some- 
what different art — of a thoughtful grappling with fact as he found it — 
of a straightforward truthfulness of art. " Truth-teller was our first 
great Alfred called, truth-lover he " might well have been said of 
Browning, as it was said of Tennyson. Yet no one has had at hand the 
material to prove his marked fidelity to the fact-basis of his imaginary 
superstructure in The Ring and the Book. The Book, indeed, is no 
fiction, but a veritable fact, shaping the Poet's whole story. 

• " I know he thought The Ring and the Book was going to be his greatest work long 
before he had finished it. * • * he often told me while writing that it would be the 
longest poem in the English language. He was more and more interested in the work as 
it advanced." — Letter from Mr. R. B. Browning. 



I 



231 

Nor is he satisfied to consider Its contents as crude raw material. 
To him they are " pure gold " — " in this book lay absolutely truth " — 

The untempered gold, the fact untampered with, 
The mere ring-metal ere the ring be made I 

And he continues, 

From the book, yes ; thence bit by bit I dug 
The lingot truth, that memorable day. 
Assayed and knew my piecemeal gain was gold. 

His insistence on his figure of " the gold " shows how highly he valued 
the contents of this old volume. They were truth — truth that chal- 
lenged him, truth that called forth all his mastership, truth that tested 
all his insight. And " truth " is a master word throughout the Poem, 
to which speaker after speaker returns with strong Insistence. The 
philosophy of life's truth is one of the most Important phases of the 
thought behind the story and the characters of this Poem. 

Still further the Poet was intensely interested in the psychological 
process whereby this " gold " of truth was fashioned into the " ring " 
of art. No critic nor philosopher could show a closer interest in this 
play of poetic genius upon its material. He would pluck out the heart 
of this mystery— a mystery which fascinated him all the more because 
it had been his own familiar for half a lifetime. He who had taken 
apart the " wheels " of so many souls, now looked curiously Into this 
subtlest power of his own mind. What was the process of this trans- 
mutation? Whence was its power? The material was not worthless 
in itself; but upon it the spiritual power of the artist had to work with 
life-giving mastery until he too became a creator and reached man's 
highest function. 

No less, man, bounded, yearning to be free, 
May so project his surplusage of soul 
In search of body, so add self to self 
By owning what lay ownerless before, — 
So find, so fill full, so appropriate forms — 
That, although nothing which had never life 
Shall get life from him, be, not having been, 
Yet, something dead may get to live again. 
Something with too much life or not enough, 
Which, either way imperfect, ended once: 
An end whereat man's impulse intervenes. 
Makes new beginning, starts the dead alive. 
Completes the incomplete and saves the thing. 

A third of a century before, in Sordello, line 1212, Browning had 
said — 

they are fain invest 
The lifeless thing with life from their own soul. 



232 

And Swinburne's words from the Prologue of Tristram of Lyonnesse 
state this same truth : 

and give 
Out of my life to make their dead life live 
Some days of mine, and blow my living breath 
Between the deep lips of forgotten death. 

This creative power seemed to Browning to be the artist's highest 
prerogative : 

But here is the finger of God, a flash of the will that can. 

It masters death in these moribund or extinct relics of life, and Brown- 
ing does not hesitate to liken it to the miraculous, life-giving power of 
Elisha. (RB., I, 760-71.) This power lay in the artist's " surplusage 
of soul," in the abundant life of the spirit, in the ability to " fuse his 
life with that inert stuff," till the story was athrob with a new life, 
subject to the shaping and molding hand which would reduce it to art 
form. Such creative vitality ever distinguishes the genuine artist from 
the mere technician : 

The life in me abolished the death of things, 
Deep calling unto deep : as then and there 
Acted itself over again once more 
The tragic piece. 

A spirit laughs and leaps through every limb, 
And lights my eye, and lifts me by the hair, 
Letting me have my will again with these. 

This creative joy is akin to the creative joy of God as elaborated by the 
Poet in the last book of Paracelsus (lines 642-80), and man shares 
thereby the high prerogative of Deity, he himself rising to godlike 
power. Such is the dignity and the glory of creative art in the feeling 
of Robert Browning. 

We may see, therefore, that the Poet himself invites, nay allures, his 
readers on beyond the Poem to the Book, in which he had found the 
story, and to a study of the poetic method in changing " book " into 
" ring." And few readers of the Poem have failed to respond to him 
and to raise silent question as to what truth the Poet had found in his 
documents. What is the gold of fact? How much is alloy? What 
was Browning's mastership over his material? Did he disregard the 
integrity of fact? Did he expand his masterful tragedy from a few 
scattered hints, or did he owe his source-material a large debt for even 
the form and expression of his poem? Such questions will find abund- 
ant satisfaction in the perusal of the Book itself, and the study of 
"ring " and " book " side by side throws a flood of light on the indi- 
vidual artistic mastery of Robert Browning. 



233 

IV. The Peculiar Features of the Present Source-study : 

There are, moreover, certain peculiar phases of interest in the source- 
study of The Ring and the Book as compared with that of most other 
important poems. 

Almost all the important extensive poems have had a long ancestry 
either in oral or written literature. Our primeval epics grew up through 
cycles of ballads. Many a literary ancestry is traceable back through 
centuries of varying forms, until the origin is lost in the mists of the 
prehistoric. Lowell has put this fact in his own way when he says " All 
the good stories came out of the ark." The Arthurian legend, which 
Tennyson used as basis of his own longest poem, is typical of such 
stories, and of the making of books on or from it there is no end. 
The Earthly Paradise, which was written and published in the same 
years as The Ring and the Book, is a patent retelling of world-old 
stories. But, unlike all of these, the pedigree of The Ring and the Book 
is democratically short. The story had arisen abruptly from real life — 

Secreted from man's life when hearts beat hard, 
And brains, high-blooded, ticked two centuries since. 

It stirred the excitement of its own brief day, and would now demand 
the heaviest headlines of our sensational journals. The facts were 
thrown at once into the professional statements of the criminal courts, 
but then died away. The story never engaged an artist's attention, 
nor had it been tested by popular appreciation in the century and a half 
which elapsed before it fell into Browning's hands. The material 
therefore had had no artistic breeding. 

Browning in fact has written few poems on conventional and long- 
practiced subjects; he seldom turned to the well-bred story, and when 
he did so, as in The Glove or Alcestis, it was for the purpose of present- 
ing his own unique interpretation of it. He preferred to gather ma- 
terials and subjects in out-of-the-way, unpromising nooks and corners. 
He was the sole important Victorian poet who did not draw upon the 
Morte d' Arthur; and the well-trodden paths of the rich mythology 
and history of the Greeks tempted him very little, especially when we 
consider that he was so Intimately acquainted with all that was Greek. 
And those Greek themes he adopts, such as Pheidlppides and Balaus- 
tlon, have abandoned all adherence to classic tradition in form and 
spirit. To him, therefore, the fact that his story was a literary upstart 
would have had no deterring effect. It probably stimulated his Interest. 

Browning's source-material is also far more definitely limited and 
ascertainable than is usually the case with the sources of great works of 
art. The Arthurian legend is too complex and multiform for the critic 
to feel definitely sure of all his data in such study. Even in Shake- 
speare, where we have some well-ascertained source-book in novel, or 



234 

play, or poem, or history, we are seldom certain whether the poet has 
not had one or even several other versions of his story before him. He 
doubtless had his Plutarch in thought while writing Julius Casar, but 
we can not tell the countless sources from which he might have drawn 
certain of the facts and feelings of the story, for Julius Caesar was a 
popular subject on the stage for many years before Shakespeare used 
it, and the theatrical tradition must have influenced the dramatist in 
many ways. But we have here in the Book not merely the definite 
source of the Poet's information, but we are sure it was practically the 
sole source of his information. The story was not told in variant 
versions elsewhere; it was not developed into countless ramifications by 
generations of writers. Even the variant versions of public history of 
a date equally remote would afford the artist far more opportunity for 
artistic choice. But here in the Book we can be sure that we have before 
us the entire basis of fact for the Poem as Browning has wrought it. 
His careful search for further fact was in vain. (Cf. RB., I, 423-41, 
XII, 779-84.) This gives an exactitude, a scientific accuracy to the 
present source-study seldom attainable elsewhere, and justifies the critic 
in an even more minute study of original and poem side by side, as 
significant of the methods of creative power. 

With all its definiteness of limitation, however, this source-material 
offers within its limitation a confusing complexity — we might almost say 
a chaos. Motives and characters are subject to interpretation and 
counter interpretation. The very facts of the story are matters of dis- 
pute. At no point are the characters of Guido, Pompilia, and Capon- 
sacchi seen to emerge in their fullness, and no consecutive story of the 
mere incidents is given. The truth of this tragedy is as utterly dis- 
membered as were the limbs of Osiris, and the Isis artist must have 
ranged through the whole extent of the Book to gather the scattered 
fragments of truth. Such chaos demanded the most masterly of organ- 
izing and interpreting power in Browning, before order could come out 
of confusion, and the very spectacle of the Poet's constructive mastery, 
his executive orderliness in art, in building all these fragments back into 
a consistent whole through which again an organic unity may be felt, 
is almost unparalleled in source-study. 

Browning might have made the problem lying in this confusion easier 
for himself, if he had assumed an arbitrary power over this new pro- 
vince which had fallen to his imagination. But he also felt that he was 
peculiarly circumstanced in his creative activity by the " truth " of the 
materials with which he was working. He frankly recognized the 
authenticity of these documents — they were no mere fictitious creations, 
which he might shape or reject or amplify as he pleased. Fidelity to 
his material became a matter of artistic conscience with him. Mr. 
Barrett Browning in his letter ^'^ confirms the fact of this conscientious 



235 

and even painstaking accuracy. The Poet seems to have felt he must 
be true to the Book in all Its details, and that the creative play of his 
imagination must be ruled by this truth-aspect of the Book. We need 
not here enter into the general problem as to whether the Poet was 
acting with highest artistic wisdom In so doing. But we wish to make 
clear the fact, and the results must either approve or condemn the 
artist. Consequently we find that Browning, in dealing with the 
facts of this case, has exercised far less freedom of fancy than did 
Shakespeare, even when dealing with public and ascertainable history. 
We well know, moreover, that whatever the poetic truth of the sources 
of the Divitia Cotnmedia, the Aeneid, and the Nibehmgen Lied, their 
actual truth was unascertalnable, and the artist was subject to no such 
rein to his imagination, but was essentially free in his artistry. Possibly 
this fact appealed to Browning's peculiar type of mind and led him to 
choose such a subject as The Ring and the Book rather than one where 
there might be less check upon him from the truth of his material. And 
so, unlike Dante and Milton, Goethe and Shakespeare, he Is true not 
merely to the larger truth of his story, but even to Its comparatively 
trivial details. 

Browning's problem and method were not unlike those of the his- 
torian. He had a mass of scattered and even conflicting details of fact, 
with hints of motive and cause. These he must Interpret, not to suit a 
preconceived theory, as did so many of the eighteenth century historians. 
This older type of history, which preferred the symmetric working out 
of events in conformity with a preconceived notion, even at the expense 
of facts, was in Browning's day giving way to a new type of history, 
wherein the author recognized that he must not distort facts, but must 
legitimately deduce his principles from his facts — not merely the chosen 
and convenient facts, but even the stubborn and Irreconcilable facts. 
This change In history was probably occasioned by the growth of the 
scientific spirit of the century, especially of the strict Inductive method 
of science and of Its regard for the Integrity of fact. Browning shared 
this spirit and used the new method of organizing facts which had just 
been inaugurated among the historians of his day. His artistic method 
Is In part the historic method, but, of course, goes beyond the latter 
in his consciousness of the moral beauty and of the spiritual meaning of 
the tragedy, and in his purpose to make the story appeal primarily to 
the emotions rather than to the mere intellect. 

The present source-study, moreover, displays an unusual exercise of 
the transmuting Imagination in its mastery over the crudest and least 
artistic of materials. The Book Is indeed crude, hard fact, which had 
never been subject to the plastic touch of the artist. The lawyers who 
wrote it had no other concern than to sophisticate the truth for their 
own ends. The human element, the spiritual significance, and even the 



236 

sensational interest in a barbarous story had not attracted their minds. 
They apparently destroyed all possibility of art-appeal in the story and 
were utterly remote from the artist's purpose of pleasing by grace and 
beauty and power of thought or expression. Poets rarely use such 
material as it comes roughly from life. The novelist does so repeatedly, 
and it is the usual practice of a Kipling or a Dickens. But the raw 
material of the latter is forever dissipated from even the closest research 
of the critic. We can not follow their processes in transmuting rough 
life to art. Yet the play of Browning's interpretative and creative 
imagination upon these crude materials may be studied in full here. 
Even the crudest of Shakespeare's originals scarcely demanded a more 
sweeping exercise of creative power and a more subtle, alchemizing 
touch. 

Another unusual phase of this source-material is its minute and 
reiterated insistence on motive. Browning was always a searcher for 
hidden and disputable motive. It was this that fascinated him in his 
early study of Paracelsus. But the famous source-stories of other 
poets have put stress far more upon action than upon motive. What 
was done? What was the story that had met the world's eye? In 
the Book, however, the close and disputed reading of the purpose behind 
each single incident of the story well fitted this material to Browning's 
peculiar genius. 

Finally, the Book is utterly lacking in an underlying moral truth — 
a dominant and formative motive. Such a motive is found in the source- 
books of practically all of Shakespeare's plays, in the Faust legend, in 
the conception of Paradise Lost and of the Divina Commedia. The 
race for ages had been not merely retelling such stories, but had been 
conforming them to the racial faith, the racial ethics, the racial concep- 
tion of life and character. There is therefore at hand, all ready for the 
artist, a larger human truth, which gives majesty to his theme, and 
which he may adopt or amplify, according to his own vision, as Shakes- 
peare did in the story of Lear. But nothing of the kind was present 
in the Book. To its collector it had merely illustrated the question as 
to " whether and when a husband may kill his adulterous wife." ^ 
Hence the larger truth of these characters found in the Book and of 
their relationship to one another, the real meaning of the tragedy, had 
to be supplied entirely by Browning. 

F. The Book, its History: 

We may now pass on to a more specific account of " the old yellow 
book." The Poet himself has with unusual vividness described its 
finding. By no mere chance, but pushed by " a Hand, always above 
my shoulder" (RB., I, 40), he had discovered it amidst the rubbish 



237 

of a market barrow in San Lorenzo Square. This was in June of i860. 
That very day the old record fascinated his imagination. And yet, in 
spite of his immediate interest, he seems almost to have laid it aside for 
the next few years. A letter of September 16, 1862, speaks indeed of 
" my new poem that is about to be; and of which the whole is pretty 
well in my head — the Roman murder story, you know." Yet his 
purpose to use the material artistically must have been subject to some 
fluctuation. And he is even said to have turned over the Book to a 
friend and novelist, Miss Ogle, with the suggestion that she use it in 
her art. " But," as the Poet casually remarked to Professor Corson 
several years later, " when she said she made nothing out of it, I wrote 
The Ring and the Book." 

Browning's temporary neglect of the theme was probably due in part 
to his restlessness and inability to set himself to consecutive work after 
the breaking up of old habits and of the Casa Guidi home after Mrs. 
Browning's death. During these years he seems to have devoted more 
thought to his son than to his poetry. But the Book must have been 
subjected to many a reading before the Poet made it his " four years 
intimate," from 1865 to 1868. After the publication of The Ring and 
the Book, the unique old volume was not infrequently shown to the 
Poet's friends and callers — not " tossed in the air, and caught again 
and twirled about by the crumpled vellum covers," but handled tend- 
erly, almost reverently.* Late in life he promised it, along with other 
papers and manuscripts, to Balliol College, Oxford, of which he was 
an honorary fellow. Mr. Barrett Browning personally carried the 
volume to Balliol shortly after the poet's death,"" and there it was 
finally deposited. The Poet's portrait, from the brush of his son (see 
frontispiece), shows him in his robes as honorary fellow clasping the 
Book in his hand. 

The Book is not at all a published volume, but is rather a lawyer's 
file of documents and pamphlets * ° bearing on the Franceschini murder 
trial. 

Fanciless fact, the documents indeed, 

Primary lawyer-pleadings for, against, 

The aforesaid Five ; real summed-up circumstance 

Adduced in proof of these on either side, 

Put forth and printed, as the practice was, 

At Rome, in the Apostolic Chamber's type. 



• Prof. Edward Dowden in a recent letter has said : " I remember an afternoon when 
Browning put the ' old yellow book ' in my hands. He must have felt for it a certain awe as 
the power that controlled his thought and feeling for so long a time." Dr. Furnivall, on the 
other hand, writes: "My impression is that when Browning showed me the old yellow 
book he tost it up in the air." Mr. John W. Chadwick says: " Mr. Browning did not seem 
at all inclined to toss it in the air and catch it as he does in verse. He handled it very 
carefully and with evident affection." 



238 

Browning suggests that its collector was the Francesco Cencini," 

advocate as well, 
Socius and brother-in-the-devil to match, — 
A friend of the Franceschini, anyhow. 

This seems probable in view of the inclusion of the three personal letters 
to Cencini (pp. ccxxxv-xl) ; and Ugolinucci's letter (p. ccxxxix) speaks 
of the fact that he had sent on to Cencini the documents, that his friend 
might have full knowledge of the case." The manuscript title-page 
(p. i) seems still further to prove that the collector had merely a pro- 
fessional interest in the material; it was for him a noteworthy precedent 
as to " whether and when a husband may kill his adulterous wife with- 
out incurring the ordinary penalty " for murder.- The human or ethical 
side of the tragedy made no appeal to Cencini. The file when completed 
was part of his law library and not of his personal history. Cencini 
evidently bound all of this material with a vellum cover to preserve it, 
and it is this age-yellow vellum which suggested the Poet's name, " the 
old yellow book." It is small-quarto size, as Browning states," and 
contains about 250 pages. The Poet's description of the soiled streaks 
to be seen on many of the pages ^ is but one of many illustrations of his 
minute accuracy in describing his Book. This is likewise true of the 
line descriptive of the old letters : " The sand, that dried the ink, not 
rubbed away." Furthermore, he translates literally the imprint of the 
pamphlets as he found it: "At Rome, in the Apostolic Chamber's 
type." And the absolutely convincing evidence of such accuracy in his 
vivid description of the finding and first reading of the Book is likewise 
confirmed by the word of Mr. Barrett Browning."* 

FI. The Book, its Contents: 

A description of the contents of the Book as supplementing the Poet's 
account of it in the first book of his Poem may now be of advantage. 

The volume consists largely of eighteen printed pamphlets, and to 
these are added certain manuscript pages, evidently supplied by the col- 
lector of the pamphlets in further elucidation of the case. The manu- 
script portions include a title-page (p. i), a table of contents (pp. iii and 
iv) ; three letters bearing on the case and telling of the final execution of 
Guido (pp. ccxxxv-xl), and a transcript of the court record of the 
Tuscan trial and condemnation of Pompilia for her flight from her 
husband's home (pp. v-viii). This last would be directly accessible to 
the Florentine lawyer Cencini " and possibly was copied out with his 
own hand. 

A subdivision of the eighteen printed pamphlets is given on the 
following page. 



239 



Table of the Pamphlets of the Book. 



Sixteen official 
pamphlets print- 
ed by the Court 
(the Reverend 
Apostolic Cham- 
ber). 



Fourteen pam- 
phlets concern- 
ing the murder 
trial. 

Two pamphlets 
concerning the 
subsequent pe- 
tition to clear 
Pompilia's re- 
putation. 



Eleven arguments 
as to the fact and 
law in the case. 

Three summaries 
of evidence, pam- 
phlets 4, 7, II. 

rLamparelli's argu- 
ment (pamphlet 17). 

The final decree of 
Lcourt (pamphlet 18). 



For Guide 



Against 
Guido 



["By Arcangeli 
|(Nos. I, 3, 8). 

By Spreti 
L(Nos.2, 9, 16). 

[By Gambi 

|(Nos. 5,12). 

I By Bottin! 
(.(No3.6,i3,i4). 



Two unofficial 
pamphlets, with- 
out imprint. 



{Notizie di fatto, etc. 
(pamphlet 10). 
Risposta a Notizie, 
etc. (pamphlet 15). 



Sixteen of the pamphlets are official and documentary, bearing the 
imprint of the Papal Court (Reverendas Camerae Apostolics Typis, 
1698)." The other two numbers were privately and anonymously 
printed. 

Fourteen of the sixteen pamphlets are concerned with and are a part 
of the trial of Guido and his accomplices on charge of murder, January 
and February, 1698;''°^ the two remaining official pamphlets, Nos. 17 
and 18, have to do with the subsequent petition in court for the clearing 
from stain of the good name of Pompilia.*^* These fourteen pamphlets 
include eleven arguments as to the law and facts in the case and three 
pamphlets of evidence admitted in the trial. 

The eleven arguments present to us, as it was originally presented to 
the judges, the legal battle of the trial. They make little effort to give 
a consecutive narrative, but are chiefly devoted to the establishing or 
refutation of certain points of law. Matters of fact appear but frag- 
mentarily, and are then distorted to a particular professional end; the 
truth of the tragedy and the real claims of justice are of little interest 
to the contestants. Every energy of the defense is devoted to the 
establishing of the plea of honoris causa,^"^ while the prosecution is 
equally insistent upon the illegitimate delay in taking vengeance,"^ and 
upon the five technical aggravations of mere murder.*"' The whole is 
flooded with precedent upon precedent.''^ They show much acumen 
and no heart, and justify Browning's word as " to the patent truth- 
extracting process." (RB., I, 1 1 14.) 

The three pamphlets of evidence, Nos. 4, 7, and 1 1, however, which 
included affidavits, letters and other documents bearing on the case, are 
more interesting. In them we come in immediate contact with the 
actors and eye-witnesses of the tragedy. Pompilia and Caponsacchi tell 



240 

the sworn story of their flight ^' " only ten days after their arrest. Fra 
Celestino, the confessor of Pompilia's dying hours, and his fellow- 
witnesses testify unanimously and urgently to her purity and Christian 
resignation/" ^" A former servant in the Franceschini household bears 
detailed witness to the meanness and cruelty of the home life in the old 
Arezzo Palace."" Letters of the Bishop "' and of the Governor '^^ of 
7\rezzo sustain Guido's accusation against the Comparini. The love- 
letters which Guido claimed he had found after the arrest at Castel- 
nuovo, and whose authorship he ascribed to the fugitives, are given in 
large part."'* "- All of these matters are of considerable importance in 
the Poet's judgment of the truth of the case ; yet we have undoubtedly 
lost considerable testimony offered in the murder trial, as several 
matters of evidence cited or referred to in the arguments are not given 
in the summaries at hand.^^- Of special importance among these are 
the confessions of Guido and his fellow assassins, which are given 
only in brief extracts (pp. cxxvii-xxx). These matters may have been 
left unprinted by the court, or they may have been purposely omitted 
by Cencini on account of his regard for the Franceschini family. They 
are usually referred to by citation of folio or page in the court records, 
which are now lost. Yet even in its incompleteness the testimony of the 
Book is invaluable to the Poet's art in remaking his story. 

The purpose and authorship of the two unofficial, anonymous Italian 
pamphlets ^'^ '^^ (Nos. 10 and 15) must be judged purely by internal 
evidence. They were no mere popular narratives of the case, such as a 
Grub Street pamphleteer would have produced in exploiting a famous 
contemporary crime. The authors try unsuccessfully to be popular in 
their style, but their own legal temperaments and attitudes of mind soon 
prevent the purely narrative and sensational treatment common in 
pamphlets on famous crimes. The pamphlets were evidently written 
and printed either by the lawyers in the case, or by some one in their 
employ. Certain internal evidences, which need not be given here, lead 
me to believe that they were written by Arcangeli and Bottini them- 
selves. The first of these, Notizie di fatto e rag'ione,^'' attempted to stir 
public sentiment in behalf of the accused while excitement over the 
trial was at its height. The rejoinder charges it with attempting " to 
insinuate a false impression into the dull heads of the crowd." *' This 
rejoinder ^^ was presented before the same bar of public opinion in the 
same semi-popular, semi-legal manner. It aimed to disclose ruthlessly 
the greed and craft of Guido. Both pamphlets were probably dis- 
tributed throughout Rome and became the food for abundant gossip on 
this already exciting case. These two pamphlets, in fact, seem to have 
suggested to Browning his Half Rome " and the Other Half Rome,^^ 
though the Poet does not in either of these monologues follow closely 
the fact or line of thought of the corresponding pamphlet; yet there 



241 

are many striking correspondences between them which will appear in 
the corpus of notes at the close of this volume. 

The three manuscript letters " included in the Book were written, 
" in hands crabbed enough," from Rome on the evening of Guido's 
execution. They tell of the delay of three days, February 18 to 21, 
in favor of Guido, which was finally overruled by the Pope. 

And these are letters, veritable sheets 

That brought posthaste the news to Florence, writ 

At Rome the day Count Guido died. 

The first of these is from Arcangeli, and is quoted with close verbal 
accuracy in Bk. XII, 239;*^° of course, the " Hac tetiits seniorihus," 
with what follows, is purely Browning's humorous fiction in keeping 
with the pleasant rascality of the first lawyer. The other two letters 
were written by Gaspero del Torto and Carlo Ugolinucci, and have but 
slight correspondence with the second and third letters of the Poem, 
though some of the material is used elsewhere by the Poet.''^' "® *""■"• *" 

Such are the contents of this Book, and they assure the reader that it 
not only now is, but always has been, a unique volume. Of the manu- 
script portions, especially the letters, there could have been no duplicate. 
And very few copies of the pamphlets were probably printed — merely 
enough for the use of the judges and lawyers and recorders during the 
trial, and not for public distribution. The history of the Book during 
" the decades thrice five " from the time it first began gathering dust in 
Cencini's law library until it fell into the Poet's hands on the market 
barrow is utterly dark. 

From this account of the contents of the Book it is plain that the 
component parts, while organized partly by the fact that all emanated 
from the Franceschini murder trial, are from many different minds with 
diverse attitudes toward the fact in hand. Accordingly, in style, in 
sentiment, and in mere matters of fact, the various parts of the Book 
are at odds with one another. The legal arguments, moreover, are 
fashioned by minds far remote from art purpose or art effect. Their 
casuistry and sophistry are utterly divorced from such human sentiment 
as might naturally arise from the case. Pity for the wife, sympathy 
for the husband, admiration or reprobation of the priest — such natural 
feelings as we should expect to spring spontaneously from contact with 
this tragedy — are nowhere to be found in the Book. Wherever there 
is show of sentiment, its rhetorical parade betrays its insincerity. These 
lawyers evidently had a job on which to exercise their professional 
cunning, and they have little conviction as to the rights or wrongs of 
the case. Such an attitude is as utterly remote from that of the artist 
as is possible; for to the artist every fact must be steeped in feeling, 
which must flow from deep wells of emotional life. It is only In the 
16 



242 

affidavits of Fra Celestino, of Pompilia, and of Caponsacchi that we 
find such perennial source of human feeling. For the rest, Browning 
had to breathe mightily on a valley of dry bones, before these men 
and women of a former day could stand erect to play over again their 
parts in that long-forgotten tragedy. 

Still further, the style of the Book is in general far removed from 
such as the artist employs. The testimony is in plain, pedestrian, rather 
amorphous Italian, rising to effective style only in part in the affidavits 
of Caponsacchi and Pompilia, while the law Latin partakes of the worst 
stylistic vices of its technical nature and of its late composition. It is 
inaccurate grammatically, amorphous rhetorically, and utterly without 
the lift which a lawyer with good command of language should give to 
the treatment of a technical subject. Nor are there such brief flights 
of oratory enkindled with feeling and imagination as might naturally 
arise in the progress of a case which deals with many of the deepest 
feelings. All this makes the Book the duller reading to the modern 
reader and the more forbidding to the artist. Yet Browning was by 
no means daunted thereby, and rose to some of his own most remarkable 
flights of stylistic power in retelling the story he found here. 

C VII. Minor Additional Source-material: 

The case, sensational as it was, in its own day, evidently had but 
the moment's brilliant " usurpature " of the rocket. Soon the story 
dropped out of the oral and written annals of Rome, so that it left no 
trace there for the interested search of the Poet (RB., I, 422-56). 
A friend, however, somewhat later found in London an anonymous 
manuscript account of the murder (pp. 209-13). This seems to have 
been written, a few years after the trial, by a man who had no personal 
knowledge of the case, but who evidently had a leaning toward Pom- 
pilia's side of the story, and who had read closely her own affidavit and 
the second anonymous pamphlet of the Book. It is much more popular 
in style than the rest of the material described above, and would make a 
good newspaper story. It was evidently not written with a legal bias. 
In this pamphlet the Poet found some interesting material not given in 
the Book. This does not change the bearing of any important facts in 
the tragedy, but gives numerous descriptive details which were freely 
used by the Poet. It is probably less reliable as a source of informa- 
tion and evidently misstates two matters of fact from the testimony 
of the servant Angelica "" — namely, the Canon Girolamo's attack 
upon Signora Violante and Signora Beatrice's denial of hot coals for 
Violante's warming-pan. Nevertheless the Poet accepts it for the pur- 
poses of his art, and weaves its details undlscriminatingly with the rest. 
It is therefore the secondary source of the Poem. It contributes such 



243 

interesting details as the name of the babe, Gaetano,-" the twenty-two 
dagger wounds of Pompilia,'^" the exposing of the murdered corpses 
in San Lorenzo,^' the pursuit, arrest, and final execution of the mur- 
derers/""" "^"" Books IV and XII make especially important use 
of it. The pamphlet was printed privately by the Philoblblion Society 
in 1870, and has been translated in part by Mrs. Orr in her Hand- 
book. In reprinting it here the editor of this volume has used italics 
to indicate the portions which present fact not already accessible to 
Browning in the Book. 

Three other fragments of evidence fell in Browning's way. One is 
a little pen sketch of Guido on a loose sheet of paper, made shortly 
before his execution; it is reproduced in this volume (p. 275) from the 
original, now in Balliol College. Another is the water-color drawing 
of the Franceschini arms, which was sent to the Poet by his friend 
Kirkup.* It was then pasted on the front inside cover of the yellow 
book. The Poet reads into this sketch a certain significance; for 
it is symbolic of the greed and violence of the Franceschini family." 
And Browning evidently found and used the description of the torture 
of the vigil in Farinacci.^^" '*^"* The Poet assures us in the first and 
last books of the Poem that he made further search for the fact of the 
case in the records of Rome and Arezzo, but largely in vain. 

Only a few years ago, another Italian manuscript narrative of the 
Franceschini case was found in the Royal Casanatense Library, Rome. 
Browning never saw it, and hence it is not a part of the source of The 
Ring and the Book, yet the pamphlet gives some interesting additional 
information and presents the characters of Abate Paolo and Guido and 
of the Comparini more fully than elsewhere. In several cases it con- 
firms the imaginary amplifications which Browning made of the data 
before him. The pamphlet is translated in full (pp. 217-225). 



VIII. The Legal History of the Franceschini-Comparini Dispute: 

It may be well now, for the sake of elucidating the Book still further, 
to give an account of the complicated series of lawsuits which preceded 
and conditioned the murder trial, and which are continually discussed 
in the course of the Book. 

The first of the series was a civil suit brought in the spring of 1694 
against the Franceschini by Pietro Comparini, for the recovery of the 
dowry already paid and for the annulling of the dowry contract.""" This 
was brought on the ground that Pietro had just learned, from the 

*Barone K!rkup to Wm. Rossetti, Sept. 18, 1868, "Another book of his (Pietro Aretino) 
is a dialogue on Cards, in which some excellent stories of gamesters are introduced. I sent 
some of them later to Browning, who is writing a poem relating to Arezzo, in which gam- 
bling will make a great figure." 



244 

confession of his wife, that Pompilia was not his own child, as he had 
always considered her. Guido won this case,-"' but it was appealed -" 
and remained undecided '"'''* even to the time of the murders, more than 
three years later. Part of the evidence included in the summaries of 
the Book was first used in this trial : namely the testimony of the servant 
Angelica,"" the letter written to Abate Paolo,"- and the letters of the 
Governor ^"^ and the Bishop "' of Arezzo. 

Next came the processus fugae,^^^ the criminal case brought by the 
Fisc, or the State, at the instigation of Guido, in which Pompilia and 
Caponsacchi were defendants from the charge of running away and 
of adultery. This was introduced immediately after their arrest in 
May, 1697, though it was not until the following September that the 
court sentenced Caponsacchi "" to three years' banishment to Civita 
Vecchia, and remanded Pompilia to the convent of the Scalette "" as 
prison, without giving definite decision concerning her. Much of the 
evidence in the summaries of the Book had been first used in this trial, 
and then later had been carried over into the murder trial. Such are 
the packet of forged letters,-'- the affidavits of Caponsacchi '* and of 
Pompilia," and of the group of Aretlne citizens who swear to the ill- 
treatment suffered by Pompilia in her husband's home."' 

Parallel to this suit, but of somewhat later date, was the Aretlne 
criminal prosecution of Pompilia, and of Guillichini "''^ as her accom- 
plice, on the charges of flight from her husband's home and of adult- 
ery."" This was not decided until December, 1697. We know nothing 
of it except in the manuscript report given in the Book (pp. v-viii). In 
it strong insistence was evidently made on a preposterous amount of 
theft on the part of the fugitives.-"" Browning, in the words of the 
Pope, speaks with strong indignation concerning this travesty of justice, 
as " that strange shameful judgment, that Satire upon a sentence." 

In the fall of 1697, after her imprisonment in the monastery, Pom- 
pilia brought suit for divorce from Guido on the grounds of cruel 
abuse,-"" and he in turn seems to have taken counsel as to whether he 
had sufl'icient grounds for divorce from Pompilia ;"" but, as the replies 
were doubtful, he did not enter further into the suit. The divorce case 
was still undecided at the time of the murders. 

Then there was the murder trial against Guido and his fellows,'"^ 
brought in the Roman criminal courts soon after the murder, and 
terminating by the sentence given February 18, and the execution Feb- 
ruary 22, 1698. This is the case presented in the Book. In it the 
Fiscus,'"** or prosecution, as we call it, was represented by BottinI and 
Gambi as Advocate and Procurator respectively; while the defense was 
maintained by Spreti and Arcangeli, Advocate and Procurator of the 
Poor,"* respectively. " Poor " means nothing more than " the accused." 
The Procurator and Advocatus Pauperum were quite as much servants 



245 

of the State as were their opponents, and were in no sense our modern 
private counsel hired for and by the criminal and his friends.^'" 

While the murder trial was still going on, suit was brought against 
Tighetti, Pompilia's trustee and executor, by the monastery of the 
Convertites.^" By law they could claim the property of any woman 
of evil life who died within the city of Rome. Tighetti seems to have 
been harassed at this same time by the Franceschini, who were trying 
to seize the dead Pompilia's property. So he met these attacks by 
claiming, through his counsel Lamparelli in pamphlet 17, a court declar- 
ation of Pompilia's good fame, which would free him from these law- 
suits. This decree was finally given in pamphlet 18, in September, 
1698,"° and with this decree the legal history of the Book comes to a 
close. 



IX. The Order of Proceeding in the Murder Trial: 

We need also to speak of the order of proceeding In the murder 
trial, and this the more as the pamphlets in the Book are not arranged 
quite In their chronological order. To avoid the confusion which might 
arise therefrom, the probable order, as based upon internal evidence, is 
suggested. 

The trial evidently began in the month of January,^"^ only a few 
days after the murders. There seem to have been two distinct stages 
of the trlal.^" In each of these, contrary to the English practice — the 
practice of the Common Law — the Defense speaks first ^°' according 
to the practice of the Civil Law. Arcangell doubtless opened the 
debate by pamphlet No. i, which he prefaces by a connected statement 
of the facts In the case. He was supported in this by Advocate Spreti 
in No. 2, and added a word In behalf of the fellow assassins in No. 3. 
The case for the Prosecution, on the other hand, was evidently opened 
with the statement of fact made by Gambi In No. 5. This was seconded 
by the two arguments of Bottlnl, Nos. 6 and 14. These six arguments 
are based on the two summaries of evidence, Nos. 4 and 7. 

This first stage of the trial seems to have been unsatisfactory to the 
Prosecution, and the torture of the vigil ^"^ was now demanded that the 
case might be the plainer. For Guldo had confessed only that he had 
given orders to mutilate and not to kill, and had also qualified his 
confession In other ways. The Defense strongly resisted the infliction 
of such cruel torture, but were unsuccessful, and Guido and his asso- 
ciates were tortured anew before the second stage of the trial opened. 
A more extended account of this debate and of the particular nature of 
the torture of the vigil is given In Note 526. Evidently a much fuller 
confession was received from the accused on this reexamination under 
torture. 



246 

The second stage of the contest was far more searching and more 
skilful on both sides; we have here the really formidable legal meeting. 
Franceschini's case was again presented by his two lawyers in Nos. 8 
and 9. In response to these Gambi prepared brief No. 12 in three 
hours, as he declared; while the most important word for the Prose- 
cution was now spoken by Bottini in No. 13. This last pamphlet con- 
tains reference to the third Summary, No. 11, which must have been 
made up after February 9. The final word in the trial was the rebuttal 
made by Spreti, No. 16. A missing argument for the Prosecution, 
mentioned in Ugolinucci's letter (p. ccxxxix) seems to be still lacking. 

The case then passed to judgment, and the accused were found guilty 
by the board of judges, and were sentenced on Tuesday, February 18, 
1698,"^ to death, "by heading or hanging as befitted rank." We 
learn from letters of a subsequent delay of three days for appeal to 
the Pope on the ground of Guido's " clericate." ■*" This was over- 
ruled by the Pope on the 21st, and the sentence of the court was 
executed upon the criminals the next day. 

X. Browning's Peculiar Interest in his chance-found Material: 
Such was the treasure-trove found by the Poet that June day — 

This is the bookful ; thus far take the truth, 
The untempered gold, the fact untampered with. 

Nor could the Book have fallen to a more interested reader. With 
eyes riveted on its pages, he made his way home to Casa Guidi, and 
there all day long continued to pore over its pages till 

The book was shut and done with and laid by 

And from the reading, * * * 

I turned, to free myself and find the world. 

As he stepped for a breathing-while out on the little terrace, the inert 
materials of the Book were kindled to a new life by his imagination until 

then and there 
Acted itself over again once more 
The tragic piece. 

The inert chaos of the Book had become a vital cosmos — those long- 
forgotten names were once more living persons to him, and their 
tragedy was athrob with meaning. The tragedy was now potentially 
recreated. The Poet never lost the exhilaration of his creative mastery 
of the Book, which he felt the first night of his acquaintance with it. 

Nor is it difficult to see that in many ways the Book was such as to 
appeal strongly to a man of Browning's peculiar temper of mind. 



247 

Since early boyhood he had delighted in out-of-the-way, forgotten 
books, in dusty memorials, in nondescript records of all kinds. His 
father's shelves were rich in quaint treasures exhumed from bookstall 
rubbish. Sihrandiis Schafnahurgens'is lets us share the Poet's humorous 
resentment against the leaden stupidity of one volume of this kind. 
Transcendentalism was probably the outgrowth of another such experi- 
ence. In fact. Browning's recondite and curious reading was of almost 
unparalleled extent. From rusty folios he had exhumed his Paracelsus, 
while still little more than a boy, and had made those old records the 
basis of the greatest of his earlier poems. 

He went to such soiled volumes with a stout heart and a strong brain, 
well fortified against their crude stupidity. For, deeply bedded in them, 
he sometimes found golden veins of true humanity; at some point or 
other, vital thought or passion might greet his search. Such chance 
gains were doubly precious to the Poet, and had in them the gambler's 
exhilaration besides; researches of this kind were peculiarly character- 
istic of his mind and art. In the Book he found material that was 
unusual enough; yet it was filled with humanity, " red ripe at the core." 
' We are also informed in Kegan Paul's Memories that Browning was 
acquainted to the minutest detail with recent famous criminal cases.* 
It is hardly necessary to point out that this was from no thirst for 
sensationalism, but as a searcher of the human heart he was profoundly 
stirred by the underlying motive of the criminal. What do these bad 
hearts mean? What place have they in God's world? How can the 
all-powerful and all-loving Father permit his children to plunge into 
such an abyss of evil? Browning was an optimist, not because he shut 
his eyes to the villain and the brute in human nature, but because he 
would find even for them a place in his rational explanation of God's 
world. Mark how he lingers over the suicides in the " little rustic 
morgue," and note the closing stanza of Apparent Failure. Moreover, 
the salvation of Ned Bratts, grotesque as may be its manner, has a 
profound place in Browning's thought of God and man. The mur- 
derous lust of Ottlma and Sebald is finally pierced by a ray of light: 
" God's in his heaven, all's right with the world." Crime is far too 
important a fact in life for the poet of man to ignore it; he will " paint 
man, whatever the issue." Hence this story of Guide's brutal greed, 
this dark record of crime, proved strongly attractive to Browning, not 

* On one occasion, at the table of Mr. Leigliton, father of Lord Leighton, the conversa- 
tion turned on murder, and to the surprise of everybody Mr. Browning showed himself 
acquainted with the minutest details of every cause celebre of that kind within living 
memory. He quoted a ghastly stanza on Thurtell's murder of Mr. Weare: 

His throat they cut from ear to ear 

His brains they battered in, 
and was rather piqued that another guest was able to complete the lines with 

His name was Mr. William Weare 

He lived at Lyons Inn. 



248 

for its sensational interest, but for its profound spiritual meaning. In 
his Red Cotton Night Cap Country, he again seized a subject of this 
kind, but failed to interpenetrate it with his own master power, as he 
did this sordid tragedy. 

It is also possible that Shelley's example in handling the somewhat 
similar Cenci story may have given an additional interest to the Book. 
Browning well knew the work of Shelley and the popular celebrity of 
the story. Though Shelley had been stimulated by the supposed portrait 
of Beatrice, he had also drawn his facts from a contemporary pamphlet. 
In fact the famous murder trial of Beatrice is cited as a precedent in the 
course of one argument of the Book (p. ci). However this suggestion 
of the value of the material may have operated on Browning, he is 
utterly independent of the example of his predecessor in his art of using 
the story of the murder. 

Yet all these sources of interest in the Book seem quite secondary to 
the Poet's recognition of Pompilia and his eager desire to clear her 
memory. Mrs. Orr has said that Browning was brotherly rather than 
chivalrous to the women of his acquaintance, and they were many. Yet 
one can not doubt the fine chivalrous attitude of Browning toward the 
women of his own creation. He is ready to believe in woman, to defend 
her, to shield her from misrepresentation, to have faith in her heart. 
His bad women, such as Ottima and Lucrezia, stand out all the more 
prominently because they are exceptional and because they are so gross a 
perversion of woman's true nature. Woman is normally a help and an 
inspiration, yes, and a quickener of spiritual perception in the more 
obtuse nature of man. Browning's love poems are full of the thought 
which culminates in By the Fireside. Women like Pompilia, who were 
the victims of hard conventionalism or of the brutality of man, always 
had his heart's sympathy, as we can well see in The Flight of the 
Duchess, A Blot in the 'Scutcheon, and My Last Duchess. How true 
his chivalry rings in Count Gismond and The Glove/ In the last, 
Browning was dealing with a story centuries old, and its various 
versions closed with the glove flung straight in the lady's face, and a 
moralizing tag appended : 

Not love, quoth he, but vanity, 
Set love a task like that. 

Browning's own glove of challenge was as prompt in reply as Count 
Gismond's, and in the sequel which he has indignantly created he gives 
De Lorge his due, while the lady is borne off by the page to live a life 
of true love. But we have said enough of this chivalry of Browning as 
a creator of women. In reading the Book, he found a girl, a child- 
mother, wronged. The lawyers on both sides had used with little rever- 
ence the " lily-thing to frighten at a bruise." They spoke of her as a 
" wretched child " and " unfortunate girl," but they were solely intent 



249 

on their technical pleadings, and not the slightest drop of human pity 
warmed their hearts. But behind this grim record of cruelty and greed, 
on suggestion of the affidavit of Fra Celestino,^^' Browning perceived 
her woman's soul; she had been misjudged, she lay all undefended — a 
Browning to the rescue ! Not that he would misrepresent the truth for 
her sake, but to his perception her case was all-sufficient in its bare truth. 
His prepossession, like that of Other Half Rome, would right her, and 
it doubtless had fully as strong conviction of its rightness. It had also 
the advantage of being by one of the most searching and most truthful 
of human hearts. Yet he did take sides, and his faith in woman made 
him take the woman's side, whether he would or no. This chivalry, I 
feel, more than anything else, occasioned Browning's prolonged creative 
activity upon the story and governed his whole attitude toward his 
material; and this, in all probability, sprang in almost instant impulse 
when he first " fused his live soul " with the Book, and when for the 
first time the tragic piece acted itself over again before his mind's eye. 
Browning was as truly and as promptly Pompilia's lover as was 
Caponsacchi. 

Nor do we sympathize with the paradox of Mr. Chesterton that 
Browning said: " I will show you the story of man and heaven by 
telling you a story of a dirty book of criminal trials, from which I 
select one of the meanest and most completely forgotten." Something 
more than meanness and pettiness drew his attention; it was a story of 
a suffering woman, cruelly tormented by her husband, who was backed 
by all conventional society. In fact the case seemed all but hopeless 
for Pompilia, for by the custom and morals of the society in which she 
lived there was naught for Pompilia to do but submit, and her slightest 
resistance would have seemed censurable by those standards. And yet 
God's hand had brushed aside all cunning contrivances of man and had 
rescued her by the agency of the hero-saint Caponsacchi. It was both a 
tragedy and a triumph, capable of moving pity and terror and exalta- 
tion. It was neither petty nor trivial, even though its actors were not 
kings and though its stake was only a woman's body and soul. 



XI. The Choice of an Art Form : 

When Browning had determined to give full expression to himself 
through the material of the Book, he must have faced very early the 
question of artistic form. Should he make of it drama or epic or 
romance or novel? Shelley had used the drama for the Cenci story, 
and there were marked dramatic possibilities in the catastrophe of the 
Franceschini ; but the drama had been abandoned twenty years previ- 
ously by Browning, after he had fairly tested his power of expressing 
himself through its means. That he also recognized the novelistic possi- 



250 

bilities of the material is evidenced by his giving it to Miss Ogle. 
Behind Pompilia he saw the panorama of the environing conventional 
society, with its trafficking for dowry, its cynical unfaith in purity, and 
the dominating presence of a worldly church and a selfish churchman- 
ship. The tragedy lay too deeply rooted in that society to be divorced 
therefrom, and Browning knew that particular world, with all its types 
and ideals, as few men have known it. He must have seen an historical 
novel in the making, and it was truly there. His own results indeed 
have something of the novelist's arts in them — in fact the poem is 
novel, as much as it is epic or drama. Yet Robert Browning was not a 
novelist but a poet, and instead of experimenting in a new art, he did 
what he had so often done, modified his " art familiar " to adapt it to 
his new theme, and the form he adopted drew much suggestion from 
the well-elaborated technique of the novel. 

Browning was within certain limitations a very prolific creator of 
poetic forms. He scarcely ever departs from the drama or the dramatic 
monologue, but he has modified them with much variety. He was never 
conventionalized nor stereotyped in his art, either by the tradition of 
other artists or by his own achievements, and his successes did not 
repeat themselves. Paracelsus was warmly praised by his small circle 
of admirers, and he himself prized Pippa Passes highly, but neither of 
them is repeated. We wish in vain for a repetition of the mad-cap 
balladry of The Pied Piper, or the swift-thrilling power of The Flight 
of the Duchess. His own words in James Lee's Wife are apropos: 

Nothing can be as it has been before ; 

Better, so call it, only not the same. 
To draw one beauty into our hearts' core 

And keep it changeless ! such our claim ; 
So answered, — nevermore ! 

»|I »|* 'I* T* •!* 

* * * Rejoice that man is hurled 
From change to change unceasingly, 
His soul's wings never furled ! 

In The Ring and the Book, indeed, he merely modifies his familiar 
art of monologue writing to suit his material. The single monologue 
would be far too narrow. No one point of view could include all the 
facts in the case, much less deploy the whole range of motive surround- 
ing the tragedy. There must be room not merely for the main person- 
ages, but for the environing society with its motives and ideals. There 
must also be opportunity for the revelation of the souls of the actors, 
for in his dedication of Sordello (1863), written when The Ring and 
the Book was being planned, he says: " My stress lay on the incidents 
in the development of the soul ; little else is worth study. I, at least, 
always thought so." Browning's method of using the well-tried mono- 



251 

logue to retell the Book is simple but effective. He marshals the 
tragedy through ten successive monologues and adds the necessary 
prologue and epilogue. In the monologues of the actors themselves 
he could present the passionate heart of the tragedy; in the rest he could 
give its environment and interpretation. Nor could Browning, with his 
own unflagging interest in the play of human motive, have anticipated 
the oft-repeated criticism of excessive repetition. Effective as the device 
is, however, Browning never again uses the monologue in this way. 



XII. The Ten Monologue Plan suggested by the Book: 

We may add still further that the suggestion of this art form lay 
plainly in the Book itself. There we read the professionally biased 
arguments of the lawyers, the more violently prejudiced, popular Italian 
narratives (suggestions of Half Rome^^ and Other Half Rome'^^), 
and the affidavits of Caponsacchi, Pompilia, Fra Celestino, and the 
housemaid of the Franceschini. All these phases of truth lie side by side 
in the Book, illustrating the many ways in which the fact of the story 
may be told. Browning saw therein that truth is many-sided, and that 
certain phases of the truth would meet the eye of Half Rome which 
would be unseen by Caponsacchi. If then he desired to tell the whole 
truth of the tragedy, the variety of these accounts in the Book itself 
must have forced upon his attention the real power of this method in 
presenting many-sided truth. If he should tell the story from one stand- 
point only, he would fail of truth, no matter how conscientious he might 
be. For to use the words of Merlin in his riddling triplets : " The 
truth is this to me and that to thee." Let the reader think deeply upon 
his two figures of speech in Bk. I, 1343-78, before adjudging the plan 
of this monumental poem. And, may I add, we should utterly abandon 
the search for conventional epic form in a poem which is epical only 
in length. 

When Browning had adopted the multiple-monologue form, why 
should he use ten monologues, neither more nor less? Was he padding 
out to reach the conventional twelve-book epic, as Tennyson divided one 
of his Idylls of the King for that purpose? Are the lawyer's mono- 
logues, as is often charged, unnecessary? If mere pleasant reading is 
the end, possibly so; but they are as essential to the architecture of the 
poem as are the other eight monologues. More than thirty persons are 
named in the Book. Browning assigns monologues to only six of these, 
but quotes from several others, such as Abate Paolo, Fra Celestino, and 
Violante, in such a way as to throw light on their characters. We might 
well listen to the complete version of the story from any one of these. 
Browning has also added the purely hypothetical and typical personages 
of the first three monologues. We feel, however, that the ten mono- 



252 

logues need no eleventh, nor could they be cut to nine. Browning 
himself has pointed out his three groups of three each, the actors, the 
law, and Rome's gossip. If this tragedy is to be understood with its 
environment, all of these are necessary. 

Browning chose as speakers three actors of the story, and three only, 
because he saw that the heart of the strife lay between Guido, Pompilia, 
and Caponsacchi — his ideal villain, his ideal saint, and his ideal hero. 
Their moral and spiritual relationships with one another were the real 
tragedy and triumph, both in the fact of life and in the ideals of art. 
The families of the Franceschini and Comparini, and all other persons 
in the story, were merely accessories thereto. It was inevitable, from 
his very material, that Browning should make the monologues of Guido, 
Caponsacchi, and Pompilia the center of power and interest alike in his 
poem. i^The triangular plot, moreover, is common enough in Browning, 
as in all literature. It is exemplified in Colombe's Birthday, The Return 
of the Druses, In a Balcony, A Blot in the 'Scutcheon, King Victor 
and King Charles, A Forgiveness, and the Imt Album. The monologues 
of Violante, of Abate Paolo, of the Bishop, of Fra Celestino might have 
been made very interesting in themselves by such a searcher of soul as 
Browning, but they would have diverted attention from the essential 
interest of the plot, namely the relationship of the husband, the wife, 
and the St. George of the story. 

Then, as to the reason for three official monologues, we must remem- 
ber that the Book is the statement of a law case and is not a tragedy. 
Much of the fact as regards the main actors came to Browning filtered 
through the prejudiced arguments of the lawyers — so shrewdly sophis- 
tical, but so untrue. Browning was in no mood for such jugglery with 
the truth, and the vials of his ironical wrath are poured abundantly on 
the " truth-extracting process? " The presence of such a conventional 
institution of law, so far removed from real justice and truth, was one of 
the profoundly significant aspects of this tragedy in real life. Pompilia's 
position was all the more helpless and her rescue the more desperate 
because of it. The historic atmosphere was conditioned by its method 
of argument. Hence Browning chose a sample speech from each side 
of the murder trial. He reproduced in Bottini and Arcangeli, with all 
possible fidelity, the impression these lawyers in the Book had made 
upon himself. The ineptness, the heartlessness of the law, had indeed 
made the tragedy all the darker. Unwilling, however, to leave the 
matter thus as an occasion for bitterness over the failure of human 
justice. Browning confronted the lawyers with a third official verdict — 
one suggested by a mere hint in the Book — one that had not merely 
come from a seat of authority, but from the heart of a great, good, wise 
man. Therein the Poet gave his own most deliberate verdict in the 
case. Truth's debasement as well as its exaltation in the human insti- 



253 

tution of law were absolutely essential to the truth of the story as the 
Poet had found it; for had not the right triumphed, and had not Guido, 
probably to the surprise of his contemporaries, finally been brought to 
justice? This, as Browning felt, could have been achieved only by the 
divine interposition of God's representative in the Pope. 

Official judgment of the case of Guido, Pompilia, and Caponsacchi 
lay plain upon the face of the Book. But Browning's knowledge of 
human nature gave him no less confident assurance of the abundant 
gossip that swept over Rome and swirled around the actors, in this 
as in all the tragedies of life. 

The world's outcry 
Around the rush and ripple of any fact 
Fallen stonewise, plumb on the smooth face of things. 

This was also suggested by the two popular pamphlets '^'" '"" with their 
leveling of the case to the gossip-loving Rome — that outward world 
which had been potent in forwarding the tragedy. For that gossipry 
had watched with gusto the mud-flinging of the Franceschini and Com- 
parini; they had been a heartless barrier-wall around the struggles of 
Pompilia to escape; they had enjoyed the rankling gibe against the 
Franceschini, and had sneered cynically at the Christian heroism of 
Caponsacchi and the saintly purity of Pompilia. In fact, to them the 
catastrophe itself was little more than a delicious piece of sensationalism. 
Not that this environing world was malicious or depraved — it was 
merely human in its weaknesses. Browning had often presented a past 
social condition through typical personages. Ruskin in speaking of 
The Bishop Orders his Tomb says : " I know no other piece of modern 
English, prose or poetry, in which so much is told of the Renaissance 
spirit — its worldliness, inconsistency, pride, hypocrisy, ignorance of 
itself, love of art and of good Latin." The Poet presented many such 
typical personages in Bells and Pomegranates — The Soliloquy in a 
Spanish Cloister, A Toccata of Galuppi's, Johannes Agricola, The 
Grammarian' s Funeral, and many others. When Browning, therefore, 
saw the need of presenting the Rome and Arezzo of the late seventeenth 
century as an environment of his tragedy, a necessity for any true pre- 
sentation of the story, he chose three typical personages and named them 
in such a way as to emphasize their purely typical significance. They 
interpret the spirit of their day and prepare the reader for an intelligent 
understanding of the words of the main actors who follow. 

It may be well here to point out the fact that in his purpose not merely 
to tell a story but to explore all its ramifying motives and effects, to 
reproduce the Intricate cross-play of many minds in a story, the Poet 
has conceived these first three monologues with much skill. And it Is 
quite impossible to divide off the important later monologues for sep- 



254 

arate reading, as a really effective whole. In the economy of his Poem 
as a whole, the narrative of fact is presented fully in Half Rome, The 
Other Half Rome, and Tertiitm Quid. Still more, in these monologues 
the author inserts certain passages, which are distinctly preparatory for 
the later and fuller study of the three main characters. Bk. Ill, 839- 
867, is a preparation for the understanding of Caponsacchi at the open- 
ing of his story, while 1340-1375 offers characteristic sample speeches 
of both Pompilia and Caponsacchi. Bk. IV, 581-627, in like manner 
gives us a preliminary word from Guido. The Poet thus prepares one 
who reads the poem in regular order, not merely to listen to the story 
from the chief actors, but to understand their hearts by the interpreta- 
tion they offer for facts already known. Not the fact but the meaning 
of fact in character is thus emphasized in the three main monologues. 
The Poet is also able, through this device, when he comes to the most 
important portion of his Poem, to skip from one significant fact to 
another, without dwelling on the necessary narrative details which 
would otherwise demand room, but would hinder the mere character 
study. These three earliest monologues are of great importance, 
indeed, in giving the whole environment which surrounded and almost 
controlled the life of the main actors. 

This choice of the multiple monologue form was also well adapted 
to preserve the Book in all the fullness of its internal discrepancies of 
fact and motive. The Poet found each act, each event, subject to inter- 
pretation and counter interpretation. Guido's lawyers branded as a lie 
Pompilia's evidently mistaken statement that in her flight she had 
reached Castelnuovo at dawn and had been there only an hour when 
overtaken. '''- The Prosecution, on the other hand, while acknowledging 
the falsity of the statement, finds casuistical excuse for it. Browning 
felt that both were wrong, and that the real Pompilia had told no 
conscious falsehood. Here, then, were three different interpretations 
of the one fact, all necessary for the presentation of the full truth. 
How could the artist do this in any straightforward narrative form? 
He would have to choose but one interpretation, and his very choice, 
the Poet felt, would be an untruth. He accordingly devised this 
multiple monologue form for this very end. In the repeated mono- 
logues, he could easily find room for even the most antithetic interpre- 
tations of fact and motive. And he thus threw the final choice of 
alternatives upon the reader, who became, as it were, the spectator in a 
living and moving tragedy where all the rights and wrongs of the case 
were still left undecided, and where truth was still changing and variable 
because alive. 

It is thus evident that the Poet's choice of form was conditioned and 
governed by both his raw material and his purpose; and he has 
therein achieved a masterly success in form and organic wholeness, 



255 

which is one of the most difficult feats for the writer of a long poem. 
Yet he has been a law unto himself in this matter — looking not to 
established successes of the past, but working out his own problem with 
rare originality and power. He abandoned the prestige of the epic, 
of the tragedy, and of the novel, and established a new genre which 
must be judged by its effect and power, and not by any long-established 
rules of art. 

XIII. Brotvn'wg's Fidelity to the Fact of his Source-material: 

We turn now to the all-important question of how the Poet deals 
with the fact of his Book in creating his masterpiece. No one can read 
the Poem and its source side by side without meeting many illustrations 
of the minute and accurate use of his original. Scores of trivial details 
have been governed, perhaps unconsciously to the Poet, by the Book. 
Browning must have been saturated with the Book * before he began 
writing the Poem, so that the facts marshaled themselves swiftly and 
without effort into their places in his story. The body of notes at the 
end of this volume offers hundreds of examples of such use of fact. 
The names and characters, the dates, the events, the situations, and 
motives, the very turns of expression in the Poem, are continually drawn 
from the matters of fact in the Book. Browning's debt in these respects 
can scarcely be overstated. On the other hand the passion of the story, 
as Browning has conceived it, the spiritual meaning of the tragedy — 
all the real poetry — are created by the Poet. They are created, how- 
ever, in strict accordance with the detail fact in the Book. In few 
cases, indeed, does the Poet violate the ascertained fact of his sources, 
even in his freest range of creation. 

In the matter of the chronology of the tragedy he is almost pain- 
fully accurate to the Book. The story therein is definitely dated in 
most of its detail, though these time-references are much scattered. 
It is evident the Poet has mastered all these dates carefully. He is 
studiously accurate whenever he mentions in his narrative the time of 
day,'" ''» ^''- ==" '" the days of the week,'*' '"» "= the seasons of the 
year,*' 155 310 431 intervals of time," "" '»* ='= '"'' ""' '°^ ^'o "' "" or ages of 
persons." ^* *° The two opening lines of Pompilia's monologue, which 
give her age, are accurate to the day." Her words, " there wants of it 
two weeks this day," afford a characteristic example of how he remains 
true to fact even when athrob with the deeper spiritual passion of the 
poem ; for this touch is expressive of the deep yearning of Pompilia for 
her absent babe."^ Caponsacchi's statement, " there's new moon this 

* Orr's Life, p. 409: "He had read the record of the case, as he has been heard to say, 
fully eight times over before converting it into the substance of his poem." 



256 

eve," ^^^ and " Easter's past," '" had evidently been verified by the 
Poet. His " Jubilee gave the hint " '" is from the Book. In one case 
he has intentionally changed a date — that of the flight of Pompilia 
and Caponsacchi from Arezzo, but this was for a definite artistic pur- 
pose.'** These minute accuracies had become a habit of Browning's 
mind in dealing with the story, and characterized his art in his poetry 
generally. 

The names of places, of streets, of buildings, and of institutions 
connected with the story are found by the Poet in his material, and are 
not ordinarily supplied by his own imagination. The line of march 
to Guido's execution is literally translated.*" Not a single import- 
ant locality has been added by the Poet, though he has often elabor- 
ated the mere name as he found it, with abundant descriptive detail. 
For this purpose Browning had evidently visited all of the localities 
of the story, to gather local color, and he describes such places with 
his eye on the object.* This is to be seen in his account of the inn 
at Castelnuovo,"'" San Lorenzo Church,"' the Pieve,^^ and the Piazza 
del Popolo.*" Other localities of but minor importance are likewise 
drawn from the Book, such as the villa of Vittiano,'" the New 
Prisons,"' the Convent of the Scalette,"" "* the home in Via Vittoria,°° 
the barber shop in Piazza Colonna," and the Torrione.'*" 

Furthermore, the names of the persons as given in the poem are 
found in his original to the number of thirty-three. The only names 
(except historic names which are sparingly and unimportantly used) 
that are added by the Poet are those of Luca Cini (II, 1 1 8 ) , of Canon 
Crispi (VI, 1 1 14), and of Curate Carlo (II, 159), all of them utterly 
unimportant. Even such trivial personages as the priest Romano,*" 
Curate Ottoboni," Monna Baldi,''' Count Tommaso,'" and we might 
add the nameless hairdresser " in Piazza Colonna, are drawn from the 
Book. The eight-year-old curly-pate who is so interesting to Arcan- 
geli is of course fictitious, but he is named for his father Hyacinthus, 
or in Italian, Giacinto.'" All of the thirty-three persons named fill 
practically the same place in the story of Book and Poem alike. One 
may compare with this the practice of Shakespeare, who rejects or 
adopts the names found in his sources with utter freedom. 

Moreover, the turns of expression and the choice of words in the 
Poem are not unfrequently governed by those of the Book. Such 
words as relegation, summary," quality,*"' circumstance, instrument,"* 
index," calash,''" used in unusual senses are mere anglicizing of definite 

• " A favor, if j-ou have time for it. Go into the Church of San Lorenzo in Lucina in the 
Corso and look attentively at it, so as to describe it to me, on your return: The general 
arrangement of the building if with a nave — pillars or not — the number of altars, and any 
particularity there may be — over the High Altar is a famous crucifixion by Guido. It vfill 
be of great use to me. I don't care about the outside." Postscript of Browning's letter to 
Leighton, October 17, 1864 (Orr, p. 413). 



257 

originals, as may be seen by the note references. The reference to 
Guido as Sir Jealousy "" is drawn directly from II Geloso, the Com- 
missary "° from II Commissario, the Convertites -" from Convertitae, 
Vicegerent '"^ from Vicegerente, and the Public Force from la Forza.-" 
The expression " at the seventh hour," '" for one a. m., is drawn from 
alle sett' hore; " Tis one in the evening " '^" from Un' hora circa di 
notte; and " my life not an hour's purchase " "" from La vita vita era a 
hore. In each of the three the Poet borrows the Italian idiom just as 
he found it. Still further the Poem affords several illustrations of his 
use of the speech of one of his characters practically as it had come 
to him. In such instances, however, he charges the commonplace 
phrases of the original with a new meaning and fits them into his own 
sinewy style — an interesting proof of his power as a stylist. Such is 
the explanation of the 



of the 
and of the 



Oh Christ, what hinders that I kill her quick ?'" 
Tell him he owns the palace, not the street."" 



I have saved your wife from death.™ 

(Cf. notes 153, 330). Books VIII and XII of the Poem make exten- 
sive use of the source-material in this way. Here the Poet even governs 
his choice of words in his translation by those of his original, frequently 
using etymological derivatives at the expense of normal English."' 
A good example of this is seen in the story of Samson repeated by 
Browning, VIII, 644-651. 

Blinded he was, ***** 

Intrepidly he took imprisonment, 

Gyves, stripes, and daily labour at the mill : 

But when he found himself, i' the public place, 

Destined to make the common people sport, 

Disdain burned up with such an impetus 

V the breast of him that, all the man one fire, 

Moriatur, roared he, * * * 

The italicized words are taken directly from the Italian intrepido, 
destinato, impeto, etc., of the account of the first Anonymous Author, 
B. 124: 

He suffered with an intrepid mind the loss of his eyes and other grievous 
disasters, but when he saw that he was destined to serve as a pastime in public 
places, and when he there heard the jeers and derision of the people, the 
anger in his breast was so inflamed, that, all madness and fury, he cried out : 
" Let me die," etc. 

In fact almost everything from lines 587-681 is thus closely para- 
phrased.*""*' Instances of such close paraphrase are found scattered 

17 



258 

here and there throughout the Book. Such is the Poet's paraphrase 
of the title page of the Book,= of the letter to Abate Paolo,"^ of the 
scraps of love-letters/^*" ^'"- "'''*' of Caponsacchi's retort during cross- 
examination/" ^^ of his decree of banishment to Civita Vecchia,-" 
of Abate Paolo's final distress/"^ of the words of Confessor Celes- 
tino/'**"° and of the final decree of court.*^* The question will doubtless 
be raised here again whether such cutting of rough material into 
iambic pentameter is art, but we defer discussion. 

This may naturally lead to the abundant law Latin, which has 
been the despair of many a reader of Book VIII, and which is found 
occasionally elsewhere. The Latin is not invented by the author, but 
is taken almost entirely from the Book, and its presentation in Book 
VIII is perhaps part of the truth of the impression of the Book upon 
Browning's Latin taste. In it he holds up the ignorant stylistic 
arrogance of the Book to ridicule. This monologue quotes the crude 
book Latin fifty-six times *^^-^^^^ In quotations of widely varying 
lengths, drawn from all parts of the Book. The exactitude of the 
reproduction of these shows that they were not merely stray scraps 
that had clung to the memory, but were carefully copied by the Poet. 
In one case he made the mistake of reading via for ira,'^"^ but else- 
where his modifications are slight, only such as are needed to fit the 
passage to the meter or context of the Poem — such as the substitution 
of antecedent for pronoun, changes in number or tense of words 
found, infrequent substitution of a synonym of different number of 
syllables, or slight omissions for the sake of brevity. One of these 
passages, the magniloquent peroration of Arcangeli's final argu- 
ment,^^^ is produced through a hundred lines as the peroration written 
by the Arcangeli of Browning's creation. This Latin the Poet trans- 
lates or paraphrases with considerable freedom, allowing his sense 
of humor to add many a sly quirk, or his sense of irony to thrust home 
effectively. In fact the student of the monologue may gain certain 
side-lights on the character of the lawyer by the flavor of these para- 
phrases. In such work, of course, it is the subtle intellect of Browning 
rather than his creative passion which is speaking, and this phase of 
his art is undoubtedly on a lower artistic level; and yet to Browning 
it was essential to his conception of the Poem as a whole, as it was a 
reproduction of the effect of the real Arcangeli upon himself. 

In the legal lore and technical legal phraseology so abundantly 
displayed throughout the Poem, and especially in Books VIII and IX, 
the Poet evidently depended very largely upon what he found in the 
Book. This display of out-of-the-way technical lore has perhaps 
caused some readers to stand in awe of the learned acquirements of 
Browning in the ecclesiastical law. But the study of the Book makes 
it evident that he learned almost all of his law from the Book and 



259 



23 208 362 400-24 



learned some of it amiss. The various points of law °" 
made in the Poem are taken from the Book, and also the terms 
usufruct "* and domus pro carcere,'*'^ the reiterated plea of causa hon- 
oris,^^^ the discussion of the bearing of a murder ex uHcrvallo and incon- 
t'ment't *"* and the various ramifications of these two."'^ "' Likewise 
every point in the discussion of the technical aggravations *"''-"'' of 
the crime was found in the Book. All legal precedents and authori- 
ties cited '"""-^ ^°*"'* were drawn by the Poet from the same treasury. 
It may be well to cite one of these transferrings of a point of law 
and a case from the Book to the Poem."" In RB., VIII, 1146-52, 
we read 

Suppose a man 
Having in view commission of a theft, 
Climbs the town-wall : 'tis for the theft he hangs, 

Law remits whipping, due to who clomb wall 
Through bravery or wantonness alone. 
Just to dislodge a daw's nest, plant a flag. 

This is, of course, but a vital, semi-humorous paraphrase of Arcangeli's 
words (B. loi ) : 

Thus if one wishing to commit theft, climb over the walls of the city, 
though he could commit that deed without the crime of crossing the wall, 
(which is a very grave crime), even then only a single penalty, namely that for 
theft, is inflicted, as the crime chiefly in mind." 

Such examples are multiplied abundantly in the notes. 

I find but one proof of the Poet's having traveled beyond the Book 
for legal information and this is in his finding in Farinacci the descrip- 
tion of the torture of the vigil,^-® which is mentioned but not described 
in the Book. 

We have here an interesting example of how easily and thoroughly 
a master artist may gain sufficient technical lore, even in a difficult field, 
to astonish his critics. And this may perhaps offer a striking truth to 
those who guess at Shakespeare's occupations by his chance references 
to technical subjects, no matter how accurate they may be. 

XIV. The Comparim-Franceschitn Story as Found in the Book: 

Practically the whole story of the Franceschini and Comparini, in 
all its detail, is likewise taken from the Book, where the Poet found 
it, not as a connected narrative, but usually in fragmentary fact. 
The three Italian pamphlets, especially the one not found in the Book, 
are more largely narrative. But the Poet does not follow any of these 
exclusively in creating his own story. It may be well to bring home 
this truth by giving here the connected story of Pompilia, with cita- 
tion for each incident to the proper topical note. 



26o 

Guldo Franceschini, of a poor but noble family of Arezzo, had 
been dwelling in Rome for many years " as a dependent upon one of 
the cardinals/" When finally dropped from this service,^^ he deter- 
mined to provide for himself by making a marriage which would 
bring him a good dowry." On the hint of a certain hairdresser," 
and with the aid and counsel of his brother, Abate Paolo,^" who was 
much more successfully established in the Church than himself, Guido 
made advances " for the hand and the dowry of a certain Fran- 
cesca Pompilia, the thirteen-year-old daughter of Pietro and Violante 
Comparini. 

The Comparini were of the well-to-do middle class "^ in Rome, 
with property of 10,000 to 12,000 scudi," besides a certain inherit- 
ance left to them in entail, the income or usufruct*' of which was 
their own in part,'" and would be theirs absolutely in case they had a 
child. But they had been married many years and had reached 
middle life,"* and still no child had been born. Certain financial 
reverses '* brought home to them bitterly the limit upon the usufruct, 
and they were so reduced that Pietro had to ask the Papal alms.'' 
Under this difficulty Violante formed a plan to relieve their distresses. 
She made pretense of pregnancy ^"^ and then, by the connivance of 
the midwife, presented to her husband the girl babe of a common 
strumpet."^ Her trick evidently succeeded, as Pietro believed the 
child was his own and enjoyed the considerable financial advantage 
arising therefrom. It was this child, now grown to the age of thir- 
teen, who attracted the attention of the Franceschini brothers. For 
as she was sole heir of the property, and as the parents were well 
advanced in life, it must have seemed to them quite an eligible match. 

When they had made advances to the Comparini, Violante's head " 
seems to have been turned immediately by the thought of her daughter 
marrying a nobleman.**" She evidently added her insistence to that 
of the Franceschini, and they induced Pietro to sign a marriage con- 
tract, granting a dowry of 2,600 scudi."^ But when Pietro found out 
by inquiry that he had been deceived as to the rank and resources 
of his proposed son-in-law,*' he refused to go on with the marriage 
ceremony.'* At this juncture Violante, who was evidently determined 
to have her own way, with the assistance of Abate Paolo secretly '° 
arranged the marriage. When Pietro heard of it he was very angry," 
but was forced to acquiesce." He went even further and agreed to 
turn over all his property to the management of the Franceschini 
brothers "" on the condition that he and his wife should go to live 
with their son-in-law at Arezzo.®' The whole household was accord- 
ingly transferred to Arezzo, probably in December, 1693.°* 

Domestic peace was quickly broken in the Arezzo palace. Vio- 
lante and Donna Beatrice Franceschini seem to have been at sword's 



26 1 

points."" The Comparini were likewise disillusioned by the pinching 
and penurious poverty which they were forced to share. Open quarrels 
soon broke out, and complaint was made to the Bishop of Arezzo."" 
There seems, in fact, to have been a bitter and scandalous turmoil 
during the four winter months. At last the Comparini decided to 
return to Rome,"" "" though the child-wife must of course remain behind 
with her husband. 

No sooner had they reached Rome "^ than they formed a scheme to 
recover not merely their own property, but the dowry of Francesca 
Pompilia. Violante, taking advantage of Jubilee "- and pricked by a 
conscience '" of a very elastic nature, confessed her fraud as regards the 
child's birth. "'^ This was easily established by six witnesses.^" Pietro 
accordingly brought suit for the cancellation of the dowry contract -"" 
on the grounds that Pompilia was not his child, as he had supposed 
when he made the contract. To the infamy of such a trial the Com- 
parini added still further by publishing and distributing broadcast 
certain libels about the Franceschini."" Even though the latter did 
win the suit,-"" they were stamped with the indelible disgrace of 
Pompilia's birth. At this juncture, Guido, by way of retort against 
the Comparini, had Pompilia write the letter to Abate Paolo, which 
loads her parents with such an impossible burden of crime. ^'^ 

Accordingly the wretched child-wife was left to the heartless fury 
of the husband of three times her own years, and of Donna Beatrice. 
Little, however, comes to light concerning her suffering during these 
years — only what is told in her affidavit.^* 

At the end of three years Guido seems to have begun more active 
plotting to rid himself of this wife whose infamy burned him to the 
very bone. But he would drive her into overt sin, if possible, that he 
might not forfeit his claims to her dowry."' "^ It is quite impossible 
to explain the facts of the Book, especially the love-letters,"- except 
by such a scheme on the part of Guido; nor is the scheme so unnatural 
nor was it as demonic, judged by the morals and manners of Guide's 
class and time, as it seems in the opinion of the Poet. His plan seems 
to have been so to press cruelty and fear of death upon her that she 
would run away. And the sham correspondence carried on by Maria 
Margherita Contenti ^* '" seems to indicate that Guido had even 
singled out Caponsacchi as of a disposition to be allured by such a 
perilous liaison. At any rate, he soon seems to have made show of 
a bitter jealousy of Caponsacchi.'^* The plot is easily explainable if 
we but think of the bitter slanders of the Comparini, of the manifest 
infamy of Pompilia's birth, and of the sordid, selfish nature of the 
Franceschini. 

In these straits the wretched girl must have been in all but helpless 
terror, especially after such a scene as that following the evening at the 



262 

comedy, when Guido pointed a pistol at her and threatened her life."^ 
She had long before tried, and in vain, to find help in the Bishop "" 
and in the Governor of Arezzo/^" We can see how naturally they 
would have sided with the Franceschini in these circumstances. 

Pompilia accordingly appealed to her confessor Romano,"* entreat- 
ing him to write to her parents for help; but no reply came to the letters 
(which were probably not written). Then she evidently turned to 
Canon Conti ^" and to Signer Guillichini,"' both of them relatives of 
the Franceschini. Conti, who knew of Caponsacchi's proposed trip to 
Rome ^^^ and who knew his friend's character,"'* suggested that Pompilia 
seek his assistance. She did so, and though Caponsacchi first refused to 
have anything to do with such a perilous undertaking ^"^ he was at last 
induced to accompany her."" We have no definite testimony in the 
Book as to his former character,"^ but there seem to be no grounds for 
rejecting his claim that he accompanied Pompilia out of Christian 
pity "" and without the slightest intervention of criminal intent. 

Circumstantial evidence, gathered from the details of the Book here 
and there, also indicates that Guido was aware of this plan and was 
gladly waiting its outcome."' "" He plainly had nothing to fear from 
further disgrace, and he would thus rid himself of a loathed wife whom 
he had already found he could not divorce. We can hardly explain 
the intervention and later testimony of Maria Content! in any other 
way." '" 

Accordingly Canon Caponsacchi and Pompilia concerted their plan 
on the last Sunday evening of April in a conversation at the window of 
the Palace.'*** The wife left her husband's bed late at night,"" '" 
gathered together a few clothes, some trinkets and money,'" ^'"' and 
made her escape at dawn,'*' April 29, 1697."** When she had reached 
the tavern outside the Porta San Clemente,'"' she found Canon Capon- 
sacchi awaiting her with a two-horse carriage.'"- Guido claimed that 
they had the further assistance of Signor Guillichini,'*" who would have 
gone with Pompilia to Rome if it had not been for sickness. They 
entered the carriage and set off rapidly for Rome, traveling uninter- 
ruptedly,""" according to their own statement,'"* until they reached 
Castelnuovo the following evening."" °"^ 

Guido having awakened late the next morning because of the effects 
of an opiate '"^ administered by his wife, as he claimed, set out in 
pursuit, probably expecting to find his wife surrounded by such evidences 
of criminal liaison as would free him of her. But, owing to the rapidity 
and directness of their flight, he did not overtake them until they were 
forced by Pompilia's fatigue to halt."" When Guido reached Castel- 
nuovo he found Caponsacchi in the inn-yard ordering out horses for 
the continuance of the journey."'" The priest was armed with a 



263 

sword °" and made a bold front, saying, " I am a gallant man and I 
have done what I have done to free your wife from the peril of 
death." "» 

Guido accordingly, instead of taking the immediate vengeance by 
force of arms which the unwritten law would probably have granted 
him,''" called in the authorities and had the wife and the Canon arrested. 
When Pompilia was brought face to face with her husband in the 
upstairs room of this inn """ she attacked him with a sword,''" which was 
snatched from her by a bystander. She then reproached him bitterly for 
his cruelties."-* But the couple were soon carried to the local prison,-" 
and were evidently there two days later according to Pompilia's letter 
in the last Summary of the Book. But within a few days they were 
carried on to Rome and placed in the New Prisons.''" 

A criminal trial for flight of the wife from home and for adultery -"^ 
was now begun in the Court of the Governor.^'" As a part of it we have 
the interesting affidavits of Pompilia and Caponsacchi," ^* speaking in 
their own defense. This trial must have continued throughout the 
summer of 1697, ^^ the sentence of three years' banishment to Civita 
Vecchia "" was not given against Caponsacchi until September. Pom- 
pilia in the meantime had been remanded from the prison to the 
Convent of the Scalette,"" but as it soon became evident that she was 
pregnant "^^ she was removed to the home of the Comparini on October 
12, under security of 300 scudi to keep the said home as a prison."** 

The plan of Franceschini had accordingly miscarried — his wife had 
left him, but he had not secured either divorce or dowry, nor had he 
placed her in such an evidently criminal light as would enable him to do 
so later. Still further, Pietro Comparini seems to have reawakened 
the suit for the recovery of dowry and to have instituted a suit for 
divorce in Pompilia's name on the ground of cruelty.-"" When Guido 
had gone back home to Arezzo,"" Abate Paolo had to sustain the whole 
burden of the lawsuits. He tried appeal to the Pope in vain."*" "*' At 
last, stinging with the disgrace of his family,'"^ he left Rome '°* and 
disappeared from the story. 

The Comparini, in the meantime, were again cherishing Signora 
Pompilia as their child in their home, and here she gave birth to a son 
on December 18,"°* the legitimate heir of Guido Franceschini.'"" The 
child was named Gaetano "" and was then hidden away,'"" probably to 
keep him from falling into Guido's hands. 

Guido in his Arezzo home received news of the birth. It was his 
clue for action.'" He secured the assistance of four young laborers '" "^ 
and armed them, and they proceeded to Rome, arriving on Christmas.'" 
For a week they lay in wait at the deserted villa of Abate Paolo at 
Ponte Milvio."* Then, on the evening of January 2,"** they proceeded 
to the Comparini home. Guido knocked and secured admission by 



264 

saying he had a letter from Caponsacchi."' Violante, who opened the 
door, was straightway slain/" and the other two were cut down by the 
assassins/"'" who then made their escape/^" As they had forgotten to 
secure a passport/^' they proceeded on foot toward Baccano ^^'^ and were 
overtaken "" by the police after a pursuit of nearly twenty miles. 

When the neighborhood, aroused by the outcry of the Comparini,'" 
had rushed in, they found Pietro and Violante dead, but Pompllia, 
though frightfully mangled,'-" was still alive."* In fact she lived four 
days longer ''"' and during this time made a profound impression upon 
the priests, physicians, and others who attended her death-bed, as is 
evident from their attestations.''^' She died January 6.'^" 

In the meantime, according to common custom, the bodies of the 
Comparini had been exposed to public view in the Church of San 
Lorenzo in Lucina " and large crowds of the idly curious had pressed 
in to see. The crime must have been the sensation of its day. 

Then began the murder trial in the criminal courts,'"'' and it Is this 
trial which occasioned the " old yellow book." It seems to have pro- 
ceeded very rapidly, as contrasted with modern criminal procedure, as 
sentence was given February 18.'"'' And although a brief delay was 
secured on ground of Guido's clerical privilege,^- the sentence was finally 
executed, February 22, 1698.'"- 

Such is the story of the Book, a sordid, cruel story, with many a glint 
of the human heart's worst hell, but it is likewise illumined with the 
heavenly light of those indisputable attestations of the bystanders at 
Pompilia's death-bed. 



XF. Browning's Way of Using the Story: 

This story, as will be seen in the topical notes, is gathered from all 
parts of the Book, and many of its incidents and motives are subject to 
dispute. By his plan, however, the Poet is able to take advantage of 
many of these variant versions in displaying the various characters of 
the speakers. Thus there is charge and denial in the Book of the fact 
that CaponsacchI had clandestinely visited Pompilia ''" in her home 
before the flight in April, 1697. The Poet's plan permits him to state 
the charge in the words of Guido and to deny it by those of Capon- 
sacchI, and to turn the fact from side to side on the lips of the other 
speakers. There is no such question of fact in Pompilia's drawing 
the sword upon her husband at Castelnuovo."" But around this un- 
doubted fact are gathered the many interpretations of it which throw 
such strong light upon Its spiritual meaning. These vary from the 
cynical sneer of a Tertium Quid to Pompilia's declaration that It was in 
obedience to the word of God, who was leading her; and they are 
crowned by the grave, earnest approval of the Pope.""' ^ This play of 



265 

interpretation as to the motive of the obvious fact is one of the most 
striking features of The Ring and the Book as a work of art. An 
experienced newspaper man once called attention to the truth of this 
to life. In his labors as a reporter of news he had almost continually 
to face a difficulty in that each mind gives its own interpretation to the 
plainest ascertainable matter of fact and that the discovery of the truth 
from human testimony is thus rendered very precarious. The Poet has 
reproduced life in his Poem by this device, and it seems more like the 
oceanic, ever-varying surface of life than a mere picture or panorama 
of a certain phase of it. 

In the presentation of his story the Poet is likewise true to the 
descriptive details given in the Book. Many incidents, of course, are 
presented by the Book without detail, and then it is necessary for the 
Poet to revitalize the incident by creating a vivid setting for it. We 
have, for example, very little account of the runaway journey of Pom- 
pilia and Caponsacchi from Arezzo to Rome, and he supplies this, espe- 
cially in Caponsacchi's narrative, without in any way traversing the 
truth of his material. But Browning was quick to see and to incorporate 
even the slightest descriptive details of the Book into his Poem. We see 
this in the reference to the upstairs room at Castelnuovo,'-'" to the terrace 
and the back door of the Franceschini palace,'^* to the knife with which 
the murder was committed,"* to the Franceschini coat of arms," and 
to Guido's secondary nobility.^" This, however, is more extensively 
manifest in the Poet's careful adaptation of countless details of infor- 
mation connected with the case at one point or another. Wherever he 
found a trifling fact he gladly adopted it, frequently raising its signifi- 
cance very considerably in the story. It may be well to give here a 
considerable list of these petty details as a convincing Illustration of 
his minute dealings with the Book. Such are the facts of Pietro's 
seeking of Papal alms," Guido's falsification of his income,*- Pietro's 
refusal to proceed with the marriage,'* his begging of traveling expenses 
from his son-in-law,"" Violante's pretended prick of conscience,'"^ the 
six witnesses to Pompilia's birth, ^" Guido's pencil-tracing of the letter 
to Abate Paolo,"* instances of the parsimony of the Franceschini 
home,"'-" Pompilia's attempt to quiet her husband's jealousy,"*-'' *-" 
her first recourse to Conti "^ and Gulllichini,"" Caponsacchi's chance 
passing of the Franceschini palace,"" the Bishop's proposed departure 
from Arezzo,"" the delay of two days in the plans for flight,'" the 
signal with the handkerchief,'*^ the manner of leaving Arezzo,'"""' 
Caponsacchi's laic garb,^" "the wicked-looking sword at side," "' Abate 
Paolo's consent to the removal of Pompilia from the Convent,''** the 
hiding away of her child, ^°" and her final prayer to the Virgin,'*" the 
exposure of the corpses in San Lorenzo," the death of Canon Conti,'° 



266 

and the swooning of Baldeschi under torture.'"" Such details might 
be continued still further. Browning's mind was evidently filled with 
them and they slipped easily into their right places in his general scheme. 
He supplements these ascertained facts, but seldom contravenes them. 
This is the method of the careful and honest historian and is rarely 
found in the great artist to the extent we see it here. The Poet carries 
this principle of his art so far as to borrow in close paraphrase, we 
may almost say translation, the descriptive details as to the murder ^''"^'' 
and those concerning the scene of execution,^''"" as given in Book XII. 
We find a significant example of his use of the petty detail of the 
Book in the characteristic sneer of Tertium Quid at the death of Police 
Captain Patrizi,'" who pursued and captured Guide. In the Pamphlet, 
p. 212, we read: " This arrest indeed cost the life of Patrizi, because 
having been overheated and wounded with a slight scratch, he died in 
a few days." Browning's version of this in his poem is as follows: 

The only one i' the world that suffered aught 

By the whole night's toil and trouble, flight and chase, 

Was just the officer who took them, Head 

O' the Public Force, — Patrizj, zealous soul, 

Who, having but duty to sustain weak flesh, 

Got heated, caught a fever and so died : 

A warning to the over-vigilant, 

— Virtue in a chafe should change her linen quick. 

And the words of Tertium Quid just beyond this, lines 1416-24, are 
likewise adapted from the same Pamphlet.'" 

One more instance °" may be profitably given in Bottini's figure of the 
wine bush (RB., IX, 1545-1550): 

I traverse Rome, feel thirsty, need a draught. 
Look for a wine-shop, find it by the bough 
Projecting as to say " Here wine is sold ! " 
So much I know, — "sold : " but what sort of wine ? 

That much must I discover by myself. 

Compare with this the words of the second anonymous pamphlet, B. 
180: 

The title of that case was placed there just as a wine bush hangs outside 
the door of an inn, which very well shows that they sell wine there, but does 
not prove whether what they sell is good and salable and agreeable. Oh ! by 
no means, etc. 

It is such repeated use of even the trivial detail of his Book in the 
Poem that justifies the extended detailed study in the topical notes 
attached to this volume. 



267 

In spite of all this fidelity to fact, the poet does not find himself in 
a Saul's armor of literality. Like Shakespeare, like every great artist, 
he had the power to illuminate the mere matter of fact with profound 
significance and profound spiritual truth. Thus, behind the fact that 
Caponsacchi delayed two days after the first promise to carry Pompilia 
to Rome, the Poet sees indeed the excuse of the difficulty of getting a 
carriage,'*' but he sees all the more clearly the profound change of heart 
of the man Caponsacchi from the fop to the saint. Pompilia's affidavit 
in the Book tells of her recourse to the Augustinian confessor Romano, 
and of its failure,'" but this incident glows with deeper truth in the 
various versions of Other Half Rome, Pompilia, and the Pope. As a 
final example of the alchemizing art of the Poet over his material, I 
add the Book account of the incident of the comedy "' as found in 
Pompilia's words, which is to be placed side by side with the Poet's 
version on the lips of Caponsacchi : 

His suspicion increased all the more because while we were in a great crowd 
at the play one evening, Canon Conti, * * * threw me some confetti. 
My husband, who was near me, took offense at it, not against Conti, but 
against Caponsacchi who was sitting by the side of the said Conti. 

From this grew Caponsacchi's version (RB., VI, 393) : 

Well, after three or four years of this life, 
In prosecution of my calling, I 
Found myself at the theatre one night 
With a brother Canon, in a mood and mind 
Proper enough for the place, amused or no : 
When I saw enter, stand, and seat herself 
A lady, young, tall, beautiful, strange and sad. 

* * * I was still one stare, 
When — " Nay, I'll make her give you back your gaze " — 
Said Canon Conti ; and at the word he tossed 
A paper-twist of comfits to her lap. 
And dodged and in a trice was at my back 
Nodding from over my shoulder. Then she turned. 
Looked our way, smiled the beautiful sad strange smile. 
"Is not she fair? * * * 
" The fellow lurking there i' the black o' the box 
"Is Guido." 

This account of the fact in the Poem was transferred to Caponsacchi's 
lips because it was, in the Poet's conception, the very turning-point in 
Caponsacchi's life, which stung him awake to all the latent good within 
him, while Pompilia was more fitly aroused by the dawning sense of 
motherhood. The play of interpretative power in the above example 
is but one of many possible illustrations of Browning's right of eminent 
domain over the field he had seized, and it is in such interpretation that 
his creative art rises in independence of the Book without disputing it. 



268 

XVI. The Ejivhon'wg Life Aromtd the Central Tragedy: 
^ Browning realized that the central life of the subject before him lay 
in the relationships of his three major characters, Guido, Pompilia, and 
Caponsacchi; but he also realized that around them was the environing 
life of Rome of the year 1698 — an environment that controlled and 
forwarded the tragedy at every point. The Poet had frequently 
scrutinized past ages for such an atmosphere with close human interest, 
and he had embodied, as we have said above, many a result in his 
typical human figures of Bells and Pomegranates. He had, moreover, 
the strong and vital example of this feature in artistic plotting in the 
historical novel of the day. Henry Esmond and Romola, then but fresh 
from master pens, were convincing examples of the power of such a 
created world around the main human interest. It therefore became 
inevitable that Browning, instead of contracting his view to the intense 
play of his few personalities upon each other, as he did in his dramas 
and as is strikingly exemplified by In a Balcony, should have gone on to 
the portrayal of Roman life of a century and a half before. With his 
intimate knowledge of the history and customs of many preceding gen- 
erations, he could do this with a fidelity and an accuracy which were at 
no point the result of such labor as Thackeray or George Eliot spent 
in getting themselves back into the former day. We should say, still 
further, that the Poet seems consciously to abandon studious historic 
accuracy in this respect and exercises the artist's right of eminent power. 

In writing concerning this environment he does not present the life 
of the Rome of the late seventeenth century from its own standpoint of 
morals and religion. Worldliness in the church and the marriage of 
convenience, nay and even the marital harshness of Guido, would have 
been accepted as a matter of course in that day. The Pope's liberal 
theology and his criticism of the church are as anachronistic as Shakes- 
peare's Roman bells. We doubt if Guido would have been seriously 
blamed by his own day, and it is not at all improbable that he would 
have escaped punishment if it had not been for the aggravating circum- 
stances of the murder. But In his judgment of the case the Poet 
abandons at will the historic standard for what he considered to be the 
absolute standards in morals and religion. He became thus less true 
historically, but more true absolutely. 

Browning's picture of the domestic and social environment of Pom- 
pilia has of course but fragmentary suggestion in the Book. But he 
could easily imagine the comfortable selfishness of the ComparinI, which 
by force of contrast brought out all the more strongly Pompilia's early 
flower-like purity and her later saintly patience and fortitude. For the 
home life of the Franceschini palace, he went rather to his knowledge 
of the human heart, presenting all the petty meanness of a nobility 



269 

which has run to bitter dregs in its poverty. He took certain details 
from the affidavit of the servant,"- but he made comparatively scant use 
of this affidavit. Around these two selfish families we feel the presence 
of a Roman life, productive of countless more of the same types, and 
they form a heartless, hope-destroying barrier against the escape of 
Browning's Pompilia, driving her still more utterly to the patience and 
the faith of God's own saint. 



XVII. The Church as an 'Environing Power: 

A far more important feature, however, of that environing world, 
and almost the whole of it, was the great Roman Church of the day. 
It had received both Guido and Caponsacchi as sons; it had been 
present at every moment of Pompilia's career, as the outward guide of 
her deep, religious emotion; it had adjudged her flight from home and 
her husband's murderous vengeance. All of these cases, criminal and 
civil alike, had been in the ecclesiastical courts, as Rome lay entirely 
under the secular authority of the Pope. It was not a time of supreme 
worldly pride in the Roman Pontiffs, nor of worldly corruption. Pope 
Innocent XII had overthrown nepotism, and was himself a man of piety 
and charity. Yet the same great institution of the medieval centuries 
and the renaissance still rose as splendidly as its Saint Peter's, a fitting 
symbol of its strength, pride, and glory. Browning, however, was 
always more interested in men than in institutions, and was sure to 
illustrate institutions by men, rather than subserve men to institutions. 
Throughout the whole range of his work, he had probed with curious 
interest the many types of churchmanship: The Spanish monk, the 
Papal Legate in A Soul's Tragedy, Monsignor in P'tppa Passes, and 
Bishop Blougram. But into The Ring and the Book he has gathered 
as much as in all other places put together. The churchman is as 
present in the Poem as he is on the streets of the Eternal City, not 
shrouded behind his uniform, but revealed in his life and purposes. 
Priestly types appear at every turning of the story and illustrate every 
throb of passion which animates the great whole. Abate Paolo, Capon- 
sacchi, and Girolamo are priests, and Guido is attached to the service •/ 
of a cardinal. In the speech of Caponsacchi we are shown his worldly- 
wise patron, his great-uncle, the Bishop of former days. Brother Clout 
and Father Slouch, Canon Conti, the Confessor Romano, the good 
Celestino, the ecclesiastical judges with their smirk at the " peccadillos 
incident to youth." Then there is the harder, self-seeking clergy of 
Guido's monologue, where clerical preferment becomes a gambler's 
chance, and where complaisance to the cardinal is an eighth virtue; his 
closing speech is addressed to Cardinal Acciajuoli and Abate Panciatichi, 
and is a bitter ripping up of secrets of the selfish society of which he 



270 

has been a part. The Pope himself turns grave as he considers the 
degenerate conduct of many of the sons of Mother Church. Browning 
has presented such a church, not in the spirit of satire or criticism, but 
with the intention of representing truly the hard environment which shut 
in Pompilia to the brutalities of her husband. The Poet was always 
afraid of the dominance of institutional religion at the expense of 
personal religion. He realized, not in religion alone, but in art and 
in all other inspirations, how easy it is for the soul to become satisfied 
with a form from which the spirit has fled. He feared a church that 
stood between a man and his God, and that formulated and fixed his 
belief. And here in The Ring and the Book, Browning presents such a 
church, with the same confidence in his fidelity to truth as he shows in his 
monk in the Spanish cloister and Johannes Agricola. From this church 
might come a Guido and a worldly Bishop of Arezzo, but from it also 
came Caponsacchi and Fra Celestino, and over it presided the grand 
old Pope. 

The Pope is not merely the crown of the institutional church of his 
day, gathering within himself all that is best in it, but he is also the 
mouthpiece of Browning's own comment on the tragedy and of his own 
faith in spite of its horror. In the Book there occurs only the mere 
mention of him, in the manuscript letters."^ There is no proof that he 
took any personal interest in the story, nor even that he did anything 
else than deny Guido the protection of clerical privilege. The sentence 
against the murderers was by the court, and not by the Pope. The Pope 
merely took the negative attitude of non-interference. There is, of 
course, not the slightest hint of his character in the Book. Browning 
has gleaned from the Papal histories of the day the fact that he was 
a good old man, something of a reformer, self-denying in his private 
life, and lavish of alms. He has added to this not the characteristics of 
another Pope, Innocent XI, as is sometimes charged, but those of a 
typical wise old age, which has crowned a life of devotion to the good 
and true. 

Browning had a very distinct faith as regards old age. It is not a 
time of decrepitude but of vision, a time of clear survey of life from a 
moment of peace at its close. In the Pope, Rabbi Ben Ezra, and John 
of A Death in the Desert, Browning has created three old men of this 
type, men who realize what old age should be; and all of them were 
created within a period of five years. We might add to their number 
the old priest in Ivan Ivanovitch. It is noteworthy that Browning 
makes all of these old men, to a certain extent, his own mouthpieces. 
They express the philosophy of life and the vision of God and His love, 
which is found everywhere throughout Browning, and is fundamental 
to his own personal religious philosophy. Every important doctrine of 
Rabbi Ben Ezra can be paralleled from the other poems of Browning. 



271 

The Pope likewise becomes the exponent of Browning's doctrine and 
of his personal attitude toward the actors in the poems. Here we hav^e 
Browning's judgment of Pompilia and of Caponsacchi, of the Frances- 
chini and the Comparini. It is Browning who grows sad at heart in 
blaming his whole world. We may add that Browning has even placed 
in the mouth of the Pope that apology for Euripides which is so directly 
a part of his own reverence for the great Greek tragedian, whom he 
glorified still further in the words of Balaustion. But whether the judg- 
ment is personal or dramatic, it undoubtedly greets us as a sane, strong, 
divine judgment to dispel the chaos of the previous clashing of opinion, 
and it is a triumph of art. 



XVIII. The Law as an Environing Element: 

The Church was one of the conditioning elements of the environment 
of the tragedy, but the law was almost equally important. And of the 
law Browning had ample opportunity to judge in the pages before him. 
He uses this material with strong, satiric scorn. He was evidently 
moved to indignation by the shrewd sophistries of the arguments in the 
case. Ideally the law stands for justice between man and man, but 
here it had become a cunning machine devised for defeating real equity 
and justice. His contempt and irony are poured full upon the " patent, 
truth-extracting process." His indignation was stirred against a class 
of men who had been in close contact with the tragedy without feeling 
the slightest sympathy for the sufferers. There is no ray of such feeling 
at any point in these arguments of the Book, though there is much 
rhetoric and indignation of a purely professional character. There 
are also flashes of the contemptuous deference to the legal opponent, 
which is one of the worst types of professional vanity. Yet, on the 
whole, the personal characters of all the lawyers of the Book are 
practically imperceptible behind the professional mask. Browning 
doubtless felt that they were far more distant from the truth of the case 
they were dealing with than were the gossips of the Roman streets, who 
were under mere chance prepossession. In presenting these two lawyers 
of the Poem, Browning attempts to reproduce by means of characteristic 
types this great fact of the law, which in the Book governs every 
phase of the Poet's material. 

Browning's humor has admirably interpenetrated his conception of 
the first lawyer, as he reproduces him in the Poem, and has saved 
Arcangeli from utter remoteness from our human interest. Of course 
the whole idea of the birthday feast and of the paternal pride in the 
little boy is Browning's sheer invention, and redeems in part the vanity 
of Arcangeli. Browning has also amplified the pompous deference to 
the Pope. For practically all the rest of the monologue he has followed 



272 

the Book with minute fidelity to its letter rather than to its spirit; nor 
does he follow any one argument, but chooses indiscriminately from all 
parts of the Book. Every point of law found in the monologue is in 
the Book: such as the elaborate plea of causa honoris, "^^ and its efficacy 
in law, the rights of one offended in honor to kill after a lapse of time 
as well as immediately,*"' the injury done to Guide's honor by the 
parents,*"^ and all the aggravating circumstances of the murder."*"^" 
Moreover, each matter of evidence in the monologue had been given 
the same bent in the Book. Every precedent cited — those of Dolabella, 
Leonardus,^"' Farinacci,^*' Saint Ambrose,'"* Matthjeus,^""* Panimolle,^" 
Theodoric,'" Jerome,"" Gregory,*" Saint Bernard,"" Cyriacus,*^^ Cas- 
trensis,^®** Apostle Paul,^"' and the strange one of Christ, who is made 
to say honorem vteum nemini dabo,^^^ are in the Book. The Latin so 
abundantly used by the lawyer is a very close adaptation of definite 
passages of the Book.*"'"'" A total of 56 passages, including 8 1 4 Latin 
words, are taken with close accuracy from the Book, while only 3 1 
words in 7 quotations ''* are taken from classic sources, mere scraps of 
the classics. 

It can be seen by what has been said above that the detailed depend- 
ence of this monologue on the Book is very extensive, and in no part 
of the poem has Browning stayed closer to his source. This is probably 
one of the reasons of the comparative neglect of the monologue by 
readers. Yet I venture to assert that the reader who can and will read 
the Latin and its paraphrase as they come in the text, so that he may 
enjoy all the delightful innuendo of this paraphrase, will find abundant 
source of entertainment in the speech. It contains far less for the lover 
of beauty, or of splendid imagination, but in all the range of Brown- 
ing's shrewd analyses of odd, twisted, or bad characters, such as Sludge 
and Prince Hohenstiel, none is really comparable with that of Arc- 
angeli. The monologue is purely a mosaic, in which some very large 
and important pieces are reproduced with absolute accuracy; but there 
is genuine art in their arrangement for the purpose of reproducing the 
effect of these lawyers upon Browning's own mind, and they were close- 
joined by the durable cement of the Poet's irony and his laughter. 
Browning has also taken fully the opportunity offered him by the manu- 
script letter of Arcangeli which was bound into the Book. The Poet 
paraphrases this closely, though with a delicious touch of his own, in 
the letter of Book XII, 239-89;*'° the latter half, of course, is purely 
the invention of Browning, with full sympathy for the rotund rascality 
of the writer. 

In the monologue of Bottini, however, Browning is further away 
from both the letter and the spirit of the real Bottini. The Poet seems 
to have taken a distinctly hostile attitude toward this prosecutor of 
Guido, which mars the fairness of his judgment. Irony and scorn 



273 

saturate the introduction to the monologue in Book I. This anger of 
the Poet probably arose from Bottini's treatment of Pompilia. In the 
course of his arguments against Guido, the real Bottini makes many 
damaging admissions about her, which are not at all necessary on the 
face of the evidence, and seems to have been utterly without regard for 
her personal character. He makes admissions as regards the love- 
letters, which were surely false,"'"" as regards her showing herself at 
the window at a hiss of her lover,'" as regards the use of the opiate,"" 
and even offers the very Ingenious theory to explain Venerlno's testi- 
mony as to the kissing during the flight.""" In the Poem, however, 
such damaging admissions are extended over and beyond this, and touch 
the case at many other points — the clandestine meetings with Capon- 
sacchi at Arezzo,"" "* Pompilia's solicitations of the Canon and others 
criminally,"* Caponsacchi's kissing the unconscious Pompilia,^" the 
receiving of clandestine visits from Caponsacchi after the return to 
Rome,''"^ and the lie in the very hour of death to save her paramour ^'"' 
and to destroy her husband.^"' Such admissions are in fact a cari- 
cature '" of Bottini as he was found in the Book, and the Poet evidently 
paints the portrait under the impulse of his prejudice against the arro- 
gant professional pride and utter moral and religious obtuseness of 
Bottini. Perhaps it is only fair to add that It was not Bottini's pro- 
fessional business to defend Pompilia, but rather to attack Guido, and 
he bases his attack not upon the Innocence of the victim, but upon the 
brutal and illegal manner of putting the vengeance into execution. And 
the court before which he was arguing was doubtless far more ready to 
follow such a line of argument, and to base judgment upon it, than to 
feel any sympathy such as Fra Celestino felt for the dying child-wife. 

Along with the arrogant professional pride of the Bottini of the 
Poem, we have a scholarly pride which Browning has caused to influ- 
ence very subtly the style and illustration of the monologue. The 
English Is smoother and more harmonious, rising at times to real beauty. 
It is Interlarded with classical quotations, there being 21 ^^^ such, as 
contrasted with 5 "^"° taken from the barbarous Latin of the Book. 
The FIsc also makes allusions and draws Illustrations 33 times from 
Latin and Greek mythology, history, and literature. This is strictly a 
dramatic feature; for as Stopford Brooke has well pointed out. Brown- 
ing is remarkable for the scarcity of such allusions, when compared with 
other poets. 

Over the law, as over the gospel, the good Pope presides to save us 
from cynical skepticism for this human Institution and to bring to a close 
the selfishness and harshness of the long conflict. And it is he who, 
according to Browning, saves Pompilia and Caponsacchi from the 
results of the conventional perversity and wrong-heartedness of this 
whole environing world of the Italy of 1698. 
18 



274 

I XIX. The Characters as found in Book and Poem : 

The chief interest, however, for the ordinary reader will lie in Brown- 
ing's method of dealing with the characters of the actors, the human 
types found in the Book and the Poem; for Browning is essentially a 
poet of human nature, and it is his men and women who fix the attention 
of the reader.* 

I have already stated that thirty-three names are taken from the 
Poet's source-material — quite a number of these, of course, are mere 
names. The minor characters, wherever they are given real lines of 
characterization, are in general faithfully reproduced from the Book, 
except for somewhat of a favoring of Pompilia's friends at the expense 
of Guido's. Abate Paolo is the same cunning diplomat and manager;^" 
Violante the same headstrong, disagreeable woman f'^ the tone of Fra 
Celestino's speech is certainly like that of his real affidavits. 

The creation of the three major characters, however, presents a far 
more interesting and important problem; for in their relation with one 
another we find the true heart of the tragedy, and here it is that the 
independent creative mastery of the artist soars free from the trammel 
of fact to display the Poet's vision of truth. One of the chief interests 
in the Book, accordingly, is in its manifestation of the real prototypes 
of these three important personages in the Poem. For as ideal repre- 
sentations of the good and bad in human nature, they contain the best 
Browning has to utter upon the problem of life. The story was unim- 
portant, so far as wordly consequences are concerned, and the characters 
have to supply its real import. No nation was awaiting the result of 
this tragedy, no public consequences of dominating importance were 
dependent thereupon. But the good in the suffering saint, Pompilla, 
and the soldier saint, Caponsacchi, In their active strife with the demonic 
in Franceschlnl, is a sufficient source of interest. God's hand is shown 
at enmity with the wrong of an evil man backed by an unideal conven- 
tional morality. And so, though the story is not of epic consequence, 
it is of profound importance to the spirit of man. In dealing with the 
play of these three most important characters, the Poet has increased 
very considerably the comparative importance of the Caponsacchi of 
the Book. We turn now to a somewhat more extended study of them. 
We may remark by way of caution that practically every statement in 
the Book as regards any of the three is biased — some of these state- 
ments are utterly false — and the student must not merely cite the words 
given, but like the judge must also weigh the evidence offered as to their 
characters. 



•Rossetti Papers, p. 401, July 4, 1869: Browning talked about an article in Temple Bar, 
saying that he, as shown in The Ring and the Book, is an analyst, and not a creator, of 
character. This, Browning very truly says, is not applicable; because he has had to create, 
out of the mass of almost equally balanced evidence, the characters of the book as he con- 
ceives them, and it is only after that process that the analyzing method can come into play. 






ijgm'ifi ;, 







275 

XX. Count Guido Franceschini: 

We turn first to the consideration of Count Guido Franceschini. He 
is the most elaborately and skilfully drawn of all Browning's bad men, 
and they are many. In his earlier works the Poet shows something of 
the natural historian's interest in evil men — they are described and 
faithfully reproduced without comment or moralizing. The Labor- 
atory, The Confessional, Ottima and Sebald, /l Soul's Tragedy, Instans 
Tyrannus, and Porphyrta's Lover, all present the criminal in this way. 
The Poet also dwells at times with curious analysis — we may almost 
say sophistry — upon the obliquely and erratically bad, as in Sludge, the 
Aledium. Later on, however, the bad man took a definite place in the 
Poet's doctrine, both theological and philosophical. His earlier keen 
intellectual enjoyment in mere objective presentation, or subsequently 
in the analysis of the motive of a bad heart, gave way to a sense of its 
demonic power in antagonism against God and goodness. What is the 
meaning and result of such antagonism? Can the creature in sin defy 
its God? Or still more, if he do so, can the Creator for sin destroy His 
creature, made in His own image? Browning realized the significance 
of these questions. In their answer lay his very possibility of faith. 
Guido causes the Poet to search his own heart as thoughtfully as does 
the old Pope in the Poem. The bad man is himself an epitome of much 
of the deeper thought of any artist. His decadence, his mastery over 
the world, and the final nemesis which overtakes him draw largely 
from the poet's deepest insight into life. 

Of all Browning's bad men, none can match Guido in sheer monstrous 
wickedness. His birth and education have associated him with the 
conventionally best of his day, while at heart he is of the worst. He 
is the degenerate son of an effete nobility, as bankrupt in humanity and 
sense of honor as in purse. He has inherited the position of gentleman, 
but bears none of the marks of noble birth. His very honor in birth and 
family is a mere marketable commodity. The strong, proud stock has 
run to its dregs. He is mean in personal appearance.*' Brutality has 
banished courage, and self-interest has destroyed self-respect." Poverty 
has served to accentuate all the latent evil of the race, and has stimu- 
lated the inordinate, wolfish rapacity which darkens Guido's conduct. 
His training has been in the worldly church,*^ and he is a stone in her 
inordinate pride. (RB., VI, 313-316.) Yet no true religious motive 
actuates him. He clings to Her in the hope of gain — of immunity in 
his plunderlngs — but turns upon her with cynical scorn when defeated 
in this hope. In his eyes there " is no such thing as faith extant." It 
is all lies, cunningly contrived for selfish gain. The privilege he claimed 
as noble and churchman alike is the privilege of sinning for gain's sake. 
This Guido was the natural result of the conventional society in which 
he moved. He observed its conventional morality and religion because 



276 

of the gain they bring or the lash they carry, and until the time of the 
catastrophe would be regarded as little worse than his neighbors. 

His catastrophe began far back in his angry resentment at being poor. 
The privilege of his noble birth was checked by poverty. He would 
have plundered if he had been strong enough, but turned rather to a 
career of gain in the church. Defeated again and again in his ambition, 
he at last found himself, at the age of forty-six," out of the " service of 
a certain Cardinal without a soldo." *^ Then he wedded a child-wife 
for gain,'" and in the excess of his greed defeated his own cunning 
plans ;*"^ for his cruelties to the Comparini brought their denial of 
Pompilia's rights as child. ^"^ In his resentment he wreaked brutal 
vengeance on the child-victim in his power. Yet there was more than 
defeated greed, as Browning sees it, in Guido's attitude toward his 
wife; there was a fierce hatred of her goodness as goodness. " Hate 
was the very truth of him." Her presence was a constant rebuke to the 
sin within him. Browning has suggested a situation somewhat similar 
to this in his Instans Tyrannus; for Pompilia's patient endurance 
aroused his resentment: 

I advise — no one think to bear that look 
Of steady wrong, endured as steadily, 

How does it differ in aught, save degree, 
From the terrible patience of God ? 

This devilish resentment against goodness intertwines with the brutality 
and greed of Guido's heart. No ray of kindliness relieves his dark 
nature, no mother love nor brother love, no piety nor reverence. 

For I find this black mark impinge the man, 
That he believes in just the vile of life. 

Now such Utter depravity of heart, loathsome as it is, is made interest- 
ing by the presence of no mean intellectuality, chiefly a matter of preter- 
natural cunning. Whatever our loathing of the man, we can not but be 
impressed with the mental vigor of his speeches, an impression some- 
what different from that gained through the speeches of others con- 
cerning him. This it is that lends the necessary element of terrible 
power to what would otherwise be merely despicable. This intellectu- 
ality he shares with such villains as lago, and Satan of Paradise Lost. 
Yet the Poet feels that God leans in mercy over the life of Guido, 
bad as it is. He grants 

Probation to the oppressor, could he know 
The mercy of a minute's fiery purge! 
The furnace-coals alike of public scorn, 
Private remorse, heaped glowing on his head, 
What if, * * * 
The lost be saved even yet, so as by fire ? 



277 

The very forgetfulness of Guido in the matter of passport, as the Pope 
interpreted it,'" was the providential Hand arresting Guido on the 
verge of eternal destruction ; for he would have gone unprepared to the 
death his fellow assassins were plotting against him.''* But God gave 
him a moment's respite to confront his crime, to realize and hate 
himself. And it is the Pope's earnest wish that in the very suddenness 
of his fate 

may the truth be flashed out by one blow, 
And Guido see, one instant, and be saved. 

That Is, Guido with the fierce terrors of death staring him In the face 
may recognize his own evil, may see the supreme value of love, may 
recognize the love of God, and even the loving salntliness of his wife, 
and this, in Browning's Idea, meant salvation. Such is the significance 
of the final cry for forgiveness : 

Abate, — Cardinal, — Christ, — Maria, — God, — 
Pompilia, will you let them murder me ? 

Browning, the lover of Pompilia, perhaps shared Caponsacchl's grim 
wish, lines 1901-54, as to the fate which should overtake Guido, but 
Browning, the seer and lover of man, would claim even a Guido for 
God. For in Apparent Failure, he says : 

My own hope is, a sun will pierce 

The thickest cloud earth ever stretched ; 

That what began best, can't end worst, 
Nor what God blessed once, prove accurst. 

Pompilia's words as regards him are blessing and not curse : 

We shall not meet in this world nor the next, 
But where will God be absent ? In His face 
Is light, but in His shadow healing too : 
Let Guido touch the shadow and be healed 1 

Now the Guido of the Book is a far more commonplace villain than 
Browning has conceived him. His mean personal appearance " is 
taken directly from the Pamphlet. Unfortunately Guido's own testi- 
mony is omitted from the Book, except in a few fragments cited by his 
lawyers (pp. cxxvii-viii), and so we can not judge of his character 
from his own mouth. Yet there Is much proof of the real character of 
the man In almost every argument of the Book, though at no point is 
there any clear final characterization of him. Brutality, craft, greed, 
are alike present; and the reply to the Anonymous Writer lays continual 
stress upon greed as a dominant passion." 

Concerning Guido's earlier career the Book gives us no further infor- 
mation than that he spent thirty years at Rome In the service of a 
Cardinal; this has quickened Browning's imagination to add the narra- 
tive on the lips of Guido, which is so full of the self-seeking ecclesiastical 
life of the year 1698.'* Under the stimulus of the crafty wits of his 



278 

brother Paolo,'" he played for the hand of a wealthy child-wife," a 
common practice in the society he frequented. His duping of the self- 
seeking ComparinI *" would have been considered a case of Armenian 
meeting Portuguese. Not till he began his abuse of Pompilia did he 
disclose the rough brutality of his nature. Of these cruelties "'^ ^'- """* 
there is abundant evidence in the Book. In them he was encouraged 
by his mother's example," if we may believe the affidavit of the maid 
Angelica.'"" Yet he was evidently able to hold his own in Arezzo by 
reason of the rank of his family; and he had the countenance of both the 
Governor "° and the Bishop.'^" This is easily explained if we but 
remember that in Italian society the husband's right over the wife is 
almost undisputed, and that there were only the complaints of a strange 
child-wife from Rome against the word of a family of recognized rank. 
Guido's deadly hatred was the normal effect of the disclosure of Pom- 
pilia's disgraceful birth and this was accentuated by the threatened loss 
of the dowry." Probably his friends sympathized in this hatred. How 
then should he get rid of her? Divorce was impossible save on the 
grounds of adultery; so adultery, either real or feigned, must be proved 
against his wife. He doubtless felt that he could by giving opportunity 
entice her into an intrigue. Even such a riddance of her could add little 
to the chagrin and disgrace he already suffered. His cruelties were 
partly brutality, partly craft — meant to drive her to flight. The inter- 
position of the maid Maria Margerita ''* "* was almost undoubtedly at 
Guido's instigation. The letters she bore back and forth must have 
been the husband's forgeries, through which he hoped to drive Pompilia 
and Caponsacchi together.'"' There is no other reasonable explanation 
of the facts of the Book. The trickery of Guido is further proved by 
the pretended love-letters,^'- for the husband asserts that these were a 
genuine correspondence from a flirtation in Arezzo. No one can read 
them now and believe them to be of Pompilia's composition. This is 
made the more probable when we see that he practically forged the 
letter to Abate Paolo."^ The very fact that this packet of love-letters 
was all ready for the precipitate departure of Guido in pursuit of the 
fugitives indicates that he was deep in his plots before the flight. The 
false charge concerning the sleeping potion "° confirms still further the 
belief in his plot. The only point at which his cunning seemed to have 
failed was in that Pompilia and Caponsacchi kept themselves pure in 
their perilous flight. 

We see, therefore, that brutal selfishness softening itself by an 
intricate cunning was the character of the real Guido. Intrigue and 
falsehood were his favorite weapons; when they were finally broken, 
the brutal element in his nature drove him on to a cruel murder. Even 
then, his cunning, his recognized rights as a husband, and the prestige of 
his family in Arezzo would have set him free in the Tuscan courts.-"* 



279 

But his plea that he was a wronged husband failed of proof in Rome, 
and, perhaps to the surprise of many, he paid the penalty of his crime. 

Browning seems to have realized fairly and fully this real Guido 
Franceschini. He also realized that in his own day Guido had many 
defenders and that his cunning had done much to baffle those who would 
judge him. He accordingly reproduced this very effect in the Poem, 
until not a few persons when they have finished his first monologue are 
inclined to believe his plea. He baffles and wins the book-spectator as 
he baffled and won those actually around him. This is a marvelous 
achievement in character delineation. 

Yet in the end the villainy of Guido becomes unmistakable long 
before he shrieks for the forgiveness of Pompilia. And Browning has 
made him his fullest and most significant example of evil in man. To 
do this he of course has had to go on beyond the limitations of the 
Book-character. He must raise Guido above the commonplace before 
he is fitted for poetic treatment. The dangerous and self-possessed 
cunning, the intellectual vigor, the cynical lack of faith in good and 
aversion thereto have been added by the Poet. To use Shelley's dictum 
in his Introduction to the Cenci, he has increased the ideal depravity of 
the character. Yet in thus darkening the motive passion and personal 
attitude of Guido, he has not added a single item to Guido's chicanery 
and crime. We know from the Book that Guido was bad and see the 
frightful crimes that gather to his charge, and yet we do not see Guido 
in the Book until the artist intervenes. Fra Lippo Lippi's words are 
apropos of this power of the artist: 

We're made so that we love 
First when we see them painted, things we've passed 
Perhaps a hundred times nor care to see ; 
And so they are better, painted — better to us, 

* * * Art was given for that ; 

God uses us to help each other so, 

Lending our minds out. Have you noticed, now, 

Your cuUion's hanging face ? A bit of chalk, 

And trust me but you should, though ! 

We see, therefore, that it is not the fact of Guido's career as the poet 
drew it from the Book, but the interpretation of the meaning, power, 
and destiny of evil as Browning found them for himself, which makes 
Guido the most significant villain in English poetry since the days of 
Shakespeare ; and while the fact of Guido's execution was a matter of 
history, the inevitable nemesis of ruin which grew out of Guido's long 
career of subtle selfishness found its origin In the Insight of the poet. 
The very fact that he Is not the villain at war with society, but Is the 
semi-respectable ultimate of certain conventional phases of selfishness, 
makes him all the more important in showing what Browning regarded 
as real moral evil. 



28o 

Behind Guido, " midmost blot of black," are discernible the rest of 
that dire family as a fitting environment — " the fox-faced, horrible 
priest," Paolo; " hybrid " Girolamo, " part violence, part craft "; and 

The gaunt grey nightmare in the furthest smoke, 
The hag that gave these three abortions birth, 
The unmotherly mother and unwomanly woman. 

All these are In the Book, and we find the accusation of craft and 
trickery against the first,"" of lust and brutality against the second,"'"- 
and of miserly cruelty against the mother.*' Yet the lurid, hellish tints, 
the deepest shadows, are of Browning's imagining and they are partial 
explanation to him of Guido's own character. They have fostered and 
forwarded all that is worst in him. To them all the Pope gives 
his scathing word of denunciation, as well as to the hard world of 
Arezzo behind them — the Governor, the Bishop, the Confessor, and 
the cutthroat assassins. 



XXI. Francesca Pompilia Franceschini: 

Over against this Guido, with whom selfish worldliness has united 
her, lies the dying child-wife, Pompilia. The four years of cruel 
antagonism between her good and his evil have closed in the triumph 
of that public death-bed. Fra Celestino's testimony bears ample evi- 
dence to the saintly spirit of her closing days.^'^'' The strife had not been 
one of mere brute power, but of spirit. The evil in Guido had loathed 
the good in his wife and had sought not merely to maltreat her, but to 
destroy her soul.'"' This passion became almost as strong as his 
greed. ■*" The good in her, on the other hand, shrank in terror from his 
presence. She was to conquer by that hardest of all conquests, through 
suffering. When Guido had done his worst to her, he had but destroyed 
her body which he had ruined. Her spirit rose triumphant at the close 
of her short life. " Everywhere," says the old Pope, 

I see in the world the intellect of man, 
That sword, the energy his subtle spear, 
The knowledge which defends him like a shield — 
Everywhere ; but they make not up, I think, 
The marvel of a soul like thine, earth's flower, 
She holds up to the softened gaze of God ! 
It was not given Pompilia to know much, 
Speak much, to write a book, to move mankind, 

Yet if in purity and patience, if 

In faith held fast respite the plucking fiend, 

^ :(: :t= :f: :f: 

If there be any virtue, any praise, — 

Then will this woman-child have proved * * * 

Just the one prize vouchsafed unworthy me. 



l-l-i 








«?*1;'^ 






K 









^ 



^ 



3 





28 1 

Browning's art often lingered over the creation of women, and 
Colombe and Balaustion are proud marks of this loyalty to them. He 
had also sketched the woman-victim in My Last Duchess, and elab- 
orated her figure in The Flight of the Duchess. But both of these were 
high-born ladies, of sweet, sunshiny natures, far removed In social rank 
and disposition from Pompilia; and in neither of them is a stronger 
womanhood developed through affliction. Mildred also is a victim, 
though stained with sin; but she is too weak to save herself or her lover, 
and we feel pity, not reverence, for her. In Pompilia, Browning has 
gathered what seemed to him some of the highest womanly qualities, 
spiritual Insight rather than mere intellectuality, fortitude in suffering 
rather than energy in antagonism, faith in God, love of her child, and 
an Ignoring rather than an ignorance of sin. She had neither genius 
nor executive energy, nor even simple joyousness. Yet Browning felt 
that the spiritual element latent within her had that power of true bene- 
faction which Is the mark of saintliness. These are the accepted char- 
acteristics of the Virgin Mary, and as such she seems to have appeared 
to Caponsacchi. More than once he speaks of her as the Madonna 
and, as the Poet portrays her, she has much In common with the mother 
of Christ, as a type of womanhood. We may also note that this may 
have suggested to the Poet her thought of the Immaculate conception 
of her babe,-- when she shudders to think of Guldo as Its father. But 
there Is another Influence In the creation of this ideal character beside 
that of the Madonna, it was the Madonna of his home, the mother 
of his own child, whose spiritual nature was as noteworthy as her 
intellect. And before this spiritual nature the Poet bowed in humble 
reverence. One of his friends (Scrlbner's Monthly, December, 1870) 
tells of his saying: " That he did not feel worthy to unloose her shoe- 
latchets, much less call her his own." Mrs. Orr (Life, p. 409) says 
still further: 

Mrs. Browning's spiritual presence was more than a presiding memory in 
the heart. I am convinced that it entered largely into the conception of 
Pompilia. 

It takes, however, both the throbbing humanity of Balaustion and the 
saintly glory of Pompilia to express fully the nature of Elizabeth 
Barrett Browning as she appeared to her husband. 

Browning's artistic skill Is well exemplified in the way he com- 
municates to his readers a feeling for Pompllia's beauty of face. 

A lovelier face is not in Rome. 

That she was in fact beautiful is strongly suggested by the word of the 
Book, though little definite notion of this beauty Is there given. But 



282 

Browning evidently became a worshiper of this sad, strange, beautiful 
face which haunted his imagination ; 

The same great, grave, griefful air 
As stands i' the dusk, on altar that I know, 
Left alone with one moonbeam in her cell. 
Our Lady of all the Sorrows. 

She is the " lily-thing to frighten at a bruise." The Poet over and over 
again thrills his reader with his own reverent sense of this beauty, not 
by describing his heroine, but by emphasizing the effect of a spiritual 
radiance which seems to emanate from her face. It was this face which 
converted the whole life of Caponsacchi, and it was this face which 
Guido loathed with a deadly hatred and which he cut to pieces. That 
Browning had marked skill in describing mere beauty of face is seen 
in his little poem, A Face, suggested to him by his girl friend Emily 
Augusta Patmore. Yet in his mature poetry he seldom describes his 
favorite heroines. The personality in the face rather than the beauty of 
feature is his endowment for Pippa, Colombe, Constance, the Duchess, 
Balaustion, and the dream-wife of By the Fireside. And Pompilia's 
spirit-beauty illumines the darkness of the whole somber plot. 

This child-wife of Guido is indeed strong in her faith, even beyond 
the natural probabilities of her years and surroundings. Yet Browning 
has declared, " She is just as I found her in the Book." * This assertion 
seems to be based on the strong impression made upon the Poet by the 
sworn evidence of Fra Celestino and the others who ministered to her 
while dying, and the reader of this introduction should here insert the 
translation of it (pp. 69-73). Elsewhere in the Book such a char- 
acter for the real Pompilia is hard to find. She was undoubtedly of vile 
parentage.^"* In the legal arguments her character and motives are 
dragged through the mire by the sophistries and jargonings of the 
lawyers, and just such incriminating explanations and acknowledgments 
are made as anger the reader of the monologue of Bottini. Even 
Guido's accusers speak of her merely as " the unfortunate child " and 
the " wretched girl." Some of the witnesses show pity for her suffering, 
but not even the sworn testimony of Caponsacchi '^ displays any recog- 
nition of her character as it finally evidenced itself in the hour of her 
death. Her own affidavit " shows simplicity and Innocent suffering, but 
gives no hint of her more striking aspects of character; it has no word 
concerning her faith in God, her thought of her child, nor of any 
personal feeling toward Caponsacchi. Almost the sole fact-basis for 
Browning's conception of her character lies in the sworn testimony of 

• " I asked him if it did not make him very happy to have created such a woman as 
Pompilia; and he said, 'I assure you I found her in the book just as she speaks and acts 
in my poem.' There was that in his tone that made it evident Caponsacchi had a rival 
lover, without blame." Rev. John W. Chadwick in The Christian Register, Jan. 19, 1888. 



283 

Fra Celestino and his associates,^" who were her spiritual guides in 
death. No one can read these without an absolute conviction of her 
saintly purity and patience. Those men of long experience who sur- 
rounded her death-bed were deeply moved by her innocence, her tender 
forgiveness of those who wronged her, and her faith in God. Yet else- 
where in the Book even this testimony is distorted and ridiculed by 
Guido's lawyers.""*' 

To this highest Pompilia of the Book Browning has added greatly — 
in fact he has added the important features of her characterization with- 
out transgressing the definite limits of fact. In the Book there is not a 
hint of Pompilia's sense of motherhood,^' which according to the Poet 
was the real motive of Pompilia's flight from Arezzo and was the quick- 
ener of her new trust in God, that came with the impulse to save her 
babe. In her monologue this sense of motherhood is one of the tenderest 
human traits of Pompilia as her motherly faith and motherly solicitude 
dwell on the thought of the little Gaetano.^" The evidence we have as 
to the beautiful motherliness of Mrs. Browning makes us look to her as 
the source of this new trait in Pompilia's character. The Poet's belief 
in the privilege and beauty of motherhood as seen in Pompilia should 
be studied in the light of the Priest's words thereon in Ivan IvanovUch. 
No more sensitive and spiritual conception of motherhood in its deeper 
experiences can be found in English poetry. 

Another very important addition to the Pompilia of the Book is her 
love for Caponsacchi. In the Book she merely turns to him as a rescuer 
from her desperate plight. Here, as often elsewhere, Browning defies 
the merely conventional rightness of appearances. The fact of her 
flight from home in company with a young priest seemed compromising 
enough to the lawyers in the case. The prosecution against Guldo 
even acknowledged that Pompilia may have made love to Caponsacchi 
for the sake of extricating herself from deadly peril at the hands of 
her husband. Yet, in spite of the accusations and inferences of the 
lawyers, aside from certain forged testimony, there is no evidence in the 
Book of any love between Pompilia and Caponsacchi."" Browning 
might have taken advantage of this fact and have represented them as 
victim and rescuer with no other bond between them than this which 
had risen by chance. It would have made an easier case to defend in 
the eye of the world. Browning, however, was far more apt to seek 
out difficulties of this kind than to avoid them. He knew of the pres- 
ence in this world of a love that is lust, and such love was repeatedly 
charged against Pompilia by Guido's defenders. Why, then, did he not 
deny love in them? Nowhere does he show himself more daringly 
creative than in acknowledging on the lips of both Pompilia and Capon- 
sacchi the presence of love. He could do this because he recognized a 
higher spiritual love, independent of the feeding passion of the body — 



284 

a love which is worship of the good and heavenly and ideal as embodied 
in man or woman, a love which is a real yearning up to God. And 
herein, he has humanized the saintliness of his two ideal personages. 

Such " love is best "; such love is the " prize of life "; " the true 
end " for which we live is in " this love way with some other soul to 
mingle." With this conception of the purifying and ennobling nature 
of love, Browning need have no fear of any damaging effect of such an 
admission. It would rather be natural in his opinion that two noble 
souls, even in such a dark hour, should recognize each other instinctively 
and yearn toward each other. The conventional world around them 
would have sneered at their love as being only a thin veil of lust; but 
Browning felt in it a crowning glory to his soldier-saint Caponsacchi 
and his suffering saint Pompilia. Such a love looked far beyond the 
ordinances of man in conventional marriage. 

With gold so much, — birth, power, repute so much, 
Or beauty, youth so much, in lack of these! 

When Caponsacchi came in answer to her prayer for help, and when 
she saw in him " God's hand visibly at strife " with evil, her woman's 
love went out to him as the purest and best of men. He had saved not 
merely her body but her soul, which in its respite from suffering had seen 
God and had risen to a higher law. 

Through such souls alone 
God stooping shows sufficient of His light 
For us i' the dark to rise by. And I rise. 

This presentation of a purely spiritual affection would have been im- 
possible to an Elizabethan and would have been conceived only by a 
very high-minded and pure worshiper of woman. 

In the hour of her death, Pompilia dwells not upon the suffering and 
the evil of the past, but upon the three great spiritual blessings of her 
closing life: " Her faith in God, held fast despite the plucking fiend," 
the love for her friend and helper, and her mother love. On these 
three rests her peace in death; and of these three only the first is 
brought out in the Book. 

The consideration of Browning's Pompilia in the light of the Book 
would be incomplete unless mention were made still further of Brown- 
ing's fidelity to truth in giving the apparently incriminating details as 
he found them in the documents before him. The Poet was too confi- 
dent of her character to court concealment. Her single flash of action 
in the sword flourish against Guido at Castelnuovo is frankly vindicated 
by the Pope, lines 1072-85.°" No more damaging piece of evidence 
was found against her than what Guido's lawyers triumphantly brand 
" the lie about the arrival at Castelnuovo." Pompilia asserted that 
she and Caponsacchi had reached the inn of Castelnuovo at dawn,-" 



285 

only an hour before her husband overtook them; while Caponsacchi 
agrees with all other witnesses in saying that they had arrived in the 
evening and had spent the night there. To remove the dangerous 
implication of this apparent falsehood the lawyers against Guido 
claimed that she had merely lied for policy's sake, and that no vice 
had been concealed behind the lie. Browning's explanation rests in the 
fact that she had swooned in the evening light and had remained 
unconscious with fatigue through the long hours which had fol- 
lowed. "^^ -'■^ The driver's accusation that the fugitive couple had kissed 
during the journey is likewise stated and met. Browning was willing 
thus to state even the most damaging evidence of the Book. 

We must say, in conclusion, that Browning has been far too modest 
in his claim that he has presented Pompilia as he found her. Her story 
is indeed retold much as it had been in the Book; her sufferings are the 
same, her patience even unto death is the same. But even the hard, 
cruel facts are softened by passing through her soul. As she says : 

Being right now, I am happy and color things. 
Yes, everybody that leaves life sees ail 
Softened and bettered. 

Her own sinful mother's life,'"^ Violante's trickery,"^ and the prospect 
of her babe left alone, are seen gently. The real glory of Pompilia's 
character has been created by the Poet in expanding the partial truth 
of fact as he found it into one of the most masterly portraits of the 
suffering saint in all literature. 

With her parents Browning has by no means taken the liberties he 
uses with the Franceschini. Their conduct throughout the case, as 
presented in the Poem, is true even in the minutest details of fact. They 
are thoroughly bourgeois." Pietro's self-indulgence " and his frequent- 
ing of taverns " are facts of the Book, and the Violante of fact has all 
of the disagreeable traits presented by Browning."'' The anonymous 
pamphleteer speaks of her pride and calls her a " very shrewd woman, 
and of great loquacity"; easily moved by the thought of a grand 
alliance for her daughter, and determined to have her own way, even 
by means of a secret marriage,*' and full of cajolery afterward.*' The 
Governor of Arezzo also says that " she presumed to domineer over 
the house, and to keep the keys of everything." "" Rome's gossip might 
mouth her reputation and do it little harm. Pompilia seems as utterly 
unrelated to them in character as in body; her home environment as a 
whole was a foil rather than a cause of her goodness. And we may 
say parenthetically here that Browning is so thoroughly a believer in 
the independent power of human will to triumph over heredity and 
environment that the later nineteenth century literature on this subject 
hardly affects him at all. Such a late study as Halbert and Hob is 
strikingly unlike Browning's usual attitude in this respect. 



286 

XXII. Cation Giuseppe Maria Caponsacchi: 

In the portrait of Caponsacchi, the third person of this central group, 
Browning has been still more daringly and splendidly inventive beyond 
the fact of his material. The real Caponsacchi's relation to Pompilia 
had been confined almost solely to the crisis of her trouble. Browning 
saw, however, in the mere hints of courage given in the Book the possi- 
bility of an ideal heroism to be placed over against the ideal villainy 
of Guido. Caponsacchi was twenty-four years old at the time,"" a 
nobleman, and a subdeacon in the church of the Pieve of Arezzo." 
Pompilia tells us that her husband became jealous of the young man 
because he had stopped beneath her windows to talk with certain young 
hussies of the city.''- This seems the sole basis for the frivolous flirta- 
tion of Caponsacchi, as Browning has conceived it. Guido took further 
umbrage because Caponsacchi was in the habit of passing their house,'-' 
and he flew into a murderous rage after the incident of the comedy 
told by Caponsacchi in his monologue."- It seems not at all improbable 
that his jealousy was feigned as part of the elaborately cunning scheme 
of Guido to drive his wife into a criminal intrigue with the young 
Priest.'-' "" The reader may interpret the husband's choice of Capon- 
sacchi for a part in such a scheme as indicating that the priest was 
originally a proper candidate for the intrigue. When the torture 
became too hard to bear, Pompilia turned at last to Caponsacchi '" — 
after seeking aid elsewhere in vain "^ — because she had heard that " he 
was a resolute man." Canon Conti, according to the Italian pamphlet, 
had suggested him to her ^^ and says of his friend that " his spirit had 
stood every test." ^' There are other hints of Caponsacchi's courage. 
The very act of flight with Pompilia might well make a brave man 
shrink as he did, when he said at first that he was unwilling to have 
anything to do with such an affair.'"" "° " Yet at last the impulse of 
charity and pity prevailed upon him to free this innocent woman from 
death." "" And when Guido overtook the fugitives at Castelnuovo, 
and " found Caponsacchi urging that the horses be harnessed for con- 
tinuing the journey," "" the latter faced him with the words : "" " I am 
a gallant man, and what I have done I have done to save your wife from 
death." It is only fair to say that Guido's lawyers recognized this 
courage of the man as mere criminal daring and call him dare-devil ^* 
(scapezzacollo) . Arcangeli also speaks of him as the " terrible priest," 
and Spreti denominates him as " a young man, brave and forceful, 
provided with arms and accustomed to sin, and, what is more, both 
prompt and ready to resist." There can be little doubt that he was a 
man of force and spirit. His own affidavit " has a manly ring, though 
not rising to any heroic pitch. 

Browning might have accepted such a Caponsacchi as he was and 
have given him a merely incidental and external relationship to the 



287 

tragedy.'^" His art was deeper and wiser than this. He created instead 
a soldier-saint, a true Christian hero, as a foil to Franceschini. Capon- 
sacchi has become the most elaborate and the most interesting of Brown- 
ing's pictures of noble manhood. He differs decidedly from the earlier 
types of Browning's heroes, such as Paracelsus and Luria. They were 
men devoted to a great idea, and their heroism lay in their integrity and 
passionate devotion thereto. Caponsacchi's devotion, however, is to 
no such idea, but to a woman of flesh and blood. Years before, in 
Valence and Berthold, the Poet had vied with himself to create a man 
worthy of his Colombe. Still other types of hero appear in Pheidip- 
pides and Herve Riel. None of these, however, are at all comparable 
with Caponsacchi. I like to think that, as the Pope represents the 
graver, wiser, and more judicial attitude of Browning's mind toward the 
tragedy, so Caponsacchi represents the passionate, impulsive side of his 
nature — his indignant partisanship therein, just what Browning would 
have felt at twenty-five — what he did feel in The Glove and The Flight 
of the Duchess. 

Without any assistance from the Book, Browning has imagined what 
lay in the years previous to this splendid outburst of manhood. The 
hero was born into the same social and religious environment as Guido, 
and early turned to a worldly career in the church. A worldly church- 
manship can hardly retain him as its own when the innate sincerity of 
his unspoiled nature faces corrupt ecclesiastical practice. But once the 
vow passed, he seems to be slipping acquiescingly into a place in the 
ranks of a pleasure-loving, courtly clergy. He is a graceful and adept 
conformist to the customs around him. He practices poetry in a Mar- 
inesque Adoniad, finds diversion in Lightskirts '' at the theater, is 
enviably popular with the fine ladies of the city, and can digest without 
a grimace the archbishop's jokes. 1 he finer nature, which had shrunk 
awe-struck at the strictness of the vow of the renunciation of the world, 
was vanishing in the " fribble, fop, and coxcomb." Then suddenly 
he was brought face to face with the 

lady, young, tall, beautiful, strange and sad. 

^c :{: :^ :4^ ^ 

That night and next day did the gaze endure, 

Burnt to my brain, as sunbeam thro' shut eyes, 

And not once changed the beautiful sad strange smile. 

Caponsacchi " bowed, was blessed by the revelation of Pompilia " — 
from that hour he was a changed man. 

Browning's purpose evidently was to make Caponsacchi no mere 
impersonal helper in the flight of the wife from her husband; but in that 
event to bring him also to the crisis in his life, to the moment of the 
making of the Christian hero out of the conventional fop. Browning 
liked to conceive of his characters in their earnest crises, as at such times 



288 

the whole latent character would declare itself. His words in Cristina 
on this subject are too well known to need quotation. The young priest 
" was named and known by that moment's feat, there took his station 
and degree." The conventional world around him became irksome, a 
better taste and a truer religion found birth with his love. He says: 

my life 
Had shaken under me, — broke short indeed 
And showed the gap 'twixt what is, what should be, — 
And into what abysm the soul may slip. 

At the second meeting with that " great, grave, griefful face," his call 
to duty came, a hard duty, demanding the rise of the true man within 
him. Browning ignores the word of the Book here, which says that he 
at first refused to have anything to do with such a questionable and 
dangerous undertaking.^" Caponsacchi in the Poem instantly accepts 
this new duty of self-sacrifice, because he has been changed to a nobler 
self by the look of the lady. The spirit of self-sacrificial love, which is 
the essence of Christianity, became the living motive of Caponsacchi, 
and we feel that Browning would assert that in the crisis he has risen 
to real Christian heroism."® 

Now all of this element is added by the creative instinct of Browning. 
We have little evidence in the Book that the flight with Pompilia had 
been more than a superficial adventure to the real Caponsacchi. His 
rise to the noble attitude of his later manhood is as much the creation 
of the Poet as is the early worldly masquerade before his meeting with 
Pompilia. 

It seems not improbable that the legend and character of St. George 
of Merry England may have had much to do with the Poet's ideal of 
his soldier-saint, just as the Madonna had governed the ideal of Pom- 
pilia. Browning had doubtless seen Vasari's fine St. George Slaying the 
Dragon, which stands as the altarpiece in Caponsacchi's church. It is 
no mere chance that the Poet changed the date of Pompilia's rescue "* 
from April 29 to April 23, St. George's day. (RB., VI, 1 1 1 1.) And 
the rescue of the maiden who lay at the mercy of the hideous cruelty of 
the dragon bears a striking analog}' to the story which the Poet had 
found in this old volume. He has also compared this rescue with the 
story of Theseus and Ariadne — the St. George legend of ancient 
Greece. The Poet, moreover, has made reference to Caponsacchi as a 
St. George five times in The Ring and the Book."^ 

Browning has not merely added the conversion of the worldly Capon- 
sacchi to the higher possibilities of his spiritual nature, but he has also 
added the deeply passionate yet profoundly reverential love of Capon- 
sacchi for Pompilia. The addition of this love-element to the character 
of Pompilia has been mentioned, but something must be added here. 
In both of them love was the occasion of a spiritual revolution. In 
Pompilia's eyes he had been God's saving arm, a strong man full of pity 



289 

to her who had been accustomed to the selfishness or harshness of men. 
To him she had been a revelation of God dwelling in woman as purity, 
long-suffering, and godliness: an embodied Madonna, Our Lady of 
Sorrows. She challenged his worship in the most profound religious 
sense, rather than in the conventional, sentimental hyperbole of romantic 
poetry. He dwells on no pretty graces nor mannerisms, but accepts his 
miracle of the revelation of the Divine motherhood, self-authorized. 
She is the 

snow-white soul that angels fear to take 
Untenderly * * * 

The glory of life, the beauty of the world, 
The splendor of heaven. 

Wordsworth has well described such a love : 

Love that adores, but on the knees of prayer, 

By heaven inspired ; that frees from chains the soul, 

Lifted, in union with the purest, best. 

Of earth-born passions, on the wings of praise 

Bearing a tribute to the Almighty's Throne. 

Browning might have given such an other-wordly feeling to this bond 
of love as to have greatly reduced our interest. Such is the devotion of 
the confessor, Fra Celestino.'^^ This would have been the easier and 
more prudential way of dealing with two attractive young persons in so 
dangerous a situation. He prefers, however, to make each heart stir 
with an earnest personal passion for the other. In Pompilia it is a 
serene feeling, which rests purely by the side of her mother love and her 
faith in God. In Caponsacchi it is an overmastering flood of devotion 
to her service and of indignation against those who have wronged her. 
In each case it is the earthly crown of a true manhood and womanhood, 
coupled with a sincere devotion to God. In Caponsacchi it all but spoils 
his case, giving some ground for the accusation that " he loved the lady 
as they called love." Browning, however, has at no point in his poetry 
shown more splendidly the utter independence of real passionate love 
from " love as the world calls love," of Ottima and Sebald. 

The Caponsacchi as thus conceived is worthy of his important place 
at the heart of Browning's masterpiece and is as great a creation as any 
in the whole range of Browning's poetic world. 

XXIII. Browning' s Independence in Character Creation: 

In the consideration of these three figures we find the masterly 
creative freedom of Browning as he rises above his material. The Book 
gives but confusedly and imperfectly these characters. Guido rests 
under harsh charges in the Book, but extenuating pleas are made in his 
behalf. The facts of Pompilia's life are discernible in the Book, but 
her character is but mistily and confusedly presented. Caponsacchi's 
19 



290 

fortitude is plain, but it is charged with being the fortitude of dare- 
deviltry. One of Browning's chief problems, as a student of truth, was 
to bring order out of this chaos of charge and countercharge. But as an 
artist he had the far more important problem of raising the three to 
the province of art, vitalizing and idealizing these characters till, laying 
aside their commonplaceness, they would stand for the Poet's master 
conceptions of human nature, his attitude toward conventional society, 
his faith in God. Certainly in this part of the Poem the restraining 
leash of fidelity to truth is no hindrance to his poetic flight, and herein 
we get the unique, personal element of power which every great artist 
must contribute to the materials he works upon before they become 
vitally his own in art. 



XXIV. The Final Significance of this Source-study : 

All that has been said above throws light on the whole problem of the 
creative artist's relationship to his material. Nor will it do for one to 
accept or reject certain guiding principles on mere a priori grounds. 
We have here a great artist and a great resultant Poem. The latter 
fully justifies him against any critic's cavil as to how he might have 
written a better poem with the same material. 

The Poet seems to have been guided all through his creative activity 
by a determination to be true to his material — " So absolutely good is 
Truth," he says in Fifine at the Fair. He accordingly mastered the 
facts of the Book even to its trivial details. These he reproduces in his 
Poem profusely, fitting them unlaboriously into the text and the current 
of his verse. He had so filled himself with these facts that they became 
his facts; and these names, dates, descriptive details, petty sophis- 
tries, citations of authorities, reproduce themselves as vital parts of the 
resurrected story. The fragments marshaled themselves out of chaos 
into one pervading, unifying cosmos. Instead of the crowded, sordid, 
confusing presentation of a criminal trial, he made it a comprehensive 
book of life. Yet rarely has a poet of high rank shown such respect for 
the integrity of his material. Still further, he has planned his Poem 
not by conventional genre, but has invented a form which is a vital 
outgrowth of the material before him, an independent and organic plan. 

To all this Browning has brought the wealth of a richly endowed 
personality. The deeper spiritual meaning of the three major char- 
acters and of their play upon one another is purely a part of the Poet's 
vision. They are hopelessly obscured to ordinary sight in the Book. 
One phase after another of the Poet's deeper life breathes forth in these 
monologues so that, in the end, we have in the Poem not merely the 
story retold from the Book, but the wise, sane thought of Browning's 
full maturity; and it is this, and not the rough ore of fact, that has made 
the Poem what it is. 



291 

Altogether, one can hardly come from a close study of Book and 
Ring, side by side, without an ever-deepening sense of the might of 
Browning as a creative artist. The dead weight of the old Book could 
not bear him down. His fidelity to it could not clip his wings. Its 
chaotic night of evil could not daunt his moral instincts. Its sheer con- 
fusion falls readily into order. Not since Goethe have we had the play 
of such a giant mind upon a subject which had fascinated it; and it 
remains, as was said above, the macrocosm of the art and the life of 
Robert Browning. 

One word in conclusion as to this whole matter of poetic originality 
in its bearing on our subject. Browning is not the less a master that he 
had such a source-book. The good old law of the literary spoil to the 
strongest has unfortunately tended to disappear of late in the canons of 
criticism, and no one can doubt that this has wrought no small injury 
in our literature. The shibboleth of originality has driven many an 
artist to practice sheer invention rather than resuscitation in story- 
telling. Browning's use of the Book, however, brings us back again to 
the importance of such a background of truth for all good work. The 
true artist finds ample opportunity for expressing what is great in him- 
self as an artist by using such materials as come to hand. He will be 
their master and not their servant; they are mere tools of his craft; but 
the materialless storyteller who depends on sheer fancy is little better 
prepared for his artistic future than the carpenter who is unprovided 
with tools and must depend on hands and sticks and stones. Shake- 
speare was doubtless the greater Shakespeare for all the plays, poems, 
novels, and histories which are gathered in Hazlitt's Shakespeare 
Library; Dante was the greater Dante for his mastery of the whole 
medieval tradition of Hell, Purgatory, and Paradise; Milton was the 
more Miltonic for centuries of semi-artistic retellings of the story of the 
fall of man; Homer was the greater Homer in the richness of the 
patriotic balladry which had arisen around the Trojan War ; and Brown- 
ing rose to his masterpiece in art by seizing firmly the Book which 
" the Hand " had thrust into his own as a call to his greatest achieve- 
ment in creative imagination. 



Corpus of Topical Notes. 



The following topical notes present in intelligible order the confused fact 
and the intricate cross-referencing of Book and Poem, and they are usually 
explanatory of an initial text quotation from The Ring and the Book. The 
line-numbering and text of the poem are conformed to the author's edition 
published by Smith, Elder & Co. Page references to the Book are indicated 
by B, which is followed by Roman numerals if the reference is to the original 
and by Arabic numerals if the reference is to the translation, the latter being 
more frequently employed, as the pages of translation permit the insertion 
of superior figures for return reference. Citation of the secondary source 
(pp. 207-213) is indicated by P.; of the Casanatense pamphlet (pp. 215-225) 
by C; and of the general essay (pp. 227-291) by E. The annotation has 
been confined to the source problem under discussion, and has not dwelt on 
the many historical and interpretative questions which should find answer in 
a more general volume. — C. W. H. 



294 



CORPUS OF TOPICAL NOTES. 



1— RB., I, 33, 140, 677: 

'* Old yellow book." The Poet's name for the 
Book, evidently suggested by the soiled and 
worm-eaten " crumpled vellum covers." 
2— RB., I, 122-31: 

These words are a close paraphrase of the 
actual manuscript title-page of the Book, page I. 



Pos'fxione di tutta la Cauta 

Criminals 
Contra Guido Francftthini 

Nobile ^retino, 
e tuoi Sicarii 

ttati fatti morire in Roma il 

di 22 
Feb. 1698. II prima con la 

detoUaxione gV altri quattro di 

Fore a 

Ditputatur an tt quando 

Maritut possit accidere Uxorem 
^duheram absque incur su 
pocnae ordinariae 



Position of the entire criminal 
cause 

Of Guido Franceschini, noble- 
man. 

Wilh certain Four the cut- 
throats in his pay. 

Tried, ail five, and found 
guilty and put to death 

By heading or hanging as be- 
fitted ranks. 

At Rome on February Twenty 
Two, 

Since our salvation Sixteen 
Ninety Eight: 

Wherein it is disputed if, and 
when, 

Husbands may kill adulterous 
wives, yet 'scape 

The customary forfeit. 

Cf. RB., XII, 229. 
3— RB., I, 136-9: 

in a Latin cramp enough 
When the law had her eloquence to launch, 
But inteihlleted with Italian streaks 
When testimony stooped to mother-tongue. — 

All the formal proceedings of the lawyers and 
judges were in Latin, as a matter of course a 
barbarous, late, church Latin, made all the more 
difficult by the technical nature of the discussion. 
The testimony was naturally in the vernacular 
Italian. 

4— RB., I, 145-6: 

Primary lawyer-pleadings for, against, 
The aforesaid Five; 

There are six arguments for and five against 
the Accused in the Book. " Primary " is prob- 
ably used in the sense of original. Cf. RB., X, 
216. 

5— RB., I, 146-7: 

real summed-up circumstance 
Adduced in proof of these on either side, 

There are three summaries {siimmario) of 
evidence, one for and two against the Accused: 
pamphlets 4, 7, ii. Cf. RB., X, 217; XII, 230. 

6— RB., I, 148-9: 

Put forth and printed, as the practice was. 
At Rome, in the Apostolic Chamber's Type, 

All the pamphlets in the Book, save the two 
anonymous Italian narratives, were printed, prob- 
ably in very few copies, by the Court for use 
in its procedure and bear the imprint: Romae, 
Typis Rev. Cam. Apost. 1698- (Reverendae 
Camerae Apostolicae.) Browning translates lit- 



erally. This papal press was an official and not 
a mercantile press. 

7— RB., I, 150-2: 

And so submitted to the eye o' the Court 
Presided over by His Reverence 
Rome's Governor and Criminal Judge, — 

The arguments are addressed " lUustrissime et 
Reverendissime Domine " and on the file titles 
they are spoken of as by " Illustrissimo et Rev- 
erendissimo Domino, Urbis Gubernatore in 
Criminalibus." The governor at this time was 
Monsignor Pallavicino. The Criminal Court, 
however, was presided over by Vice-Governor 
Venturini, who had also presided over the Pro- 
cessus fuffa (Notes 269, 270), and who later 
issued the final decree in vindication of the good 
name of Pompilia (Pamphlet 18). He was 
possibly assisted by a board of Judges (B., 193. 
lUustriss. Congregalionis), but the usual custom 
in the criminal law of that day was to try before 
a single judge. Browning, without any authority 
in the Book, speaks of three Judges (RB., VI, 8), 
and likewise without authority includes Judge 
Tommati (RB., I, 1052; VI, 34, 133; VIII, 219, 
263), who had tried the first civil suit of Pietro 
for the recovery of the dowry (Note 262). Cf. 
Note 365. 

8— RB., I, 689-90: 

Doubled in two, the crease upon them yet, 
For more commodiry of carriage, 

Soiled streaks on many pages of the Book were 
evidently caused by the folding of the separate 
pamphlets, for the purpose of carrying them in 
the pocket. 

9— RB., I, 691-4: 

And these are letters, veritable sheets 
That brought posthaste the news to Florence, writ 
At Rome the day Count Guido died, we find, 
To stay the craving of a client there, 

These three letters (B., 190-1), written at 
Rome on the day of Guido's execution, are ad- 
dressed to Sig. Francesco Cencini at Florence. 
The first of these is reproduced by the Poet, RB., 
XII, 239-88 (Note 450) ; the other two are not at 
all in correspondence with the other letters of Bk. 
XII, but facts from them are used here and there 
through the poem (Notes 428, 429, 431, 448-9, 
451). Cf. RB., I, 257-9. 

10— RB., I, 85: 

" Small-quarto size." The Book is 7I by 10 
by I inch, printed in small-quarto. 

11— RB., I, 119: 

Print three-fifths, written supplement the rest. 

There are in fact only about 10 pages of manu- 
script out of 260. 



29s 



296 



12-RB., I, 694-5: 

To slay the craving of a client there. 

VVtio bound the same and so produced my book. 

RB., XII, 225, 231: 

To this Ccncini's care I owe the Book, 

Discreetly in my Book he bound them all, 
Browning's conjecture that Cenclni collected 
and bound the Book is evidently based on the 
fact that the letters were addressed to him 
(Note 9) ; this is the reasonable supposition as 
to the collectorship. Note the words of the third 
letter (B., 191). "I inclose the Fisc's argument, 
except a single response, which I will send to you 
as soon as I can lay hands on it, that your 
Excellency may have the entire case." This 
accounts for Cencini's having most of the pam- 
phlets of the Book. 

13— RB., I, no-i: 

flora written title-page 
To written index, 

The written title-page, see page I, is followed 
immediately in the Book by the Indice, or Table 
of Contents, pages III and IV. Such manuscript 
additions are frequently made out by the modern 
lawyer in completing a case for his professional 
library. 

14— RB., VII, 6-7: 

Francesca Camilla Vittoria Angela 

Pompilia Compaiini 

Such is her name as given in the baptismal 
record (B., 127). The full text of this entry of 
Pompilia's birth in the records of San Lorenzo in 
Lucina under date of July 23, 1680, is as follows: 

Ego Basilius Riscius Chi Curatus baptizavi infantem natam 
die 17 ex D. Pietro Comparini Romano quondam Francisci 
Floreniini et ex D. Violanta Romana nata filia quondam Hiacintl 
ConjuE- degeniibus in hac Parrocia cui nomen impositum fuit 
Franciscae Camillae Victoriae Angelae Pompillae. _ Padrini 
luerunt Reverendus Domlnus Johannes Baptisia Barberius quon- 
dam Ludovici Roraanus. deg. in Parroch. S. Franciscae et D. 
Barbara Cardili de Fabtis deg. in hac Parrochia. 

Cf. RB., II, 55 ; IV, 213-4. 
15— RB., VII, 1-2: 

I am just seventeen years and five months old. 
And, if 1 lived one day more, three full weeks; 

Browning evidently calculated this accurately 
counting from Pompilia's birthday, July 17, 1680 
(B., 127), to her deathday, January 6, 1698. Cf. 
RB., II, 60; 111,457-8; and Notes 350, 351. 

16— RB,, III, 63: 

A lovelier face is not in Rome 
The testimony in the Book as to Pompilia's 
beauty is found (B., 148): "A woman in the 
flower of her age and, as I have heard, of no 
small reputation for beauty"; (B., 184): "espe- 
cially if the wife is beautiful; and (B., 197): 
" although it may be very difficult for a beautiful 
woman to preserve the decorum of her honor." 
No specific information beyond the subsequent 
note is given. Cf. RB., VI, 1997-8. 

17— RB., Ill, 67: 

Black this and black the other I 

RB., XI, 1349: 

The long black hair 



There is a hint of Pompilia's dark complexion 
in one of the forged love-letters (B., 81), "that 
you are darker than I." Cf. RB., II, 275-6. 

18— 

Pompilia's affidavit, made in Rome, Monday, 
May 13, 1697, twelve days after her arrest at 
Castelnuovo, was a part of the Processus fuga 
(Note 269), or criminal process against herself 
and Caponsacchi for flight and adultery. It is 
found in the summaries of both sides, but in 
greater fulness in that of the Defense (B., 69-73). 
The marginal comments in the latter version 
(which are stressed by Mrs. Orr, Handbook, p. 88 
as indications of something questionable in the 
real Pompilia's character) are, of course, the 
prejudiced comments of the lawyers for Guido 
and are worthless as evidence of guilt in Pom- 
pilia. Browning found in this affidavit much 
information of importance in the story; but it is 
in no sense a prototype of the monologue of 
Pompilia in the Poem, nor is it uttered at the 
same time nor under the same circumstances. 

19— 

The letter of Pompilia written from the prison 
of Castelnuovo, May 3, two days after the arrest, 
is said (B., 143) to have been "found among 
her private correspondence after her death." It 
is also referred to (B., 144). 

20— RB., VII, 29-30: 

He is a boy and Gaetan by name— 
Gaetano, for a reason 

P. 211: "After that Pompilia bore a son, 
whom she named Gaetano, after the saint to 
whom she made her vows." This is the only 
authority for the child's name, which is so often 
repeated in the poem. Cf. RB., I, 405; VI, 1389; 
VII, 100-105, 276; IX, 1371; XII, 688, 781. 

21— RB., VII, 1223-59: 

The wonderful account of the birth of the 
brooding mother-sense in Pompilia is Browning's 
own invention, and he returns to it repeatedly. 
Cf. RB., Ill, 1121-4; 1527-38; VI, 762-8; 1374-6; 
VII, 1439-40; X, 1073-81. 

22— RB., VII, 1762-3 : 

My babe nor was, nor is, nor yet shall be 
Count Guido Franceschini's child at all — 

Pompilia seems to turn here to the thought of 
the immaculate conception by the Virgin Mother 
as the explanation of her own child's birth. At 
line 1692 she says: "I felt like Mary." Cf. also 
lines 91-2. The Fisc makes cynical reference to 
this possibility: RB., IX, 1352-66. Caponsacchi 
speaks of her repeatedly as Madonna. Cf. p. 281. 

23— RB., VII, 58 : 

The month — there wants of it two weeks this day ! 
The child was sent away (line 46) when two 
days old — that is, December 20. (Cf. Note 299.) 
Pompilia is speaking January 6 (Note 350) ; 
hence the accuracy of her woni, as in her mother 
yearning she counts the days that still sepaiate 
her from her babe. 



297 



24— RB., VII, 10. 

When they insert my death. 
The death record in the parish register of 
San Lorenzo in Lucina (see illustration, p. 280) 
reads: " Signora Francesca Pompilia Comparini, 
in Rome, at the age of seventeen and a half, the 
daughter of former Signor Pietro Comparini, of 
Rome, wife of Signor Guido Franceschini of 
Arezzo in Tuscany, died in the Communion of 
the Holy Mother Church in the house where she 
lived on Strada Paolina; she received all the 
Sacred Sacraments and was buried in this, our 
Church." Cf. Note 351. 

25— RB., VII, 32: 

" Curate Ottoboni." Browning finds the name 
(B., 127). Otthobonus had not baptized her; he 
merely made the sworn transcript of the baptis- 
mal record used as evidence in the trial. 

26— RB., VI, 290: 

" Giuseppe Maria Caponsacchi." The full 
name of Caponsacchi is given in its Latin form 
(B., xcixor 83). Cf. RB., VII, 941. The Capon- 
sacchi family were of noble rank. 
Our arms * • * 
The shield quartered with white and red. 

Giuseppe Maria Caponsacchi, born March 26, 
1673 (Griffin), was invested Canon November 26, 
1693, and resigned of his own accord May 15, 
1702. (Records of the Pieve of Arezzo.) The 
family is now all but extinct, but still preserves 
a vague rumor that some priestly forbear had run 
off with a woman. 

27— RB., VI, 346-8: 



Sub-deacon, Canon, 

Caponsacchi (B., 75) says: "I am a Canon 
of the Pieve of Santa Maria of Arezzo, and am 
merely a subdeacon." At line 975, he speaks of 
"the pillared front o' the Pieve, — My church." 
This is one of the oldest and most impressive of 
the churches in Arezzo — its famous " pillared 
front " being well known. 

28— RB., VII, 1323: 

Our Caponsacchi, he's your true Saint George 

The fact that Conti suggested Caponsacchi as 
traveling companion is given (B., 174): "he 
suggested that there was no better person than 
Canon Giuseppe Caponsacchi, his friend and in- 
timate, whose spirit had stood every test." Cf. B., 
60; P., 211 ; and Note 145. 

Vasari's fine St. George slaying the dragon is 
the altar-piece of the church of Conti and Capon- 
sacchi, Santa Maria della Pieve of Arezzo. This 
may have suggested the St. George strain in 
Caponsacchi's character. Cf. E., 286-9, and RB., 
I. 585; VI, 1771, 7; IX, 602. 

29— RB., VIII, 1193: 

" Pollent in potency." Arcangeli (B., xvii) 
speaks of Caponsacchi as viribus pollens. The 
full statement is as follows (B., 15): "Because 
the lover was of powerful strength, not at all 
timid, and all too prompt for resisting, since in 



the word of one of the witnesses in the prosecu- 
tion for flight he was called cutthroat." Cf. B., 
no, 150. 

30— RB., VII, 9n: 

"The rich dark-brown hides?" Browning 
has a hint of Caponsacchi's complexion in one 
of the forged love-letters (B., 81). 

31— RB., VIII, 1194: 

" Amaslus," or paramour. Guido's lawyers 
continually mention Caponsacchi thus. 

32— 

There is little in the Book to suggest Brown- 
ing's presentation of the worldly, irresponsible 
youth of Caponsacchi. Pompilia speaks (B., 70) 
of his stopping in front of their house to talk 
with certain young hussies. The poet may have 
read into the word donnicivole some of the oppro- 
brium of our word flirt or even chippy, but no 
such sinister meaning is necessarily implied. 

Tommaseo, Dizionario del Sinonimi, §1413: 
" Donnicivole, donna di bassa condizione, debole 
di spirilo, con de pregiudizii Donnicivole puo 
intendersi della plebe, ma non dispregevole." 
Cf. RB., II, 806. 

33— RB., VI, 429: 

" Light-skirts." The term was possibly sug- 
gested by " la Cantarina " in one of the forged 
love-letters (B., xciii or 78). 

34— 

The important affidavit and cross-examination 
of Caponsacchi (B., 73-6) is not dated, but it was 
probably made about the same time as that of 
Pompilia (May 13, 1697), and was part of the 
criminal trial against himself, the Processus jugir. 
It is manly and straightforward, and bears out 
Browning's interpretation of the young priest's 
heroic qualities, though it makes no suggestion of 
a personal affection for the woman-victim he had 
rescued. It is in no way the prototype of the 
monologue in the poem, and was uttered at a 
diflferent time and under other circumstances. 
35— 

Canon Conti, so frequently mentioned in both 
Book and Poem as the friend of Caponsacchi, 
was brother of Count Aldobrandini (Griflin), 
who had married Guido's sister (B., 70) ; he was 
accordingly spoken of as a relative and a fre- 
quenter of the Franceschini home (B., 74, 92, 
144). Conti had been invested Canon of the 
Pieve August 14, 1692. (Records of the Pieve.) 
He was in company with Caponsacchi on the 
evening of the comfit-throwing (Note 131) and 
Guido subsequently became jealous of him also 
(B., 70). He was fully informed of Pompilia's 
sufferings, and to him she turned for relief 
(Note 145). As he felt it improper for himself 
to move in the matter, he advised Pompilia to 
seek the aid of his friend Caponsacchi and he 
united his urgency to hers. He is accordingly 
called (B. 177) "the mediator in that flight." 
The fact that he was not subsequently included 
in the Tuscan trial of Pompilia and Guillichini 
for the runaway probably indicates that he had 



298 



refrained from overt act in the matter, or that 
he had died before the suit was instituted. He 
is also mentioned (B., 80) in the forged love- 
letters. He was probably related to the Jacopo 
Comi who swears (B., 42) to the ill-treatment 
suffered by Pompilia. Cf. B., 60, 62, 144, 159, 
196; also RB., II, 938-41. 

36— RB., VI, 2032: 

Conti is dead, poisoned a month ago: 
(B., 177): "It is public talk and report 
throughout Arezzo that he died a month ago 
under similar suspicious circumstances." Tlie 
records of the Pieve give his death as occurring 
January, 1698 — that is, subsecjuent to the murder 
of the Comparini. The word could hardly have 
reached Caponsacchi by the time of his sup- 
posed speech. 

37— 

Guido Franceschini, " a nobleman of Arezzo " 
(B., 10, and P., 209), of an old but impover- 
ished family, appears in the Book in as unfavor- 
able a light as in the Poem. He was evidently 
forced early to seek his fortune at Rome. Brown- 
ing, however, creates outright for us a conception 
of his early ambition and purpose and of his later 
unsuccess in the battle of life. 

38— RB., V, 144-5: 

* * * not first in tank 
But second, * » * 

Evidently drawn from (B., 171): "it is un- 
true that his family enjoyed the highest rank of 
nobility in the City but * * * is of only secondary 
rank." Palazzo Franceschini, formerly in Via 
dei Cenci, is no longer in existence. The family 
was of low origin, came " da tin sensale," and 
grew to great power, no one knows how, and 
during the 15th century were gonfaloniers of 
Arezzo. The family became extinct not long after 
Guido's death. 

39— RB., II, 288-9: 

* * * since many yeafs. 

Was friend and follower of a cardinal ; 

This fact is evidently drawn from P., 209: 
" Guido Franceschini, a nobleman of Arezzo 
had stayed for some time here in Rome, in the 
service of a person of some eminence." The 
Casanatense pamphlet (P., 217) says that Guido 
became Secretary of the Embassy for Cardinal 
Nerli. Francois Nerli, born in Florence, July 13, 
1636, was son of a banker. He took orders and 
was raised to the Cardinalate in 1673. For a 
while he was Archbishop of Florence, but as he 
was not able to please either the Grand Duke or 
the people, he retired to Assisi, where he passed 
the remainder of his days in an agreeable retreat. 
He was versed in all knowledge and always 
considered it an honor to be the friend of the 
learned. He died in Rome in 1708. (Moreri, 
Grande D'lctionnaire, VII, 970.) He was possibly 
the one to whom Caponsacchi refers somewhat 
scornfully (RB., VI, 1254-65). The full detail of 
the service given by Guido (RB., V, 292-397) is 
supplied entirely by the Poet. Cf. RB., II, 154-6; 
III, 256-7; IV, 400-15; V, 336-9, 1795-6. 



40— RB., IV, 55: 

" Her Eminence." Evidently a waggish trans- 
lation of sua Eminentia (B., cxxxiv). 

41— RB., IV, 417: 

And not a penny in purse to show for it, — 
This ironic comment of Tertium Quid is evi- 
dently based on (B., 169): "Out of service of 
a Cardinal, without a soldo." Cf. C, 217. 

42— RB., V, 269-70: 

Close to the Church, though clean out of it, I assumed 
Three or four orders of no consequence. 

The Book contains no information as to this 
fact, but the letters (B., ccxxxv-ix) tell of the 
staying of Guido's sentence for a few days on the 
ground of his clerical privilege (chiericato). He 
was secretary of Cardinal Nerli (C, 217). Cf. 
RB., I, 255; X, 445-8; XI, 45-6, 52. 

43— RB., II, 304: 

" Thirty years." Browning seems to borrow 
this time from the trent' anni nella medesima 
Citta (B., 122), which is said of Abate Paolo, 
and not of Guido. Browning uses it in connection 
with the latter at RB., IV, 392. Cf. RB., V, 292; 

X, 825. 

44— RB., V, 1428: 

"Fifty years." According to P., 213, Guido 
was fifty at the time of his execution, and he was 
therefore forty-six at the time the marriage took 
place. The baptismal records of Arezzo, how- 
ever, show that he was born January 24, 1657. 
It runs as follows: Gennaio 24, 1657. Guido di 
Tommaso di Girolamo Franceschini e di Beatrice 
di Guido Romano. Cf. RB., I, 784; IV, 409, 719; 

XI, 1844. 

45— RB., I, 783-4: 

Lean, pallid, low of stature yet rubust. 
Fifty years old. 

RB., IV, 718-9: 

Little, loi]g-nosed, bush-bearded, lantern-jawed. 
Forty-six years old, 

RB., VII, 396: 

Hook-nosed and yellow in a bush of beard, 
All of these descriptions of Guido's personal ap- 
pearance are drawn from the statement at P., 213: 
" Franceschini was low of stature, thin and pallid, 
with a prominent nose, black hair and a heavy 
beard, and was fifty years of age." Browning 
also had in his possession the rough pen sketch 
of Guido found at page 275. This was probably 
made only a few days before Guido's execution. 
It was sent to the Poet by a stranger, who found 
it in a bundle of drawings, etc., which he bought 
at a sale in England. The Poet has probably 
stepped beyond dramatic propriety in the above 
words of Pompilia, which are repeated at RB., 
VII, 443. This is but one of many manifesta- 
tions of Browning's grudge against the meanness 
of Guido, which will hardly let the Poet be fair 
to him. Cf. also RB., XII, 192-6. 

46-RB., X, 543-5: 

All is the lust for money: to get z^\A, — 
Why, lie, rob, if it must be, murder ! Make 
Body and soul wring gold out, 



299 



This assertion of the inherent greed of Guido 
is made all through the reply to the Anonymous 
Writer (pamphlet 15), where almost every motive 
of Guido is traced ultimately to this. B., 168, 
dannato interesse ; 169, stimolato dell' interesse; 
171, la sua avidita; 171, d'ingannar per farsi 
ricco; 173, dall' interesse deluso; 175, oggetto dell' 
interesse; 177, la scandalosa e detestabile cupi- 
digia & avidita. Bottini in his final argument 
also repeats this charge frequently: B., 139, dotis 
cui praecipue maritus inhiahat; 142, eodem 
urgente pro lucro dotis; 151, pro lucro dotis; 152, 
ut dotem lucraretur ; 155, pro lucro dotis. Cf. 
RB., Ill, 702-10. 

47— RB., XI, 2161-6: 

Those are ray arms: wc turned the furze a tree 
To show more, and the greyhound tied thereto. 
Straining to start, means swift and greedy both; 
He stands upon a triple mount of gold — 

RB., XII, 822-4: 

Shield, Azure, on a Triple Mountain, Or« 

A Palm-tree, Proper, whereunto is tied 

A Greyhound Rampant, striving in the slips? 

These descriptions of the Franceschini arms 
are taken from a small water-color drawing, 
made by the Poet's friend, Barone Kirkup, and 
now pasted on the front inside cover of the Book. 
Notice that Browning reads into this coat of arms 
the greed which he felt was characteristic of the 
family. Cf. RB., XI, 1932-4. 

48— RB., II, 487: 

" Count Tommaso's death." Browning found 
(B., 129) that Guido was the son of Tommaso 
(or Thomae) Franceschini. Cf. Note 44. 

49— RB., V, 188: 

Countess Beatrice, whose son I am. 
Donna Beatrice's character had evidently ex- 
cited the Poet's indignation, as his references to 
her are almost fierce in their denunciation. Cf. 
RB., I, 571; II, 332-4; 486-91; X, 910-25. The 
foundation for this is largely in the servant's 
affidavit (B., 38-42), where the Donna Beatrice 
appears in a very unenviable light. The Casa- 
natense pamphlet (p. 219) calls her a " proud, 
avaricious woman." Pompilia speaks slightly of 
her sufferings at the hands of her mother-in-law 
(B., 69). She bears strong relationship to the 
" tall pale yellow Duchess," the mother-in-law in 
The Flight of the Duchess. 

50— RB., X, 880-1: 

This fox-faced horrible priest, tbil brotber-brute 
The Abate, 

Browning seems to express in these words his 
loathing of the Abate Franceschini, who was the 
counsellor and abettor of Guido in every step 
from the proposal of marriage with Pompilia 
(B., 169, 170) to the murder itself (Note 304). 
He is described (B., n6) as "an active and 
diligent man." The second Anonymous Writer, 
however, brings out the tricky and mean side of 
his nature, calling him (B., 176) "the manipu- 
lator of all they did, nor was a straw moved 
without his assistance"; and (B., 182) arraigns 



him bitterly. He is mentioned among the poets 
of Arezzo and was probably a man of fair edu- 
cation and good literary talent. The Casana- 
tense pamphlet (pp. 217-8) gives a fuller sketch 
of his character and career. He rose by his 
native genius to the secretaryship of Cardinal 
Francois Lauria, a distinguished member of the 
Sacred Congregation. It was this cardinal who 
signed the marriage agreement (B., 88). At the 
death of Cardinal Lauria, November 30, 1693, 
he rose to the lucrative and honorable post of 
secretary of the Order of St. John of Malta, but 
was forced to resign (C, 221) a few months 
before the murder because of the ill fame of 
himself and his brother Guido. Cf. RB., 1, 553; 
II, 292; III, 251-3, 412-4; IV, 391-3. 

51— RB., X, 897-900: 

The boy of the brood, the young Girolamo 
Priest, Canon, and what more? nor wolf nor fos. 
But hybrid, neither craft nor violence 
Wholly, part violence part craft: 

Here we probably have the Poet's opinion of 
the Canon Girolamo Franceschini, who appears 
in no enviable light in the Book. It is evident 
(B., 10) he was accused of having tried to 
poison Pompilia, and the popular pamphleteer 
(P., 209) says he had rushed upon her murder- 
ously with a dagger. This latter, however, was 
perhaps a mistaken version of his attack on 
Violante (B., 40). The servant's affidavit gives 
several instances of his abuse of the Comparini. 
Cf. RB., I, 553 ; II, 491 ; IV, 396-9 ; X, 452. 

52— RB., V, 640-x: 

the satyr-love 
Of whom but my own brother, the young priest. 

This accusation against the Canon Girolamo 
(which is referred to RB., II, 498-501, 1292; VI, 
844-6; VII, 808-14; X, 907) is based solely upon 
(B., 44): "That the Canon, my brother-in-law, 
had solicited me dishonorably, a thing that had 
never been thought of by him." This is a part 
of Guido's forged letter. 

S3— RB., Ill, 51: 

" Monna Baldl." Probably suggested by the 
name Monna Baldi Albergotti (B., 38). 

54— RB., VI, 521-2: 

Count Guido's kind of maid — 
Most of us have two functions in his house. 

Maria Margherita de Contentis, who brought 
the first forged letter to Caponsacchi (B., 73), 
testified during the Processus fuga to the pas- 
sage of love-letters and to clandestine meetings 
between Pompilia and Caponsacchi, but her evi- 
dence was rejected on the ground that she was a 
harlot (Note 171). She is probably the witness 
referred to in B., 117. Cf. B., 62, 93, 143, 146. 

55— RB., II, Half Rome: 

This speaker, who typifies half of the popular 
opinion of Rome concerning the murder trial — 
namely that in favor of Guido — was probably 
suggested by the Italian pamphlet entitled No- 
tizie di fatto, etc., pamphlet 10 of the Book. Its 
author was evidently well acquainted not merely 



300 



with all the evidence of the murder case and of 
the Processus fuga, but also with the technical 
points of the law in the case. He tries to be 
popular in style, but soon lapses into professional 
pleading. The pamphlet is mentioned only once 
in the legal arguments of the Book, namely, dur- 
ing Bottini's long closing argument (B., 152). 
This would indicate that it was composed late in 
the trial, probably not earlier than February 10. 
Its reference to Conti's death as a month ago 
(Note 36) agrees with this. It was composed to 
stir public sentiment in behalf of the accused 
assassins. Certain stylistic mannerisms, and the 
points and illustrations offered lead to the belief 
that Arcangeli himself composed it. To-day such 
material would be put in the columns of our large 
dailies, but in 1698 the pamphlet was still one 
of the most effective means for leading public 
opinion. 

Half Rome of the Poem is more popular in 
style and is almost colloquial in tone, but deals 
with the facts of the case from the same stand- 
point of prejudice in favor of Guide. It com- 
mences with a long account of the earlier condi- 
tion of the Comparini (Notes 63, 65, 67, 70), lays 
stress upon their subsequent financial difficulties 
(Notes 71-3), emphasizes the craft of the Com- 
parini, particularly of Violante, in advancing 
the marriage (Notes 74, 77), in making Guido 
their guardian (Note 90), blames them for the 
domestic quarrels which afterward arose in 
Arezzo (Note 95), censures Pompilia for her 
conduct after the departure of her parents, etc. 
Browning has taken this standpoint of the 
pamphlet and has vivified it by placing it on 
the lips of one of the sensation-lovers of the day, 
who is talking on the gossip-loving level of 
Rome. He has even caught from the pamphlet 
the hint as to the inherent prejudice of the 
speaker in favor of husbands at the expense of 
wives. Cf. the following note. 

56— RB., II, 1537-9: 

All which is the worse for Guido, but, be fraofe^ 
The better for you and me and all the world. 
Husbands of wives, especiallv in Rome. 

This passage, which crovfns the jealous hus- 
band's narrative, was probably suggested by the 
closing words of the first Italian narrative (B., 
126) : " Franceschini should be punished mildly 
to diminish the force of immodesty and impu- 
dence. For the woman is not without adherents, 
who triumph throughout all Rome in a coterie of 
treachery, both in public and in private. This is 
for the oppression and derision against husbands 
who have regard for their reputation. And they 
give the title of pedantry to that circumspection 
which one ought to practice for the preservation 
of his own honor." 

57— RB., I, 873-4: 

Born of a certain spectacle shut \a 
By the Church Lorenzo opposite. 

The surroundings of the speaker in Half Rome, 
the curious and excited throng pressing into San 
Lorenzo to see the dead bodies so fully described 
by Half Rome (lines 17-101), was suggested by 



the popular pamphlet (P., 213) : "In the mean- 
time there were exposed in San Lorenzo in 
Lucina the bodies of the assassinated Comparini, 
* * * The surprise of the people at seeing the 
said bodies was great, because of tlie atrocity 
of the deed." Cf. RB., VIII, 1352. 

58— RB., II, 18: 

"This morn." January 3, 1698, the day after 
the murder. Cf. RB., I, 8+6. 

59— The Other Half Rome: 

The Other Half Rome was probably suggested 
by the second Italian Pamphlet of the Book, No. 
15. The latter says (B., 183): "The intention 
of the author of tlie present response is no other 
than to make clear the falsity of the supposi- 
tions against the honor of the poor wife and 
against the Comparini." It was evidently writ- 
ten in refutation of pamphlet 10, which it meets 
with irony and scorn as well as with argument. 
It likewise insists (as does Other Half Rome) on 
the comfortable circumstances of the Comparini 
(Note 67), on the scheming of the Franceschini 
to bring about the marriage (Notes 75, 76, 79, 
80, 84, 85), on the craft and cunning of Abate 
Paolo in particular (Note 50), on Guido as their 
Padrone (Note 90), on the cruel treatment suf- 
fered by the Comparini in .^rezzo (Notes 95, 98), 
on the repeated instances of the greed of the 
Franceschini (Note 46), and on the justification 
of Pompilia in the various steps of her flight. 

The Poet has invented both the situation and 
the individualitv of the speaker without sugges- 
tion from the Book. He might have found an 
excellent situation for one speaker in the scene 
of the popular turmoil on the reentry of the cap- 
tured assassins on the evening following the 
murder (P., 212). But the speaker's sympathy 
for Pompilia probably necessitated a somewhat 
finer nature than would have been found in one 
trooping after the popular sensation of the day. 

60— RB., I, 904: 

" Three days ago." The Other Half Rome is 
supposed to speak on January 4, "three days" 
after the murder, according to the Roman way of 
counting, January 2-4. Lines 36 and 1640 are in 
agreement with this date, but line 867 can not 
be reconciled therewith and should probably read 
" since three days." 

61— RB., I, 903: 

motley merchandizing multitude. 

RB., IV, lo-n: 

* * * this rabblc's-brabble of dolts and fools 
Who make up reasonless unreasoning Rome. 

These sneers may have been suggested by the 
second pamphleteer's scornful words (B., 168) as 
to "the dull heads of the crowd" and (B., 168) 
" to excite compassion, no less in foolish persons." 

62— The Pope: 

The historic Pope, Innocent XII, had only a 
slight connection with the Franceschini tragedy. 
Abate Paolo had made ineffective appeals to 
him (Notes 280, 281). And when tlie death 
sentence against Guido had been stayed tern- 



30I 



porarily on the grounds of clericate (Note 42), 
the Pope overruled this delay. The second 
Anonymous Pamphleteer (B., 183) also speaks 
of him as " most zealous of justice." He was not 
otherwise in touch with the case as recorded in 
the Book. The Casanatense pamphlet, however 
(p. 223), states that when Guido's crime and 
arrest were reported to the Pope, " He gave 
commands that, without delay and with all rigor, 
trial should be brought, this being a case which, 
by reason of the consequences that might arise 
from it, should be examined into with very 
special attention." 

Rev. John Chadwick in reporting a conversa- 
tion with Browning said: "Of the old Pope of 
the poem, too, he spoke with real affection," and 
he goes on to tell of the medallion of the good 
Pope which was presented to the Poet by a 
friend, and which he prized so highly. The 
Dublin Review criticized the Poet for presenting 
an utterly impossible Pope. There is no doubt 
that this liberal thought and unchurchmanlike 
attitude is unhistoric. The Poet was evidently 
well acquainted with many admirable qualities 
of this historic Pope, and saw an opportunity to 
use him as the mouthpiece of his own attitude 
toward the tragedy. No Pope ever spoke even 
to himself the theology and church polity of this 
monologue. The Pope indeed is merely Brown- 
ing's typical wise old man — a brother of Rabbi 
Ben Ezra and the Apostle John. (Cf. E., 270-1.) 

63— RB., II, 193-+: 

These wretched Comparini were once gay 
And galliard, of the modest middle class: 

The fullest statement of the social and finan- 
cial condition of the Comparini is given in the 
pamphlet of the Anonymous Writer (B., 116). 
This pamphlet and the retort to it dwell on this 
earliest history of the case and on the trickery 
of both parties. In this respect they are strik- 
ingly like Half Rome and the Other Half Rome. 
In the murder case itself this earlier portion of 
the story is of little importance. Cf. RB., Ill, 
H5-26; IV, 70-94. 

64— RB., II, 195: 

Born in this quarter seventy years ago 

RB., I, 798: 

Aged, they, seventy each, 

At P., 213, the Comparini are called septua- 
genarians, but as Violante was only 48 at the 
time of Pompilia's birth (B., 172) she was now 
65. Cf. RB., Ill, 192-3; IV, 75. 

65— 

Violante Comparini, ne Peruzzi, is spoken of 
(B., 116) as a " very shrewd woman and of great 
loquacity," and her own acts and the various 
indications of character throughout the Book seem 
to agree with this. P., 209, says: "She was 
driven by the ambition of establishing her daugh- 
ter in the home of persons of good birth." Brown- 
ing has filled out this mere outline of character 
with interesting fullness till we find her the over- 
bearing, cunning, headstrong woman of the Poem. 



The Casanatense pamphlet adds other lines to her 
disagreeable portrait. But even her character is 
softened in the words of Porapilia. (RB., VII, 
269-343.) Cf. RB.,m, 133-4. 

66— RB., II, 203-4: 

In via Vittoria. the aspeclabic street 
Where he lived mainly; 

The sole reference in the Book to this home in 
Via Vittoria is made at B., 127, the address of 
Pompilia's letter in the third Summary. In the 
Poem this street-name is repeatedly used. For 
Strada Paolina where they lived at the time of 
the murder, cf. Note 292, also RB., II, 475 ; III, 
74, 364; IV, 455, 476; V, 1333; XI, 969, 1154. 

67— RB., II, 200-1: 

wealthy is the word. 
Since Pietro was possessed of house and land — 

B., 116, States that Pietro's property amounted 
to from 10,000 to 12,000 scudi invested in well- 
situated houses, and bonds (B., 170). Cf. P., 209. 

68— RB., II, 211: 

He owned some usufruct, had money's use 

Most of Pietro's property seems to have been 
entailed, he enjoying only the income in part 
(Note 70), the rest going to a trust fund which 
an heir would secure for him. This usufruct is 
spoken of at B., 50, 116; P., 210. Cf. RB., Ill, 159. 

69— RB., IV, 135: 

" Fidei commissum." A sura held in trust. Cf. 
B., 50, 116. 

70— RB., IV, 76-7: 

moneys so much; 
And also with a remnant,— so much more 

Probably suggested by the account (B., 116) : 
" The property of Pietro Comparini did not 
amount to more than the sum of 10,000 or 12,000 
scudi, subject to a reversionary interest, coupled 
likewise with the obligation to compound a good 
percentage of the income • • • there being a bar 
against his use of the capital and of a part of 
the income." 

71— RB., IV, 96: 

Indulge so their dear selves. 
Possibly suggested by the first Anonymous 
Writer (B., ii6) : "He was too indulgent to his 
stomach and was given to laziness." 

72— RB., 11, 265: 

And poverty had reached him in her rounds. 
RB., IV, 97: 

Pietro finds himself in debt 

Suggested by (B., 116): "He was brought 
down to a state poor and miserable enough," and 
(B., 194): "his creditors * • * were pressing 
him hard." 

73— RB., IV, 109-10: 

He asks and straight obtains 
The customary largess, 

Suggested by (B., 116): "And after making 
a statement of his property, received from the 
Papal Palace secret alms each month." 



302 



74— RB., II, 268: 

And v/ho must but Violante cast about, 
The Anonymous Author (B., ii6) speaks thus 
of Pietro, but Browning probably felt this act was 
more in accord with Violante's aggressive, schem- 
ing character. Cf. RB., Ill, 132-3, 170-1 ; IV, 
130-45. 

75— 

Other Half Rome, on the other hand, follows 
the answering pamphlet which makes the Fran- 
ceschini brothers set the marriage negotiations 
under way (B., 169). 

76-RB., X, 532-43: 

He purposes this iDarriage, I remark. 

On no one motive that should prompt thereto — 

This strong protest of the Pope against the 
marriage of convenience is Browning's, and is 
not characteristic of the age and society of which 
it is written. The historic Pope would not have 
uttered it. It is not the bargain in the marriage, 
but the cheating in the bargain, which is criticized 
by the second Anonymous Writer (B., 169-71). 
77-RB., II, 344: 

what constituted him so choice a catch, 
Note that the reply to this question, which 
presents the selfish purpose of the Comparini, is 
drawn from the first Anonymous Author (B., 
ii6) : "This bargain was advantageous to 
Pietro and his wife in freeing them from the 
straits in which they found themselves." Cf. 
RB., 11, 413-5. 

78— RB., IV, 440-2. 

To the woman-dealer in perukes, a wench 
1 and some others settled in the shop 
At Place Colonna: 

Evidently drawn from a reference (P., 209) 
to a " hair-dresser near the Piazza Colonna," and 
(B., 169) " in the shop of certain women hair- 
dressers." It was this woman who brought them 
the news of the eligibility of the match with 
Pompilia. The Casanatense pamphlet (C, 217-8) 
dwells more fully on Guido's craft in conciliating 
and bribing this go-between. According to it 
Guido's bribe was 200 scudi. Cf. RB., IV, 447-50. 

79— RB., IV, 461-74: 

I'll to the husband * * * 
******* 

And wait on Madam Violante.' 

RB., Ill, 260: 

to violante somehow caught alone. 
B., 169, and P., 209, lay particular stress on 
the cunning of the Franceschini in approaching 
Violante, rather than Pietro, the former likening 
it to the guile of the serpent in Paradise, who 
attacked Eve rather than Adam. Cf. C, 218. 

80— RB., Ill, 270-5: 

He dissertated on that Tuscan house, 
Those Franceschini. — very old they were— 
Not rich however — 

B., 170: "Nor was it difficult for him to as- 
tound the woman, because he knew how to im- 
press her very well with the thought of the 
grandeur of his country, of his first-rate nobility 
of birth, and of the great income from his patri- 
mony." Cf. RB., IV, 477-88 ; P., 209, and C, 218. 



81— RB., IV, 489: 

There's Pietro to convince: leave that to me! 

B., 170: "The credulous, but deceived woman 
so cajoled her husband that she at last induced 
him to sign the marriage agreement." Cf. P., 209, 
and C, 218. 

82-RB., V, 494-5: 

I falsified and fabricated, wrote 

Myself down roughly richer than I prove. 

In presenting his case before Pietro, Guide 
made a written statement of properties which 
yielded him an income of 1,700 scudi, though it 
was later proved that he did not own a dollar's 
worth of income-bearing property. Guido claimed 
he did this at the instigation of Violante. This 
trick of Guido is frequently spoken of in the Book 
(B., 57, 170, 171, and P., 209). When taken to 
task for it by his brother, Guido declared he had 
done so at the instigation of Violante (B., 117). 

83— RB., IV, 490-3: 

then 
Did Pietro make demand and get response 
That in the Countship was a truth, but in 
The counting up of the Count's cash, a lie, 

B., 170: "Of whom he [Pietro] had had few 
good reports, and these were far different from 
the pretended riches, and vaunted nobility." P., 
209: "The resources of the Franceschini * * * 
were quite different from what they had been 
represented." Cf. RB., Ill, 396-401. 

84— RB., Ill, 428-9: 

Home again * =^ * 

Went Pietro to announce a change 

RB., IV, 495: 

Declined the honour. 

B., 170: "Pietro absolutely refused to go on 
with the effectuation of the marriage." Cf. P., 
209, and C, 218. 

85— RB., Ill, 448-60: 

[violante] * * * holding a girl veiled too. 
Stood, one dim end of a December day. 
In Saint Lorenzo on the altar-step — 

***** wed 

Guido clandestinely, irrevocably 

To his Pompilia 

This and the other accounts of Violante's mar- 
rying her daughter to Guido without the knowl- 
edge of Pietro are based on (B., 170-1) : " At any 
rate, the said Guido joined the said Violante, 
whom he had imbued with his flatteries and 
endearments, spurning any further consent of 
Pietro by keeping him in ignorance of it. And 
without knowledge of the latter, Guido con- 
tracted the marriage with the said Francesca 
Pompilia in the face of the Church," And P., 
209 : " The mother of Francesca, not seeing 
any chance to give her daughter to Franceschini, 
had her secretly married during December, 1693, 
in San Lorenzo in Lucina." December is no 
doubt wrong, as Cardinal Lauria, who died on 
November 30, had had a hand in the marriage 
(Note 88 and C, 218). The marriage is not 
recorded in the register of San Lorenzo in Lucina 
during the last quarter of 1693. Cf. RB., II, 59- 

70. 359-78; IV, 495-8; VII, 376-473- 



303 



86 — Omitted intentionally. 
87— RB., II, 380-9: 

Once the clandestine marriage over thus, 

Pieiro could play vast indignation off, 
B., 171: "When, after a few days, Pietro found 
out that the marriage had taken place, though he 
reproved the deed vigorously," etc. In the Poem, 
Pietro's indignation at the secret marriage is vari- 
ously told at RB., Ill, 469-83; IV, 499-504; VII, 
489-571. Cf. P., 209, and C, 218. 

88— RB., Ill, 470-6: 

Violanle sobbed the sobs and prayed the prayers 
Till Pietro had to clear his brow apace 

* * * could flesh withstand the impurpled one, 

The very Cardinal, 
B., 171 : " Yet because what is done can not be 
undone, and by means of the cajoleries of Violante 
his wife and the interposition of another cardinal 
[Cardinal Lauria, cf. p. 218 and Note 50], whom 
the Abate, Guide's brother, served, the poor old 
fellow was constrained to drink the cup of his 
bitterness." 

Note Pompilia's explanation of his acquies- 
cence, VII, 523-7. Cf. RB., II, 74-8, 156; IV, 
i6io-i; V, 1797-1801; VII, 545-50. 

89— RB, VII, 472-3: 

When I saw nothing more, the next three weeks. 
Of Guido— 

Pompilia (B., 69) says: "After I was engaged 
to him he stayed here in Rome for two months 
without consummating the marriage." Cf. line 
736. 

90— RB., II, 404-5 : 

They, for their part, turned over first of all 

Their fortune in its rags and rottenness 
An interesting illustration of the correspond- 
ence of Half Rome and the Other Half Rome 
with the two Italian Pamphlets of the Book (cf. 
Notes 55, 59) is seen in the treatment of the 
turning over of Pietro's property to his son-in- 
law. Half Rome's account (RB., II, 403-17) is 
drawn from B., Ii6 (cf. 59, 194) ; while that of 
the Other Half Rome is drawn from B., 170. Cf. 
also P., 209, and C, 218. 

91— RB., Ill, 496-7: 

Guido gained forthwith 
Dowry, his wife's right; 

A dowry of 2,600 scudi was given with Pom- 
pilia. Cf. B., n6, 170, and P., 209. 

92— RB., Ill, 509-11: 

As for the usufruct — 
The interest now, the principal anon. 
Would Guido please to wait, at Pietro's death: 

B., 116: "With the added hope of future suc- 
cession to the rest of his property." B., 170: 
" And at the death of the said Comparini for all 
their possessions." 

93— RB., Ill, 512-16: 

Till when, he must support the couple's charge, 
******* 

Bread-bounty in Arezzo 



The fact that Guido undertook the obligation 
of feeding, housing, and serving the Comparini 
is spoken of several times in the Book (B., 58, 69, 
86, 164, 170). 

94— RB., II, 429: 

They went to Arezzo, — Pietro and his spouse, 

The fact that the Comparini accompanied 
their daughter and son-in-law back to Arezzo is 
told by Pompilia (B., 69) and elsewhere (B., 10, 
50, 117, 171, and P., 209). Cf. also RB., I, 565-8; 
VI, 792; VII, 559-64- 

95 — RB., II, 462-525; III, 521-39; IV, 550-72; 
V, 607-47: 
All of these accounts of the family quarrels 
between the Comparini and Franceschini are 
suggested by various passages in the Book. The 
most specific information on the point is found 
in the long affidavit of the woman servant (B., 
38-42). Both the Governor and the Bishop in 
their letters refer to the troubles and blame the 
Comparini (B., 68-9 and 76). The Anon>-mous 
Writer (B., 117) ascribes the trouble to the "bit- 
ter tongue of Pietro " and the " haughtiness of 
Violante." Whereas, Bottini (B., 57) says: 
" Notorious indeed are the altercations which, on 
account of the parsimony of the home, straight- 
way arose," etc. Cf. C, 219: "The mother of 
Guido, a proud, avaricious woman, who gov- 
erned the household despotically, took to stinting 
it even in the necessary food. This moved the 
Comparini to complaints, to which they first re- 
sponded with insults and then with threats." Cf. 
B., 50, 171, and P., 209. 

96— RB., II, 497: 

where Violante laid down law. 
The letter of the Governor of Arezzo asserts 
(B., 68) that " Signora Violante * » * presumed 
to domineer over the house and to keep the keys 
of everything." And Arcangeli practically echoes 
this charge (B.. 87). 

97— RB., II, 507-10: 

And Pietro, * * * the wine-house bench — 
B., 68 : " Signor Pietro had given over the 
company and conversation of the best people of 
the city, and had struck up acquaintance with 
the most vulgar. And with them he began to 
frequent daily all the taverns there. This was 
little for the good name of the Franceschini." Cf. 
also B., 87. 

98— RB., II, 504: 

Four months' probation of this purgatory, 
Pompilia (B., 69) says that her parents re- 
mained in Arezzo four months, while B., 57, 171, 
speak of a few months. These probably were 
the winter months of 1693-4, as they went there 
in December (P., 209) and were in Arezzo dur- 
ing both January (B., 38) and February (B., 39, 
58). Cf. RB., Ill, 522; IV, 568; V, 617; IX, 
276-8; XI, 1195. 

99— RB., IV, 569-70: 

To beg him to grant, from what was once their wealth, 
Just so much as would help them bsck to Rome 



304 



B., ti8, states that "they were provided with 
money for the journey, and in Rome with furni- 
ture to put in order the house they had left." 
But P., 2IO, says that they had to " beg it of 
Franceschini, who scarcely gave them the neces- 
sary expenses of the journey." Cf. C, 219. 

100— RB., Ill, 529-36: 

The starved, stripped, beaten brace of stapid dupes 

******* 

* * * carried their wrongs 
To Rome,— 

The second Anonymous Writer (B., 171) says: 
" Such were the miseries and abuses the Com- 
parini had to suffer in victuals and in harsh treat- 
ment that they were obliged to return to Rome 
after a few months." Cf. also B., 10, 50, 69, 100, 
210, and RB., I, 569-77; II, 519-25; V, 764-5; VI, 
794; XI, 1199-1201. 

101— RB., II, 534-7: 

Once in Rome, 
******* 

Her first act to inaugurate return 
WaB.shc got pricked in conscience: 

RB., Ill, 180: 

Made in the first remorse: 

RB., IV, 575: 

* * * feeling conscience prick, 

B,, 172: " Urged on by remorse of conscience." 

102— RB., II, 537-8: 

"Jubilee gave her the hint." B., 172: " At the 
time of Jubilee." Cf. P., 210, and RB., Ill, 180, 
555-65- 
103— RB., 11, 549-51: 

She confessed 
Pompilia was a fable not a fact: 
She never bore a child in her whole life. 

P., 210: " Violante Comparini revealed in 
confession that Francesca Pompilia * * * was 
not their daughter." Cf. B., 172. See also the 
elaborate and interesting account of Violante's 
confession, RB., Ill, 566-82, and IV, 576. Cf. 
C, 219. 

104— RB., Ill, 583-98: 

Replied the throne — " Ere God forgive 

Tell him, and bear the anger which is just!" 

B., 172: She "was constrained by her confes- 
sor * * * to reveal it to Pietro," etc. Cf. P., 210. 

105— RB., IT, 55S: 

The babe had been a find i' the filtb-heap. 

There is no room for doubt that Pompilia was 
of vile parentage. The Anonymous Writer (B., 
118) speaks of her as being "of most vile parent- 
age." Her mother is spoken of as " meretrix " 
(B., 97, 99) ; " vitissima lotrix" (B., lo) ; " vUis- 
sima et inhonesta muUer" (B., 17); "a poor 
widow and stranger" (P., 210). The Casa- 
natense pamphlet gives a somewhat different 
account (C, 219). The Poet repeats the fact in 
one after another of the monologues, and he 
makes their attitude toward the fact something 
of a revelation of the speakers' own characters. 
They range from the brutal hatred of Guido to 
the tender, loving comment of Pompilia upon 



her own mother. Cf. RB., II, 549-83 ; III, 208, 
549-668; IV, 149-91, 575-80, 611-2; V, 88-9, 768- 
74; VII, 131-2, 139-45, 864-94; XI, 1217. 

106— RB., V, 90: 

Her mother's birthright*IiccD8C 

RB., VII, 863: 
— Adding, it all came of my motber'9 life 
Arcangeli accuses Pompilia of being like her 
mother in evil life (B., 18) : " Nor was it diffi- 
cult to persuade that girl to do what she was 
prone to by inborn instinct, and by the example 
of her mother." Cf. B., 99. 

107— RB., II, 580: 

Partly to cheat the rightful heirs. 
B., n8, gives Violante's motive in the fraud 
as her desire to keep " her husband's creditors 
from their rights" and P., 210, "this had been 
adopted to bring it about that the reversionary 
interest would fall to their house, and hence to 
make good the many debts of her husband." Cf. 
RB., Ill, 194-6; IV, 218-9. Browning's various 
versions of the cheat and the motive which lay 
behind it are given, RB., II, 58, 219-47; III, 
179-229; IV, 131-210; VII, 270-300; VIII, 875-8. 

108— RB., II, 597: 

" The biter bit," possibly suggested by the 
ironic comment on the trick at B., ccxii: ars 
deludit arte. Cf. RB., V, 1360-1. 

109— RB., II, 656-67: 

they noiecd abroad 
Not merely the main scandal of her birth. 
But slanders written, printed, published wide. 

The Book makes several references to the fact 
that Guido had suffered thus at the hands of 
Pietro. B,, 144, speaks of " pamphlets .ibout the 
domestic scantiness and the base treatment suf- 
fered." Cf. also B., 27, 118, 154, 164. Probably 
the servant's affidavit (B., 38-42) was thus slan- 
derously circulated throughout Rome. Cf. RB., 11, 
671-6; IV, 640- 5 ; V, 765-7; XI, 1225. 

110— 

This affidavit of Angelica was evidently se- 
cured by Pietro to aid him in his suit, 1694, to 
recover the dowry paid to Guido and to annul 
the dowry contract (Notes 260-2). It was 
probably a part of the injurious publications 
(Note 109) circulated by Pietro throughout Rome 
to the detriment of Guido. Browning uses its 
facts only slightly (Notes 117-9), hut from it 
gained almost all of his detailed knowledge of 
the penury and parsimony of the Franceschini 
and of the sufferings of the Comparini while 
staying in Arezzo. The affidavit is referred to 
by the lawyers of the Book (B., 58, 86, 117). 

Ill — 

The attestations (B., 42-3) concerning the ill- 
treatment which Pompilia had suffered in the 
home of her husband were evidently secured as a 
part of her defense in the Proressus fugtr. It is 
interesting to note amone the witnesses the names 
of a Conti (not the Canoni and of Confessor 
Romano, to whom Pompilia had had recourse in 
vain. 



305 



112— RB., II, 684-6: 

she v/tote, 

* * * her husband's brother the Abate there. 

This letter of Porapilia to Abate Franceschini 
is twice given in full in the Boole (B., Iv and 
Ixxxvii). During the trial for murder, it was 
subject to frequent discussions by the lawyers 
(B., 10, 18, 59, 87, 142, 154, 195; and P., 210). 
It seems also to have been formerly presented as 
evidence in the Processus fugn (B., 44), but had 
been "rightly rejected by the judges" (B., 142). 
We quite agree with Lamparelli {B., 195) "it is 
certain that if the letter be read attentively, it 
will be absolutely impossible to assert that she 
had written it with a calm mind." The letter is 
so grossly impossible from such a young girl, that 
it must have been of Guido's drafting. And if 
so, inasmuch as it forecasts the flight of Pompilia 
with a lover, and other later developments of the 
case, we are led to infer that the whole of this 
later trouble was the deliberate plot of Guido, as 
charged in RB., Ill, 712-37. Cf. Note 121; also 
RB., Ill, 738-71; IV, 769-86; V, 834-43; VIII, 
158-72; IX, 809-21. 

113— RB., II, 721: 

Word for word, such a letter did she write, 
This refers to the contents of lines 689-718, 
which are indeed a fairly close adaptation of the 
original (B., 44). The letter is repeated again 
in this way by Tertium Quid, IV, 778-84. Cf. 
RB., II, 689-718. 

114— RB., Ill, 751-3: 

This letter, traced in pencil-characters, 
Guido as easily got re-traced in ink 
By his wife's pen. 

Evidently based on Pompilia's explanation of 
the letter as given (B., 72) : " My husband wrote 
the letter with a pencil, and then made me trace 
it with a pen and ink it." Cf. RB., Ill, 1315-6; 
IV, 770-2; V, 842-3; VIII, 161-4; IX, 816-21. 

115— RB., VII, 746: 

Go this night to my chamber, not your own ! 
Cf. B., liv: Fece strepito grande, perche non 
I'oleva andare a dormire col Signor Guido, sua 
Consorto; also cf. B., 90: Renuebat jacere cum 
•viro. 

116— RB., IX, 1338-41: 

who bad been harassed and abused 

For non-production of the promised fruit 
Of marriage? 

In her affidavit (B., 69) Pompilia says: "As 
I did not become pregnant, my husband and my 
mother-in-law Beatrice began to turn against rae 
because I had no children." Cf. P., 210. 

117— RB., V, 70-4: 

— How she can dress and dish up — lordly dish 
Fit for a duke. lamb's head and purtenance — 
With her proud hands, feast household so a week ? 
No word o' the wine rejoicing God and man 
The less when three-parts water ? 

The servant in her affidavit (B., 40, 41) speaks 
of the lamb and lamb's head cooked and divided 
by Donna Beatrice, and of the diluted wine for 
the table. 



118— RB., IV, 360: 

Creeps out a serving-man on Saturdays 
B., 40: "When he did not buy the lamb on 
Saturday * * * Signor Guido gave money to 
Joseph, the house-boy," etc. 

119— RB., V, 1388: 

"The coarse bread." B., 41 says: "The 
bread was as black as ink, and heavy, and ill- 
seasoned." 

120— RB., V, 1361-3: 

and truly divers scenes 
Of the Aiezzo palace, tickle rib 
And teaee eye till the tears come, so we laugh ; 

Probably refers to the making public of the 
servant's testimony (B., 38-42). Cf. Note 109. 

121— RB., VI, 1795-8: 

That he, from the beginning pricked at heart 
By some lust, letch of hate against his wife. 
Plotted to plague her into overt sin 
And shame, would alay Pompilia body and soul. 

This accusation that Guido plotted to drive 
Pompilia to Caponsacchi's arms, while it is not 
referred to in the Book, seems not improbable in 
the light of certain facts given there. The let- 
ter which he forced Pompilia to write (Note 
112) forecasts many of the grossly improbable 
crimes with which he taxed his child-wife three 
years later. The love-letters (Note 232) are 
almost impossible of explanation save as part of 
some such deliberate scheme. This is quite in 
accord with the ascertained character of Guido, 
who was crafty and cruel. Cf. Note 150; also 
RB., Ill, 721-37, 776-87. 1356-9; IV, 663-98, 749- 
51 ; VII, 695-9; X, 603-13; and E., 278. 

122— RB., IV, 788-90: 

All sort of torture was piled, pain on palD, 
On either side Pompilia's path of life, 
Built round about and over against by fear, 

Pompilia tells (B., 70) of the cruelties of her 
husband, attributing them to her sterility and his 
jealousy of her. Elsewhere in the Book general 
reference is made to the ill-treatment suffered by 
the wife. Cf. Notes 128, 129, 132-4. 

123— RB., V, 896-902: 

It was in the house from the window, at the church 
From the hassock * * * 
That still Pompilia needs must find herself 
Launching her looks forth, letting looks reply 
As arrows to a challenge; 

This charge of general flirtation is told by 
Pompilia herself (B., 70), where she asserts that 
it was without foundation. Arcangeli reiterates 
the charge (B., 91): "The wretched Accused 
complained bitterly that she was not content 
merely with a single lover at Arezzo, but that 
she had been defiled by many suitors." Cf. RB., 
VII, 677-80; IX, 298-301 ; and P., 210. 

124— RB., II, 809-10: 

Pompilia chose to cloister up her charms 
Just in a chamber that o'erlooked the street, 

Possibly suggested by (B., 70) : " My husband 
began to be jealous of me and forbade me to show 
my face at the window." 



3o6 



125— RB., II, 86i : 

Or wife and Caponsacchi may fare the worse ! 

Both Pompilia and Caponsacchi mention the 
threats of Guide (B., 70, 74). 

126— RB., VII, 684-5: 

I tried to snotfie him by abjuring walk, 
Window, church, theatre, for good and all. 

B., 70: "To remove that occasion of jeal- 
ousy I never showed my face save vphen it was 
absolutely necessary." 

127— RB., II, 833-4: 

Your lady loves her own room, sticks to it, 
Locks herself in tor hours, you say yourself. 

Cf. Pompilia's words (B., 70) : " I retired to 
my room whenever he came to our house, that I 
might not have to take even more trouble." Also 
cf. B., 173, 180. 

128— RB., V, 938-46: 

This account of Guido's jealousy of Cap- 
onsacchi is founded on Pompilia's story of the 
jealousy (B., 70): "Because the Canon Capon- 
sacchi with other young men of the place used 
to pass before our house * * * my husband 
began to fume with anger at me." Cf. RB., II, 
805-7, 835; and Bottini's contemptible assertion 
of shrewd intrigue (RB., IX, 335-75). 

129— RB., VII, 693-4: 

Cease from so much as even pass the street 
Whereon our house looked, 

Pompilia (B., 70) says: "And begged him not 
to pass that way, that he might relieve me from 
all the distresses," etc. 

130— RB., VI, 653: 

Tell him he owns the palace, not the street 
This reply of Caponsacchi to the request given 
in the preceding note is suggested by B., 70: 
" He replied that * * * Guide could not stop 
his passing along the street." 

131-RB., VI, 394-433: 

Found myself at the theatre one night 
This incident of the comfit-throwing at the 
theatre is told by Pompilia (B., 70) : " While we 
were in a great crowd at the play one evening. 
Canon Conti, the brother of the husband of my 
sister-in-law, threw me some confetti. My hus- 
band, who was near me, took offense at it — not 
against Centi, but against Caponsacchi, who was 
sitting beside the said Conti." We have here an 
excellent example of Browning's master power in 
raising the fact of the Book to a higher emo- 
tional and moral plane. Cf. RB., II, 801 ; IV, 
944; VII, 950-90. 

132— RB., VII, 1029: 

O Christ, what hinders that I kill her quick ? 
Pompilia tells of these words (B., 71): "As 
soon as we had returned home, he pointed a 
pistol at my breast, saying: 'O Christ! What 
hinders me from laying you out here? Let 
Caponsacchi look to it well if you do not wish 
me to do so, and to kill you.' " Cf. B., 60. 



133— RB., IV, 1069-70: 

The silent acquetta, stilling at command — 

RB., V, 948-9: 

Showing hair-powder * * * 
For poison 

There are several accusations that Guide 
threatened to poison his wife (B., 173): "The 
said Guide had made a mixture of poison, with 
which he threatened he would take her life with- 
out the uproar attendant on the use of arms; and 
thus he would be the surer of his crime going 
unpunished." Cf. B., 71, 144, 173, 174, 177. B., 
10, also speaks of an accusation against the 
brother, Girelamo, that he toe had offered her 
poison (Note 51). Cf. RB., V, 1737; VII, 1250; 
IX, 381. 

134— RB., V, 949-50: 

making believe 
At desperate doings with a bauble-sword. 

The threat of poison and sword are coupled 
(B., 144): "The wife was continually afraid 
that he would kill her, either with the sword or 
by means of poison." Cf. B., 173, and RB., VII, 
1250; IX, 380, H49. 

135— RB., II, 874: 

She bade the Governor do governance, 
Pompilia thus driven to desperation, evidently 
turned for help to the Governor (Commissario) 
of the city (B., 42, 58, 143, 173, 195, 210). This 
is referred to even more frequently in the poem, 
RB., Ill, 967-9; IV, 799; V, 1825; VI, 822-30; 
VII, 1265; IX, 262-3, 993; X, 971-81; XI, 1331— 
an interesting illustration of the possibilities of 
varying a given fact. 

136— RB., VI, 2051: 

" Vicenzo Marzi-Medici." He so signs him- 
self in his letter (B., 69), and the Bishop of 
Arezzo (B., 77) speaks of " Signer Senator 
Marzi-Medici, who presides over the laic govern- 
ment of this town." 

137— RB., Ill, 997-8: 

* * * promised the pair, 
Wholesome chastisement * * * 

This threat of the Governor in reply to the re- 
course to him is found in his own letter (B., 69) : 
" I threatened them with prison and punishment 
unless they behaved themselves." Cf. RB., X, 
977-8, and Note 147. 

138— 

This letter of the Governor of Arezze (B., 
Ixxxi-ii) to Abate Franceschini under date of 
August 2, 1694, was evidently written as part 
of the quarrel and lawsuit between the Fran- 
ceschini and Comparini. It is ample evidence of 
the fact that Pompilia could have no hope of 
help in such a man, after her first recourse to 
him (Note 135). It is cited by the lawyers in 
their arguments (B., 87, 88, 117, 143). 

139— RB., II, 875: 

Cried out on the Archbishop. 

Pompilia's appeal to the Bishop of Arezzo 
is still more frequently mentioned. She says 



307 



(B., 71) : "At the beginning of these troubles, I 
went twice to Monsignor the Bishop, because he 
might have remedied it in some way; but this 
did no good because of his relations with the 
house of ray husband." The Governor of Arezzo, 
in his letter under date of August 2, 1694, says 
(B., 68): "Of much greater scandal were the 
many flights and petitions made by Guide's wife, 
their daughter, to Monsignor, the Bishop." The 
lawyers interpret this fact according to their pre- 
possessions: Arcangeli (B., 89) speaks of the 
" eager and indecent recourse without cause to the 
most reverend Bishop " and offers evidence to 
show that she was unwilling to live with her 
mother-in-law and brother-in-law. Bottini, on 
the other hand (B., 143), accuses the Bishop and 
Governor of having carelessly rejected her re- 
course to them. Cf. B., 42, 43, 58, 76, 87, 143, 173, 
195, and P., 210. C, 220, gives some additional 
information concerning the fact. 

This fact of her recourse to the Bishop is also 
much repeated in the Poem (RB., Ill, 970-89; 
IV, 801-6; V, 1823-31; VI, 822-30; VII, 748- 
859, 1264; IX, 262-3, 994; X, 986-93, 1454-70; 
XI, 1332). 

140— RB., II, 876: 

Three successive times 

RB., IV, 801: 

Flung herself thrice 

RB., V, 1823: 

Dot once, but so long as patience served — 
Pompilia in the preceding note speaks of twice 
making such appeal (B., 76) ; the Bishop himself 
says she made " some recourse " to him. He 
speaks of this as having happened many times 
(B., 44). I find no authority for the definite 
thrice of the Poet. Cf. RB., Ill, 1003. 

141— RB., II, 879: 

" On the public steps thereto." This detail 
seems to be suggested by (B., 43): "She took 
her station at the head of the stairs and stayed 
there," etc. 

142— RB., Ill, loii: 

" Coached her." Probably suggested by the 
Governor's words (B., 68): "When she had 
been rebuked by that most prudent Prelate, he 
always sent her home in his carriage." And the 
Bishop himself (B., 77) says: "I had her taken 
home in my carriage twice." Cf. P., 210. 

143— 

The letter of the Bishop of Arezzo (B., xci-ii 
or 76-7), like that of the Governor, was in all 
probability written to be used by the Franceschini 
in defending themselves from the accusations 
and the lawsuit of the Comparini in the year 
1694. Evidently there was little help for Pom- 
pilia in flight to such a man. It is used in legal 
argument (B., 88, 143). 

144— RB., Ill, 1015-7: 

* * * as a last resource, betook hersell to 

A siiDple friar o' the city, 



Pompilia makes the sole reference in the Book 
to this fact (B., 71): "1 went about a month 
later to confession to an Augustinian Father, 
whom they call Romano. I told him all ray dis- 
tresses, imploring him to write to my father in 
ray name, * * * and to tell him that I was des- 
perate, and must part from my husband and go 
to him in Rome. But I had no response." This 
fact is repeated in the Pamphlet (P., 210). 
Probably the Priest Romano, who (B., 42) signs 
the affidavit concerning Pompilia's distress in her 
husband's home, is the one referred to by Pom- 
pilia. Browning's variations upon this fact are 
interesting. Cf. RB., IV, 807-41; VI, 831-56; 
VII, 1282-1302; X, 1471-85. 

145— RB., VI, 2026-7: 

she only tried me when some others failed — 
Began with Conti, 

This fact is brought out by the second Anony- 
mous Author (B., 173): "She intrusted her- 
self to the Canon Conti, who is closely related to 
the Franceschini, and declared to him her mis- 
eries, her perils, and her just fears (although 
they were not unknown to him) * * * He was 
touched with living compassion and moved to free 
her therefrom by pity for her grievous state." 
This fact is repeated by the Pamphleteer (P., 210). 
Cf. B., 196; RB., VII, 1309-16, and Note 35. 

146— RB., VII, 1304-6-8: 

Last, in a desperation I appealed 

To Guillichini, that's of kin, 
* * * A flying gout 

Pompilia, in a letter to her father, states (B., 
127) that Guillichini had planned to accompany 
her, but had been prevented by ill health. His 
help in arranging the flight is likewise men- 
tioned (B., 62, 63, 159, 196, and RB., II, 933-6; 
V, 1016; VI, 2028). 

147— RB., VII, 1267-71: 

'twas he who, — when I gave 
A jewel or two, themselves had given me. 
Back to my parents, — since they wanted bread, 

««««««« 

Spoke of the jail for felons, 

This was evidently suggested by (B., 87) : 
" He was compelled by the Governor of the City, 
under fear of imprisonment, to restore certain 
trinkets and gems of his daughter, which he had 
taken away." Cf. Note 137. 

148— RB., IV, 963-4: 

Could no one else be found to serve at need — 
No woman 

Guide's lawyers raise this very question (B., 
92), and retort is made by the other side (B., 144). 

149— RB., Ill, 1040-2: 

" At last * • * found Caponsacchi." Pompilia 
(B., 71) says: "Therefore, not knowing to whom 
I might turn, • * * I finally resolved to speak to 
the said Caponsacchi." Cf. RB., Ill, 1345-8. 

150— 

The actual communication between Pompilia 

and Caponsacchi, in letter and in conversation 

I before their flight together, is subject to some 



3o8 



dispute. Each of them makes definite statement 
of the matter in their respective affidavits. But 
Guide and his lavfyers attempted to shovf far 
greater intimacy between them. Arcangeli (B., 
94) says; "It is undeniable that the carnal 
love vpas reciprocal between them." Guido tried 
unsuccessfully to establish his claim that the 
love-letters (cf. Note 232) had been part of this 
correspondence. He also accused them of clan- 
destine meetings (Note 170). On the face of the 
facts it does not seem improbable that Guido 
attempted to drive them together in a criminal 
intrigue, that he might rid himself of his wife 
(Note 121), for Guido's first jealousy of Capon- 
sacchi, as told by Pompilia (B., 70), is so utterly 
unfounded that it may easily have been a part 
of a deeper plot. 

151— RB., II, 780-811: 

The occasion of Guido's original jealousy of 
Caponsacchi is told by Pompilia (B., 70). Cf. 
RB., VII, 1036-43. 

152— RB., II, 805: 

And, ever on weighty business, (ound his steps 
Possibly suggested by (B., 70) : " And then 
because the Canon Caponsacchi, with other young 
men of the place, used to pass before our house." 

153— RB., VI, 482: 

I told (fiends— "I shall go to Rome." 
Suggested bv the real Caponsacchi's words (B., 
73) : "I had to go to Rome on my own business, 
and as I told my secret," etc. Cf. RB., VI, 812; 
VII, 1209-11. 

154— RB., VI, 506-7: 

In glided a masked muffled mystery. 
Laid lightly a letter on the opened book. 

B., 73 : " Hence a letter, sent to me by Fran- 
cesca, was brought one day by a certain Maria, 
then a servant of the Franceschini." At B., 72, 
Pompilia denies ever having sent a letter to 
Caponsacchi. Browning explains the difference 
of assertion (RB., VII, 1105-25). Cf. RB., IV, 
1025-6. 

155— RB., VI, 485: 

" By the mid-March twilight." Browning evi- 
dently means to place this incident a few weeks 
prior to the flight which occurred in latter April. 

156— RB., Ill, 899-901: 

That it was not be made the first advance, 

Pompilia penned him letters. 
This insistence that Pompilia made the first 
advance is repeated (RB., IV, 967-77; IX, 501). 
Pompilia herself speaks of having first asked 
Caponsacchi not to pass along their street (B., 
70). Cf. Note 129. 

157— RB., VI, 510-19: 

This description of the contents of the letter 
brought by Maria is drawn from contents of the 
forged love-letters, as will be seen in the subse- 
quent detailed notes. Cf. Caponsacchi's statement 
as to its nature (B., 74) and his angry rejection of 
a counter assertion (B., 76). 



158— RB., VI, 516-7: 

Where the small terrace overhangs a street 
Blind and deserted, not the street in front: 

Possibly suggested by (B., 81): "Now the 
street-door is no longer opened, but you might be 
able to open the back door." 

159— RB., VI, 519: 

At bis villa of Vittiano. 

RB., V, 1 142: 

He's at the villa, now he's back again: 
B., 78: "The jealous one is away," and B., 
80: " Signor Guido returns Saturday morning." 
Cf. RB., VI, 591. 

160- RB., VI, 528-9: 

Then I took a pen and wrote 
"No more of this !" 

Caponsacchi states his response to the above 
letter as follows (B., 74): "I answered her 
that I was unwilling to do anything of that kind, 
or to expose myself to such a risk." Pompilia 
(RB., VII, 1121-5) states that a love-letter was 
delivered to her at this time by Maria, but else- 
where (B., 72) says she had received no letters 
from Caponsacchi ; and Guido's lawyers in their 
marginal annotation brand this statement as a lie. 

161— RB., VII, 1125: 

" My idol." Used in one of the forged love- 
letters (B., gi). 

162— RB., VI, 559: 

" Myrtilla." The name Mirtillo is found in the 
letters (B., 77, 82). Cf. RB., VII, 1153; IX, 541. 

163— RB., IX, 541: 

" Amyrillis she." The name is used repeatedly 
in the forged love-letters (B., 77, 78, 81, 82). 

164— RB., VI, 564: 

The Baron's daughter or the Advocate's wite, 
In the love-letters, jealous reference is made to 
rival sweethearts (B., 81). 

165- RB., VI, 574: 

" At the Ave. Come ! " One of the love-letters 
(B., 81, 82): "Come this evening at seven 
o'clock." Cf. RB., VII, 1377. 

166— RB., VI, 587: 

Why the man's away ! 
(B., 82) : " Signor Guido is going out of the 
city, and will be gone several days." 

167— RB., VI, 618: 

And so the missives followed thick and fast 
Caponsacchi says (B., 74) : " She continued 
making the same request to me, by flinging, from 
time to time from the window, a note." 

168— RB., VI, 642: 

Will stick at nothing to destroy you. 

Caponsacchi in his affidavit (B., 74) says: 
" He (Guido) would also be avenged on me." 

169— RB., VI, 928-31: 

So, he not only forged the words for her 
But words for me, made letters he called mine: 
What I sent, he retained, gave these in place, 
All by the mistress-messenger! 



309 



This is Browning's explanation of the appar- 
ently irreconcilable clash of statements as given 
in the above notes. That is, Guido had stood 
between his wife and Caponsacchi, forging a 
correspondence by which he hoped to bring them 
together. He may have practiced this forgerj- in 
making up the packet of pretended love-letters. 
Such a sinister explanation is by no means the 
result of a prejudice on the Poet's part, but seems 
justified by the material he had before him. 

170— RB., VI, 1674-5: 

And what of the clandestine visits paid, 
Nocturnal passage in and out the house 

RB., Ill, 1095: 

Whi[her and whence blinilfold he knew the way. 
Charges of other meetings — clandestine visits of 
Caponsacchi to Pompilia — are made by Guido's 
lawyers (B., 11, 93) and are denied by their 
opponents (B., 62, 146, 198). Cf. RB., IV, 1028- 
31; V, 1003-5; IX, 559-61. In the last, Bottini 
gives as usual his sophistical version and inter- 
pretation of the matter. 

171— RB., Ill, 1097-1104: 

cites for proof a servant, 

A common trull 
The testimony of Maria Margherita Contenti 
is given (B., 93), and was rejected on the ground 
that she was a harlot (B., 62, 143, 146, 198). 
Cf. Note 54. 

172— RB., VI, 1691-2: 

Sub tmpulatione meretrieli 

Laborat, — which makes accusation null: 

This Latin passage is not found in the Book, 
but the point of law is made (B., 62, 198). The 
Poet probably found the words in some old legal 
authority which he had followed up in one of 
the numerous citations on the point. 

173— RB., V, 56: 

Take to the window at a whistle's bid. 
This charge is made against Pompilia by 
Arcangeli (B., 91, 93), and Bottini makes reply 
(B., 146). 

174— RB., IX, 566-8: 

who dared maintain 
That midnight meetings in a screened alcove 
Must argue folly in a matron — 

Bottini carries this sophistry to an even more 
absurd extreme (B., 149). 

175— RB., VII, 1207: 

" Now Easter's past." Easter, 1697, f^" o" 
April 7, a fact which the Poet had probably as- 
certained. 

176— RB., VII, t2o8: 

And the Archbishop gets him bach to Rome, 

The forged letter supposed to be from Capon- 
sacchi (B., 82) speaks of this fact. "Wednesday 
the Bishop departs with three carriages." 

177— RB., VI, 702-4: 

" And there at the window stood * * * Pom- 
pilia." Caponsacchi (B., 74), speaking of their 
interview, says : " She being at the window." 



178— RB., Ill, 912-3: 

Nor had she ever uttered word to him. nor he 
To her till that same evening when they met, 

Browning does not use at any point Pompilia's 
account of her first interview with Caponsacchi 
(B., 70), as it would have marred the strong 
emotional tone of Caponsacchi's account of their 
first meeting (RB., VI, 702-4). 

179— RB., Ill, 916-8: 

And she adjured him in the name of God 

To * * * bring to pass where, when and how 

Escape with him to Rome might be contrived. 

The story of their second and more important 
meeting is told by Pompilia (B., 71). Accord- 
ing to this account, Caponsacchi showed consid- 
erable reluctance about entering upon the matter. 
Then follow the significant words (B., 71): 
" But I implored him * * * and told him it was 
the duty of a Christian to free from death a 
poor foreign woman." Browning has given an 
account of this meeting from the lips of both of 
them, and to both it was one of the crises of life. 
Cf. RB., VI, 701-894, and VII, 1404-47. 

180— RB., Ill, 1 175-6: 

no pretext 
For aught except to set Pompilia free. 

Caponsacchi's words (B., 74) are: "Accord- 
ingly, with this purpose, to free myself from every 
difficulty and danger, and also to save from death 
the said Francesca," etc.; and Bottini (B., 61) 
says it was from mere pity, and her honesty was 
kept entirely intact. Cf. RB., IV, 996-7. 

181— RB., VII, 1459: 

Next night there was a cloud came, and not he: 

RB., VI, 1065-6: 

Why is it you have suffered me to slay 

Breaking my heart two days more than was need? 

This delay of two days at this critical junc- 
ture is told of in the words of Pompilia (B., 71) : 
" But the next day went by and, although I 
stood at the blinds, he did not give the signal. 
When the day following had also passed, I spoke 
to him again as above and complained to him 
that he had broken the word he had given me." 
Browning has made this delay of two days take 
a profound meaning in the life of his hero, a 
time of rapid growth to the full stature of 
Christian heroism (RB., VI, 937-1062). But the 
Poet's Pompilia merely says — forgetting the cruel 
anxiety of the delay in such peril — 
I prayed through the darkness till it broke. 

182— RB., VII, 1462: 

The plan is rash; the project desperate; 
Possibly suggested by (B., 71): "He replied 
that he did not wish to meddle at all in such an 
affair, as it would be thought ill of by the whole 
city"; or by (B., 74): "I answered her that I 
was unwilling to cIo anything of the kind, or to 
expose myself to such a risk." Cf. P., 211. 

183— RB., VI, 890: 

If 1 am absent, drop a handkerchief 

Pompilia speaks of this signal (B., 71). 



3IO 



184— RB., VI, iiio-i: 

This being last Monday in the tnonth but one 
And a vigil, since to-morrow is Saint George, 

Both Porapilia and Caponsacchi (B., 71 and 
74) speak of the flight as beginning the last 
Sunday night of April (which was April 28), 
and Caponsacchi says they reached Castelnuovo 
(B., 74) on the "last evening of the month" — 
that is, the flight lasted from very early Mon- 
day morning, April 29, till the evening of April 
30, and they were arrested by Guido the next 
morning, May i (cf. B., 7, and P., 211). The 
Poet has discarded this date for April 23, St. 
George's day, in all probability, that he might 
take advantage of the chance association of his 
"soldier-saint" with the famous English ideal of 
Christian knightliness, St. George. Other dates 
connected with the flight are changed accordingly 
(cf. Note 28). Cf. RB., II, 889: "One merry 
April morning"; III, 1065-6, "on a certain April 
evening, late i' the month." 

185— RB., VI, 1078: 

" There's new moon this eve." This mere 
chance remark was evidently verified by Brown- 
ing, as the supposed date, Sunday, April 22, 
1697, was indeed new moon. See the letter of 
Mr. Barrett Browning (Note 536). 

186— RB., VII, 1479-81: 

You, whom I loathe, beware you break my sleep 
This whole night ! Couch beside me like the corpse 
I would you were! 

Suggested by Pompilia's words (B., 72) : " I 
went to bed with my husband that evening, and 
when I had assured myself that he was asleep, " 
etc. 

187— RB., V, 1012: 

"At the seventh hour of night" (B., Ixxxix or 
74) " alle sett' hore in circa." Cf. also B., 7. 

188— RB., V, 1013: 

" Later, at daybreak." Pompilia gives the time 
as " at dawn" (B., 72). Cf. B., 211. 

189— RB., V, 1020-3: 

But the gates are shut. 
In a decent town, to darkness and such deeds; 
They climbed the wall—your lady must be lithe — 
At the gap, the broken bit . . . — " Torrione, true!'* 

Evidently based on (B., 7): "As the gates 
of the City were closed they climbed the wall on 
the hill of the Torrione, and having reached the 
Horse Inn outside of San Clemente," etc. Cf. 
RB., VI, 1080, 1089. 

190— RB., V, 1022: 

" They climbed the wall." Suggested by (B., 
7 and 8): "Climbed the walls of the City." 

191— RB., V, 1025: 

Clemente, where at (he inn, hard by, " the Horse." 
B., 7 : " And having reached the oster'ia dl 
Cavallo outside of the gate of San Clemente." 
This inn is now used as a poor tenement house. 
Cf. B., 74, and RB., VI, 1082-4. 

192— RB., V, 1026: 

Just outside, a calash in readiness 



B., 7: "Awaited with a carriage {calesse) and 
two horses." P., 211, and RB., II, 945; III, 1087. 

193— RB., V, 1028-9: 

To gate San Spirito, which o'erlooks the road, 
Leads to Perugia, 

Caponsacchi says (B., 74): "Turned along 
outside of the city wall to go to the gate of 
San Spirito, which is in the direction of Peru- 
gia." Cf. B., 7, and RB., VI, 1146-7; II, 956. 

194— RB., Ill, 1128-30: 

And so we did fly rapidly all night, 
All day, all night * * * 
And then another day, 

Both Pompilia and Caponsacchi (B., 72 and 74) 
speak of their flight as uninterrupted save for the 
necessary stops for eating and changing horses. 
Browning uses this statement (RB., VI, 1211-2) : 

" Does it detain to eat ? " 

They stay perforce, change horses. 

The flight lasted from i a. m. April 29 to 
7 p. m. April 30, a journey of 70 miles in 42 
hours, including these stops. Cf. RB., Ill, 828; 
V> 1044-5; VI, 1153; IX, 720, 1281. 

195— RB., VI, 1275: 

When we slopped at Foligno it was dark. 
Guido makes the unfounded charge (B., 107) 
that the fugitives slept together at Foligno. Cf. 
RB., VI, 1455-6; II, 959. 

196— RB., II, 893: 

And teeth one mud-paste made of poppy-milk; 

Baldeschi says (B., 108) that Guido had told 
him that Pompilia had mixed an opiate with the 
wine for dinner to put to sleep himself and all 
the rest. The fact is also mentioned or discussed 
(B., 10, 22, 93, 119, 146, 198). Browning refers 
to it (RB., II, 905; III, 1204-8; IV, 1176-7; V, 
989-91, 1038). Cf. also the next note. 

197— RB., IX, 625-35: 

And do him service with the potent drug 

Apology is made (B., 146 and 199) for Pom- 
pilia's use of the sleeping potion on the ground 
that it was a necessary precaution for her flight 
under fear of death. Browning substitutes for 
this sophistry the above grotesque subterfuge on 
tlie Fisc's lips. 

198— RB., II, 894-5: 

" His scritoire the worse for a rummage." At 
B., 72, Pompilia speaks of having taken some 
money from " iin Scrigno." Cf. B., 119; RB., IV, 
"78; V, 993. 

199— RB., Ill, 1073-4: 

clothes and a trinket or two. 
Belongings of her own in the old day, — 

Pompilia (B., 72): "I took some little things 
of my own, a little box with many trifles inside, 
and some money, I know not how much there 
was. These were my own * * * " Cf. B., 75. 

200— RB., V, 992: 

* * * rifled vesture-chest, 

RB., II, 895-6: 

jewelry that was. was not. 
Some money there had made itself wings too,— 



3" 



These charges of serious theft were insisted 
upon by Guide's lawyers: B., lo, 86, io8, 119, 
and P., 211. At B., 7 and 8, Guido gives a pre- 
posterously long list of clothing, jewelry, and 
money carried away by Pompilia. As a matter 
of fact the 47 or 48 scudi found on Pompilia at 
the time of her arrest were later paid back to 
Abate Franceschinl (B., 176, 2n). Bottini (RB., 
IX, 653-8) makes an ironic excuse for this theft. 

201— RB., VI, 2043-9: 

There are two tales to suit the separate courts, 
* * * —he tells you here, we fled 
****** bat elsewhere 
He likes best we should break in, steal, bear off, 

Guido's charge against his wife and Capon- 
sacchi before the Roman Courts was flight from 
home and adultery: while (B., 7-9) the copy of the 
proceedings in the Tuscan Court, would indicate 
that in the latter, the theft was much insisted on. 
Cf. RB., V, 1906-8. 

202— RB., II, 954: 

Got horse, was fairly started in pursuit 

B., 10, " the wretched husband pursued them." 
Cf. RB., Ill, 1209; IV, 1118; V, 1039; and B., 
50, 119; and C, 221. 

203— RB., VI, 1838-9: 

In our whole journey did we stop an hour. 
Diverge a foot from straight road 

Bottini makes this point (B., Ixxii or 61, § 
Eaque ulterius). Cf. B., 179, 196. 

204— RB., VIII, 212-3: 

I had thought to own — 
Provided with a simple travelling-sword, 

Such is Arcangeli's claim (B., 96), and it is 
refuted by Bottini (B., 150). 

205- RB., VI, 1694: 

" Borsi, called Venerino." At B., 7, the driver 
is named in the criminal charge against him in 
Arezzo as " Francesco di Gio. Borsi d, Venerino, 
Garzone d'Agosto." At B., 62, he is called 
" Franciscus Joannes de Rubris." Cf. B., 74, and 
RB., IX, 686. 

206— RB., VI, 1696: 

Deposes to your kissings in the coach. 
This charge against the fugitive couple is made 
(B., II, 94, 107, 119) and denied (B., 62, 63, 147, 
i79i i99i 3nd P., 2ii). The Casanatense pam- 
phlet (C., 221) gives a slightly fuller account. 

207— RB., VI, 1698: 

After some weeks of sharp imprisonment 

RB., IX, 689: 

After long rotting in imprisonment, 

B., 199, gives this reason for his statement: 
" Influenced by the tedium of his secret prison, 
he had been compelled to swear so." 

208— RB., VI, 1702-3: 

" Was dismissed forthwith to liberty." That 
he was thus dismissed is seen at B., 8 and 9. 

209- RB., IX, 698-701: 

That what the owl-like eyes * * * 

O' the driver, drowsed by driving night and day, 

Supposed a vulgar interchange of lips. 

This was but innocent jog of head 'gainst head. 



This sophistry is first offered by Bottini (B., 
147) : " Furthermore, there is the possibility to be 
considered that the jostling together of those sit- 
ting in the carriage might have happened from 
the high speed; and from this fact an overcurious 
witness might believe that they were kissing each 
other." This explanation is repeated (B,, 179, 
199). 

210— RB., VI, 1397-1401: 

Suddenly I saw 
The old tower, and the little white-walled clump 
Of buildings and the cypress-tree or two, — 
"Already Castelnuovo — Rome!" 1 cried, 
"As good as Rome," 

RB., I, 507-8: 

the wayside inn 
By Castelnuovo's few mean hut-like homes 

Castelnuovo, by the accident of Pompilia's fail- 
ing strength, thus became the scene of one of the 
most striking incidents of this dark history. The 
arrival of the fugitives there is continually re- 
ferred to (B., 72, 74, 119, 174). The version of 
Book II, 966-7, is more particularly based on the 
statement (P., 211): "At Castelnuovo in the 
Osteria of the Post." The other descriptions were 
made by the Poet " with his eye on the object," 
and are accurate. 

211— RB., II, 972: 

There did they halt at early evening, 
Caponsacchi (B., 75) says: "We reached 
Castelnuovo on Tuesday evening, the last of the 
said month of April." And B., 94, says that they 
arrived at about half-past seven in the evening. 
All other testimony in the Book, save that of 
Pompilia, agrees with this. 

212— 

Pompilia, however (B., 73), declares: "I 
verily arrived at Castelnuovo at the blush of 
dawn." Hence the Poet makes Pompilia say 
(RB., Ill, 1140) : " In a red daybreak, when we 
reached an inn." To this evidently mistaken 
statement, Guido's lawyers make the marginal 
comment: "The lie concerning the advent at 
Castelnuovo." And this is used to break down 
the value of her testimony (B., 94). The lawyers 
on the other side meet this attack by subterfuge 
(B., 149, 200). The Poet invents his own ex- 
planation, which, while not corroborated at any 
point in the Book, is not refuted by the fact of 
the Book. This is, that Pompilia fainted away 
in the evening glow, and when rudely awakened 
in the glow of the next morning, she was ignor- 
ant of the lapse of the hours of night. Note that 
the Poet repeats this important point. Cf. RB., 
Ill, 1188-98, and VII, 1580-4. 

213— RB., VI, 1410-12: 

Out of the coach into the inn I bore 

The motionless and breathless pure and pale 

Pompilia, 

This passage was probably suggested by the 
words of Caponsacchi (B., 75) : "Then because 
Pompilia said that she was suffering some pain 
and that she did not have the courage to pursue 
the journey further without rest, she cast her- 
self still clothed upon a bed in the chamber." 



312 



Cf. B., 199, and RB., IX, 741, where the mean 
and vicious nature of Bottini is made to reveal 
itself in speaking of the same fact. Cf. also 
RB., Ill, 1142-9; VII, 915-6. 

214— RB., VI, 1418: 

" Kept vratch ail night long." B., 14S: "Brief 
stay in that room * * » should be attributed to 
his guardianship of Francesca Pompilia." Cf. B., 
149, 174, 200: "ad ipsius custodiam vigilante." 
Cf. also RB., IV, 960; VII, 1574. 

215— RB., II, 1116: 

The night at the inn— 

RB., II, 981: 

One couch in one room, and one room for both. 
In spite of the denial by Pompilia (B., 73) 
there can be little doubt that the fugitive couple 
did spend the night together in a chamber at 
Castelnuovo. Caponsacchi makes his explana- 
tion of the matter (B., 75). Guido asserts that 
they slept together at Castelnuovo. The lawyers 
discuss the matter pro and con throughout the 
Book, usually speaking of it as the condormitio 
(B., 11,62,75,94,119, 141, 148,149. i74> 180, 199). 
Cf. RB., X, 659-64. 

216— RB., II, 979: 

" Upstairs," etc. Probably suggested by Pom- 
pilia's reference to an upstairs chamber (B., 73). 

217— RB., 11, 999-1000: 

dung the cassock far, 
Dofled the priest, donned the perfect cavalier. 

Caponsacchi's use of laic garb during the flight 
is referred to (B., 94 and 148, and RB., Ill, 
1259-60; IV, 960, 1156; V, 1050-1; VI, 1120, 
1465). 

218— RB., IX, 735: 

Pompilia needs must acquiesce and swoon, 
Caponsacchi gives their reason for stopping 
thus so near their journey's end (B., 75) : "Then 
because Francesca said that she was suffering 
some pain, and that she did not have the cour- 
age to pursue the journey further without rest." 
And Bottini (B., 149) says: "To refresh her 
strength, which had been exhausted by the swift- 
ness of journey they had made." Cf. also B., 199, 
and RB., Ill, 1187-8, 1231-2; VI, 1408. 

219— RB., II, 975-6: 

Since in the court-yard stood the Canon's self 
Urging the drowsy stable-grooma to haste 

RB., VI, 1427-9: 

I stood 
1' the courtyard, roused the sleepy grooms. ' Have out 

Carriage and horse, give haste, take gold!" said I. 
Cf. B., 149: "The Canon was keeping guard 
over her and preparing for the continuance of the 
journey; and so, when the husband arrived, he 
was attending to this by ordering that the car- 
riage be made ready." And at B., 180, we read: 
" When Franceschini arrived at the said place he 
found Caponsacchi urging that the horses be 
harnessed for continuing the journey." Cf. B., 
174, and RB., Ill, 1197-1201; V, 1052-62. 



220— RB., Ill, 1262-5: 

There was no prompt suppression of the man 
As he said calmly " I have saved your wife 
From death;" 

RB., X, 696: 

the steadfast eye and quiet word 
0' the Canon of the Pievel 

The actual words of Caponsacchi at this meet- 
ing as reported (B., 196) have undoubtedly sug- 
gested these passages, and they are still convinc- 
ing evidence of the sterling and manly honor of 
the real Caponsacchi: "I am a gallant man, 
and what I have done, I have done to free your 
wife from the peril of death." Cf. also B., 174; 
and RB., II, loio; IV, 1159, 1192-3; V, 1119. 

221— RB., II, 1008: 

" A wicked-looking sword at side." The Pro- 
curator of the Poor (B., 96) implies that the 
fugitives were provided with fire-arms as well as 
other weapons, but Bottini (B., 151) claims that 
Caponsacchi had only a sword, while elsewhere 
(B., 175, 177) only " un piccolo spadino" is 
acknowledged. Cf. also B., 119; and RB., Ill, 
1260; IV, 1156; VI, 1122, 1466; VIII, 201-15. 

222— RB., II, 1021: 

So, Guido called, in aid and witness both, 
Both the Book and The Ring and the Book 
refer repeatedly to the failure of Guido to take 
summary vengeance here and to his turning to the 
law to avenge himself. Guido gives his own 
defense (B., 107). But his lawyers have hard 
task to meet the sneers of the Prosecution at this 
failure of spirit. Cf. RB., II, 1506-24; III, 
1268-70; IV, 1120-1212; V, 1068-1117; VI, 1461- 
71; VIII, 983-95, 1185-7; IX, 1133; X, 697-8; 
and B., 15, 51, 53, 85, 96, 109, 119, 151, 160, 162, 
175. 177- 

223— RB., IV, 1 126-9: 

And never let him * * * plead, * * * honour's wound I 
Exactly this point is made by Bottini in his 
argument against Guido (B., 151). 

224— RB., VI, 1511-2: 

Detect 
Guilt on her face when it meets mine, then judge 

Possibly suggested by the rhetorical question 
(B., 174): "When his wife saw hira, did she, 
timid as she was, shrink back?" 

225— RB., II, 1022: 

" The Public Force." The police who overtook 
Guido the night after the murder are called La 
Forza (P., 212). Cf. RB., IV, 1395; VI, 1463. 

226— RB., II, 1022: 

" The Commissary." The Governor of Arezzo 
is called // Commissario (B., 42), but P., 211, 
speaks of " il Governaiore di quel luogo " ; B., 
75 and 119, speak of "la Corte." Cf. also RB., 
VI, 1462, and B., 51, 175. 

227— RB., II, 1031: 

Sprang to her husband's side, caught at the sword 

RB., V, H23-4: 

Nay, an alacrity to put to proof 
At my own throat my own sword, 



313 



RB., VI, 1544-6: 

She sprang at the sword that hung beside him, seized. 
Drew, brandished it, the sunrise burned for joy 
O' the blade. 

This incident, which is perhaps the most dra- 
matic of the whole story, is interpreted in various 
ways in the Book. We read (B., 16) : " Whether 
because of her hatred for her husband, or on 
account of her anger at the imprisonment of her 
lover, she drew a sword against her husband in 
the very presence of the officers who were about to 
arrest her. And to prevent her from going fur- 
ther, one of the bystanders had to snatch it from 
her hands." Cf. also B., 96, no, 119, 150. 

Browning's interpretations through the various 
speakers of the Poem are full of interest — the 
fierce admiration of Caponsacchi, the grave and 
earnest approval of the Pope, Pompilia's own 
linking of the act to her half-conscious mother- 
sense and to the voice of God, and the Fisc's 
insincere sophistries should be carefully compared. 
We have here a good example of Browning's art 
in adapting one of the acknowledged facts of the 
story to the various personalities of his speakers. 
Cf. RB., Ill, n6i-7, 1290; VII, 1594-1641; IX, 
889-925; X, 699-700, 1081-3. 

228— RB., II, 1040: 

but her tongue continued free: 
RB., V^ 1 120: 
She, with a volubility of curse, 

RB., VII, 1 591-2: 

I did for once see right, do right, give tongue 
The adequate protest: 

The Poet invents words for the situation at 
RB., Ill, 1295-9; and VI, 1528-32. At P,, 211, we 
read: "The young woman was not at all terri- 
fied at the sight of her husband, but on the con- 
trary she mustered her courage and reproved him 
for all the cruelties practiced upon her." Cf. B., 
•74, 175- 

229— RB., II, 1044: 

"The sbirri." Cf. B., 119: " catturate da i 
suoi sbirri." B., 177 : " farli arrestare da sbirri." 

230— RB., V, 1133: 

We searched the chamber where they passed the night, 

RB., VI, 1555-9: 

1 begin my search meanwhile 

Probably based on Caponsacchi's words (B., 
75): "Although in the prison of Castelnuovo, 
where I was placed, diligent search was made 
both by the authorities and the husband," etc. 
Cf. RB., II, 1068-9. 

231— RB., II, 1071-4: 

Found— * * * 
All the love-letters 

RB., VI, 1668-9: 

the documents were found 
At the inn on your departure? 

Cf. also III, 1308-11; IV, 1033-42; V, 1132-7, 
1874-7. I" *hc Book these letters are variously 
asserted to have been found in the closet, " in 
Latrina" (B., 61, 197) and in the prison (B., 76, 
88, 143). 



232— RB., VI, 1650-4: 

Then your clerk produced 
Papers, 

RB., VII, 175-9: 

Nay, I heard read out in the public Court 
Before the judge, in presence of ray friends, 
Letters 

These love-letters were presented as evidence 
in the adultery trial. Processus fuga, and were 
reintroduced now in the murder trial and were 
published in extracts in the summary of evidence 
for the defense (B., 77-83). They play a very 
important part in the legal arguments, as will be 
seen by the following citations (B., 11, 61, 88, 89, 
119, 168, 174, 177, 178, 197, and P., 211). The 
internal evidence against the genuineness of these 
letters is overwhelming. It is quite inconceivable 
that their highly conventionalized, pseudo-literary 
affectation could have been written by an illiter- 
ate young girl. 

233— RB., II, 1145-7: 

Tii forgery * * * the husband's work. 
Very naturally and justifiably do the lawyers 
for the Fisc charge them to the forgery of Fran- 
ceschini himself. (B., 197): "They might have 
been framed by the husband." They seem to be 
a part of his whole cunning, ignoble plot against 
his wife. Browning has repeated this charge of 
forgery over and over again (RB., Ill, 949-52, 
1313, 1360-61; IV, 1047-59; V, 1151, 1203-6; VI, 
1665, 1801-2; IX, 468, 1150; X, 650). 

234— 

In the trial for adultery. Processus fuga, both 
Pompilia and Caponsacchi were questioned as 
regards these letters, and their replies are found 
at B., 72, 76. 

235— RB., II, 1133-8: 

Seeing I have no hand, nor write at all. 
******* 

* * * she read no more than wrote, 

Guido's lawyers brand these statements as lies, 

and endeavor to prove that she did know how to 

write (B., 87, i2o). Cf. also RB., Ill, 908-11; 

VII, 1489-90; IX, 837; and Note 248. 

236— 

Guido's account of the contents of the love- 
letters (RB., V, 1141-9) is evidently given by the 
Poet in close accord with the letters set forth in 
the evidence, as will be seen by the subsequent 
notes. 

237— RB., V, 1 142: 

He's at the villa, now he's back again; 
Cf. B., 78: "The Jealous one is away"; and 
B., 80: " Guido returns Saturday morning." 

238— RB., V, 1 146-9: 

" Of all things, find what wine." This is not an 
exact quotation from any of the letters, but they 
contain similar passages concerning the dropping 
of the sleeping potion into the wine (B., 81, 82). 

239— RB., V, 1 147: 

" Sir Jealousy." // Geloso is frequently re- 
ferred to in the letters (B., 77, 78, 81, 82). 



314 



240— RB., V, 1148: 

" Red wine." Ci. B., 78, " vino rosso " and 
B., 81, " e rosso per hora." 

241— RB., V, 1148-9: 

Because a sleeping-potion, dust 
Dropped into white, discolours wine 

Cf. B., 93 : " For in seeking an opportunity to 
mingle an opiate * * • was inquiring what 
colored wine they were drinking in the home, lest 
the color of it, when altered by the drug mixed 
therewith, might betray their plots." 

242— 

On the replies of Caponsacchi as to the letters 
(B., 75-6) the Poet has based his conception of 
Caponsacchi's reply (RB., VI, 1650-73). 

243— RB., VI, 1655-9: 

— How was it that a wife, young, innocent, 
* * * wrote this page ? — 
She wrote it when the Holy Father wrote 
The bestiality that posts thro' Rome 
Put in her mouth by Pasquiu. 

The question and reply here are suggested by 
(B., 76) : " I marvel that the Fisc pretends that 
before the flight several other love-letters had 
been sent me by Signora Francesca ; for she was a 
modest young woman and such actions would be 
out of keeping with her station and her birth. 
And, therefore, I declare the abovesaid pretense 
is false and without foundation." On the above 
passage was also based RB., II, 1162-4: 

Much he repents him if * * * 

He coupled her with the first Bimsy word 

244— RB., VI, 1661-5: 

" There's your hand ! " 
This precious piece of verse. I really judge. 
Is meant to copy my own character, 
A clumsy mimic; and this other prose, 
Not so much even; 

These words are evidently suggested by Ca- 
ponsacchi's reply concerning the letters submitted 
to him for identification (B., 76): "This letter 
was not written by me, though the handwriting 
[carattere) of the same has some resemblance to 
my own. * • * This other letter * * * was not 
at all written by me and is not in my handwrit- 
ing. Furthermore it has not the slightest re- 
semblance to my handwriting." Cf. RB., II, 
1131; III, 1312-3. 

245— RB., II, 1 148-9: 

he confesses, the ingenuous friend, 
That certain missives, letters of a sort, 

Caponsacchi makes such acknowledgment in his 
affidavit (B., 75). Cf. RB., Ill, 927-30; IV, 
1050-2. 

246— RB., IT, 1159-60: 

he flung, 
Her tetters for the flame 

RB., IV, 1053: 

I burnt because 1 read. 

Probably suggested by Caponsacchi's reply (B., 
75): "The letters sent to me, as above, by the 
said Francesca, were burned by me in Arezzo." 
There is a similar statement in one of the forged 
lore-letters (B., 79) : "I gave them to the flames." 
Cf. RB., II, 1 140; III, 960. 



247— RB., IX, 445-8: 

" Or the letters » * * Allow them hers." Bot- 
tini (B., 61) makes just such an acknowledg- 
ment, and then offers excuse: "or she could have 
made pretense of this to win over the Canon." 
Cf. B., 145, 146, 148, 178, 197. Cf. lines 473-4- 

248— RB., IX, 448-9, 60: 

— for though she could not write. 
In early days of Eve-like innocence 
* 4: * * * * * 

May well have learned, though late, to play the scribe; 
B., 143 : " She could have acquired this skill 
afterwards because of desperation which sharp- 
ened her wits." Cf. Note 235. 

249— RB., IX, 461-3: 

You thought my letters could be none of mine, 
******* 

But now 1 have the skill, and write, you see! 
B., 127: " I sent you word of them on purpose, 
but you did not believe the letters sent you were 
in my own hand, I declare that I finished learn- 
ing how to write in Arezzo." 

250— RB., IX, 476-7: 

" my life. 
Not an hour's purchase," as the letter runs. — 

The words are adopted from Pompilia's real 
letter (B., 127) : " My life was not worth an 
hour" — (la mia vita era a hore). 

251— RB., Ill, 957: 

There never reached her eye a word from him: 

Cf. Pompilia's words (B., 72): "The said 
Caponsacchi before the said affair did not send 
me any letter, because I do not know how to 
read manuscript," etc. 

252— RB., IX, 538-45: 

To such permitied motive, then, refer 

All those professions, else were hard explain. 

Of hope, fear, jealousy, and the rest of love ! 

This excuse for the ardent tone and expression 
of the love-letters is made by Bottini (B., 146). 

253— RB., II, 1135: 

What if the friend did pen now verse now prose, 

RB., VI, 1662: 

This precious piece of verse, 

There is no verse in the letters as given in the 
Book, but the letters which were supposed to have 
been written by Pompilia speak of certain verses, 
" otta-ve" (B., 78, 79, 80), and Bottini speaks of 
" inhonesta carmina" (B., 145). Cf. also RB., V, 
1140, 1365; and VII, 1152. 

254— RB., VI, 1585-7: 

they bore me oil. 
They bore her ol?, to separate cells o' the same 
Ignoble prison, and, separate, Ibence to Rome. 

The fugitive couple were evidently carried 
first to a prison in Castelnuovo, from which Pom- 
pilia's appealing letter to Pietro was written two 
days later. May 3 (B., 127). But Pompilia's 
affidavit is dated Rome, May 13 (B., 45). 

255— RB., Ill, 1325: 

The captured parties were conveyed to Rome; 
B., 175: "They were conducted as prisoners 
to the Prisons of the Most Illustrious Governor of 



315 



Rome." P., 211 : "They were taken to Rome 
and placed in the New Prisons." Cf. RB., II, 
1060, 1083; IV, 1121; V, 1175-6; VI, 1587-91. 

256— RB., Ill, 1329-33: 

Guido kep( out of sight and safe at home; 
The Abate, brother Paolo, helped most 
« « * * « * * 

* * * pleaded, Guido's representative 
At B,, 120, we read: " Guido returned to his 
own country, leaving the conducting of the affair 
to the Abate, his brother." AndP., 2ii: "Togo 
back to his own country, leaving the care of his 
case in the hands 01 his brother, the Abate." Cf. 
RB., II, 1297-1300; IV, 1303-4. 

257— RB., II, 1239-59: 

The various accounts of the sneers of contempt 
which Guido had to bear after his return home 
seem to give a half-savage ironic delight to the 
Poet. Cf. RB., II, 625-6; III, 1445-62; IV, 1493; 
V, 1242-77. To these the Pope adds the final 
comment of matured spiritual wisdom (RB., X, 
710-4) : 

The furnace-coals alike of public scorn, 
Private remorse, heaped glowing on his head. 
What if,— the force and guile, the ore's allojr, 
Eliminate, his baser soul refined — 
The lost be saved even yet, so as by fire ? 

All of these find foundation in the Book (B., 
11): "He was pointed out with the finger of 
scorn, especially in his own country"; and (B., 
16): "he was shut out of the noble company"; 
and a fuller account of this is found at B., 172. 
That Abate Paolo came in for his share of scorn 
may be seen in Note 305. 

258— 

The enumeration and description of the three 
suits (RB,, IV, 1305-27) follows with considerable 
closeness the account at B., 169. 

259— RB., IV, 1305: 

managed the three suits 

RB,, VIII, 1379: 

Three pending suits 

Cf. B., 169: "three lawsuits pending." Cf. 
also RB., Ill, 1670; IV, 1332; V, 1343, 1442. 

260— RB., IV, 1308-10: 

First civil suit, — the one the parents brought, 
Impugning the legitimacy of his wife, 
Afiirming thence the nullity of her rights : 

Cf. (B., 169): "One as to the legitimacy of 
the parentage of his wife and the nullification of 
the dowry agreement." Cf. also B., 10, 50, 118, 
144,172,194; and RB., II, 600, 726-32; 111,646-51. 

261— RB., Ill, 655: 

"And still six witnesses." B., 172: "Conclu- 
sive proof was given by six witnesses." Pietro 
in his will speaks of them (B., 128) as persons 
worthy of credit. 

262— RB., IV, 1311-4: 

This was before the Rota,— Molines, 
That's judge there, made that notable decree 
which partly leaned to Guido, as I said, — 
But Pietro had appealed against the same 

Cf. (B., 169): "Brought by Pietro in the 
Tribunal of the Sacred Rota." This case was 



originally tried before Auditor Tommat! (B., 10, 
27, 118, 172; and P., 210), but after his deci- 
sion (cf. following note), which was partly in 
favor of Guido, the case was transferred on 
Pietro's appeal (cf. following note) to the Rota" 
(B., 172). "Nevertheless, an appeal was taken 
from that sentence and it was committed to the 
Sacred Rota before Monsignor Molines." Cf. RB., 
V, 777-8. " Beside the Tribunal of the Sacred 
Rota, there exists in the Roman Curia another 
tribunal which is called the Tribunal of the Sig- 
nature of Justice. It is a High Court, and a 
tribunal of last instance, or ultimate appeal." 
Humphrey, Urbs et Orbis, p. 285. 

263— RB., II, 742-4: 

They would not take away the dowry now 
Wrongfully given at first, nor bar at all 
Succession to the aforesaid usufruct. 

This decision is described (B., 118): "He 
obtained for Francesca Pompilia a continuance 
in quasi-possession of her daughtership " ; and 
B., 172, " continuing to Francesca Pompilia quasi- 
possession of her parenthood." Cf. also B., 27, 50; 
P., 210; and RB., Ill, 670-80; IV, 1313. 

264— RB., II, 753: 

whence, on the Comparini's part, appeal — 
B., n8: "But Pietro appealed from the de- 
cree." Cf. also B., 50, 172; P., 210; and RB., 
Ill, 681. 

265— RB., II, 755: 

And so the matter stands, even to this hour, 

RB., Ill, 688: 

And so the matter pends, to this same day. 

B., 172: "Where it still hangs undecided." 
Cf. also B., 51; P. 210; and RB., IV, 24-8. 

266— RB., IV, 1317-8: 

Next civil suit, — demand on [he wife's part 
Of separation from the husband's bed 

RB., II, 1287: 

Pompilia sought divorce from bed and board 

B., 169: "The second suit was for divorce 
from bed," etc, and B,, 177, " and at instance of 
the said Francesca before the Vice-Governor of 
suit for separation from bed," etc. Cf. also B., 
51, 100, 114, 154; and RB., Ill, 1427-38; V, 1247, 
1319-21. 

267— RB., IV, 1320: 

Claims restitution of the dowry paid, 
B., 177 : " And the recovery of the dowry 
which had been spent." Cf. RB., Ill, 1436. 

268— RB., IV, 1322: 

"The Vicegerent has to judge." Cf. B., 169 
and 177, "before Monsignor the Vice-Governor 
(I'icegerente)." 

269— RB., IV, 1323-5: 

Third and last suit, — this time, a criminal one, — 
Guido's complaint of guilt against his wife 

B,, 169: "The third is a criminal suit as to 
the pretended adultery, still pending in the tri- 
bunal of His Excellency, the Governor." This 
trial, which is so frequently referred to in the 
Book as the Processus fugie, was the criminal 



3i6 



case brought against Pompilia and Caponsacchi 
at Guido's demand, on the charge of running 
away together and adultery. It covered the time 
from May 13, 1697, the date of Porapilia's depo- 
sition (B., 45) till September 24, the date of the 
judgment against Caponsacchi (B., 83). In this 
case Caponsacchi and Pompilia were prosecuted 
by the Fisc and defended by the Procurator 
Pauperum. The evidence and argument of this 
former case are continually referred to in the 
Book. Much of the printed evidence of the 
summaries in the Book, including the affidavits 
of Pompilia and Caponsacchi, had thus been a 
part of the adultery trial, for Guido's lawyers do 
all they can to fix the charge of adultery in the 
wife, as giving excuse for the murder. Cf. RB., 
IV, 1213-4. 

270— RB., IV, 1326-7: 

Id Ihc Tribunal of the Governor, 
Vcnturini, also judge of the present cause. 

B., 169: "In the Tribunal of his Excellency, 
the Governor," and B., 22 ; " in this very tribunal, 
and by his Honor, Lord Venturini, judge in this 
present case." Cf. B., 51, 119, 120, 175, 176, 200; 
and RB., Ill, 1334; V, 1165. 

271— RB., V, 1218-22: 

We, for complicity in Potnpilla's flight 

And deviation, and carnal intercourse 

With the same, do set aside and relegate 

The Canon Caponsacchi for three years 

At Civita 
Note that this is a close paraphrase of the 
actual wording of the decree of Court against 
Caponsacchi (B., xcix and 83). Browning has 
taken the words " complicity," " deviation," and 
" carnal " from his original. This punishment 
of Caponsacchi is continually referred to in both 
Poem and Book. Cf. B., 10, 22, 51, 57, 106, 131, 
168, 175, 185, 195, 200; P., 211; and RB., I, 
1038-9; II, II77-X7; III, 1409-13; IV, 1245-9; 
VI, 1746; IX, 1518-21. 

272— RB., Ill, 1409-10: 

unsheni, unshatned. 
Unpunished as for perpetrating crime, 

The lightness of the above sentence in view of 
the seriousness of the crime charged is much dis- 
cussed in the Book. The prosecutors of Guido 
continually assert that this was because of lack 
of proof of the adultery (B., 51, 57, 106, 131, 138, 
140, 142, 185; and P., 211). But Spreti (B., 106) 
claims it was because Caponsacchi was a for- 
eigner. Cf. RB., V, 1899. 

273— RB., VI, 2013: 

" Probationis ob defectum." (B., 51, 131) : " ob 
dejectum probationis." 

274— RB., VI, 2017-22: 

If the title ran 
For more than fault imputed and not proved. 
That was a simple penman's error, 

\%'Tien insistence on the above decree was made 
by Guido's lawyers in attempting to prove adul- 
tery, the above retort was given by the Fisc (B., 
T38) and repeated by the second Anonymous Au- 
thor (B., 180), and denied by Spreti (B., 106). 
Cf. RB., IX, 1527-38. 



275— RB., IX, 1545-55: 

I traverse Rome, feel thirsty, need a draught. 
Look for a wine-shop, find it by the bough 
Projecting as to say " Here wine is sold!" 
* * but what sort of wine ? 

That much must I discover by myself. 

Exactly so, Law hangs her title forth. 
This figure of speech regarding the wine-bush 
is borrowed directly from the second Anonymous 
Writer (B., 180): "And if one will only give 
it due thought, the title of that case was placed 
there, just as a wine-bush hangs outside the door 
of an inn, which very well shows that they sell 
wine there, but does not prove whether what they 
sell is good and salable and agreeable. Oh! by 
no means. For one may find the wine there to be 
sharp and muddy, and of other inferior qualities." 

276— RB., IV, 1241-3: 

For the wife, — let her betake herself, lor rest. 
After her run, to a House of Convcrtites — 
Keep there, as good as real imprisonment: 

B., 175, gives us the following account of the 
manner in which the case against Pompilia ended : 
" The case was left undecided as regards the 
wife, who was placed in the nunnery of the 
Scalette as a prison." (Cf. B., 121, 181; and P., 
211.) This was not a punishment, but merely a 
continuance of the accused in custody. The Con- 
ser-vatorio di S. Croce delta Penitenza alia 
Longara was an institution for penitent women, 
founded in 1615 on Via della Longara. It is also 
called delle Scalette because of two small stair- 
cases leading to the monastery and adjoining the 
church. It is sometimes spoken of as del Buon 
Pastor e. (Moroni, Dizionario di erudizione, etc., 
vol. 17, p. 20.) Browning mistakenly identi- 
fies the Scalette with the Monastery of St. Mary 
Magdalene of the Convertites in the Corso. It 
was the latter institution which brought suit to 
win Pompilia's property (Note 364). (Cf. B., 
202.) This act of the Court as to Pompilia is 
also referred to at B., 10, 51, 97, 121, 126, 175, 
181; P., 211; and RB., II, 1197-9; III, 1405-6, 
1491; V, 1223-5, 1917-8; VII, 1649-53; VIII, 
1064; IX, 1195-1202; X, 706-7. 

277— RB., II, 1198, and IV, 1242: 

" The Convertites." Browning merely angli- 
cizes the word Convertita found at B., 126, 202, 
and elsewhere. 

278— RB., II, 1231: 

" In Via Lungara." This place of Pompilia's 
detention is spoken of at P., 211, as "the mon- 
astery of the Scalette on the Lungara." 

279— RB., Ill, 1492-4: 

for Guido's sake 
Solely, what pride might call imprisonment 
And quote a something gained, to friends at home, — 

This is the explanation of the sentence against 
Pompilia as given by the second Italian Pam- 
phleteer (B., 175) : " Giving some satisfaction to 
the Franceschini brothers in their strong insist- 
ence than because of the obligations of justice." 
Cf. RB., VI, 2016. 



317 



280— RB., IV, 1331-7: 

For, Paolo, knowing the right way at Rome. 
Had, even while superintending these three suits 

Ingeniously made interest with the Pope 

RB., VIII, 1398-1408: 

That we prayed Pope Majeitai* very self 

Grant there assemble in our own behoof 
A Congregation, a particular Court. 

To hear the several matters in dispute. — 
Causes big. little and indifleretil. 
Bred of our marriage 

Abate Paolo, harassed by the burden of his 
lawsuits, had evidently tried to use the influence 
of patrons to help him secure a declaration in his 
favor (B., 121): "The Abate, seeing the cause 
unduly protracted, had just grounds for placing 
it at the feet of Our Lord [the Pope] vfith a 
memorial in vphich he declared that lie could no 
longer endure such important and such various 
litigation and vexation arising from that luckless 
marriage, and he prayed that a special sitting 
{Congregatio) be appointed for all the cases — 
that is, the ones concerning her daughtership, her 
flight, her adultery, her dov?ry, and others grow- 
ing out of the marriage." For the interpretation 
of this act by the other side, see B., 175, 178, 183. 
Cf. RB., Ill, 1331-2, 1469-74, 1671; V, 1347-51, 
1752-5. 

281— RB., VIII, 1425-6: 

Returned us our petition with the word 

*^Ad judidi luos,'^ " Leave him to his Judge !" 

The Pope evidently refused to interfere with 
the action of the courts and replied (B., 121): 
"The matter rests with the judges." Cf. B., 175, 
183; and RB., V, 1760. 

282— RB., Ill, 1495: 

This naturally was at Guido's charge: 
There seems to have been some dispute be- 
tween the Comparini and the Franceschini as to 
which of the two should pay Pompilia's expenses 
while thus shut up in the Scalette (B., 51). The 
expense was finally met from money taken from 
Caponsacchi at the time of his arrest at Castel- 
nuovo (B., 125, 176). 

283— RB., Ill, 1500-6: 

The convent's self makes application bland 
That, since Pompilia's health is fast 0' the wane, 
She may have leave to go 

The Anonymous Author (B., 121) states the 
matter as follows: "The nuns did not wish for 
her confinement to take place within their walls 
and therefore a pretext was found for removing 
her on the grounds of the said obstruction, and 
the necessity of removing it." Cf. RB., 11, 1325- 
38 ; V, 1327, 1470-5 ; B., 10, 97, 165, 175, 181, 185 ; 
and P., 211; while B., 51, gives the disagreement 
as to bearing Pompilia's expenses as the reason. 

284— 

On October 12, 1697, Porapilia, for the reason 
given in the above note, was transferred to the 
home of the Comparini, which was to be strictly 
kept as a prison, under a bond of 300 scudi. (Cf. 
the decree as given in B., civ.) The faa is 



continually referred to in Book and Poem. Cf. 
B., 10, 16,' 51, 57, 61, 97, 121, 175, 181, 184, 185; 
P., 211; and RB., Ill, 1500-14; IV, 1350-1, 
1518-9; V, 1328, 1473-6; VII, 318; IX, 1213-26. 

285— RB., II, 1323: 

" After full three long weeks." In thus count- 
ing the length of the imprisonment of Pompilia, 
Half Rome evidently counts from September 24, 
the date of the condemnation of Caponsacchi 
(B., xcix or 83) which, however, is not necessarily 
identical with the time of Pompilia's transfer 
from the prison to the Convent, to October 12, 
the date of the transfer to the home of the Com- 
parini (B., 127). But RB., Ill, 1490, speaks of 
five months in the Convent, based partly on the 
" alcttni mesi" of B., 121, and partly on the 
thought that Pompilia had been in the Convent 
practically since she had been brought to Rome 
as prisoner early in May. RB., IX, 1227, speaks 
of six weeks, for which there is no basis. 

286— 

" Domus pro carcere." This technical desig- 
nation of the home of the Comparini is found in 
the decree of transfer (B., 127) and is often re- 
peated throughout the Book. Cf. RB., II, 1342; 
III, 1514; VIII, 1264; IX, 1225. 

On this fact was based one of the aggravating 
circumstances of the murder ; namely, that in the 
slaughter of persons under custody the authority of 
the State was treasonably insulted. Cf. Note 420. 

287— RB., Ill, 1509-11: 

Oh, and shift the care 
You shift the cost, too; Pictro pays in turn. 
And lightens Guido of a load ! 
At B., 139, 176; and P., 211, we find that 
Pietro Comparini now definitely relieved the 
Franceschini from longer bearing the expense of 
Pompilia's maintenance, over which the two par- 
ties had formerly quarreled (B., 51). Cf. C, 221. 
288— RB., Ill, 1519: 

He authorized the transfer, saw it made 
This reference to Abate Paolo is repeated at 
RB., VIII, 1266-7, and elsewhere in the Book (B., 
16, 51. 55, 97- 125, 139. 152. i57i 165, 176, i8i; 
and P., 211). 
289— RB., V, 1329-30: 

No-parents, when that cheats and plunders you, 

But parentage again confessed in full. 

When such confession pricks and plagues you more — 

RB., II, 1350-4: 

Theirs who renounced all part and lot in her 
So long as Guido could be robbed thereby. 

The Book presents such shuffling with the fact 
of their parentage at B., 17, 126. 

290— RB., Ill, 1520: 

" Two months after " Pompilia was transferred 
to the Comparini home, October 12 (Note 285), 
and gave birth to her child December i8 (Note 
299). 
291— RB., VIII, 1267-8: 

did we make such grant, 
Meaning a lure ? 
This very point is made by Arcangeli (B., 17) : 
" Since Guido could make that pretense to gain 
the opportunity of killing her," etc. Cf. Note 502. 



3i8 



292-RB, V, 1335-7: 

But a certain villa smotliered up in vines 

At the town's edge by the gate i' the Pauline Way. 

Out of eye-reach, out of ear-shot, little and lone, 

This home of the Compaiini, in which Pom- 
pilia spent the last two months of her life, was 
probably situated on Strada Paolina in the heart 
of the City. B., 127, speaks of the Comparini 
home as on Via Paolina, but the record of the 
death of Pompilia in the register of San Lo- 
renzo in Lucina (of. Note 24) gives her home in 
Strada Paolina. This is also much more in ac- 
cord with the exhibition of the corpses in the 
particular church, the parish Church of San 
Lorenzo. But Browning uniformly locates the 
home on the Via Paolina, outside the City walls 
in the Pauline district. I see no valid artistic 
reason for such a change; it was probably a 
misunderstanding of the fact. Cf. RB., I, 604-5 ; 
II, 206-7, 476, 1361-6; III, i507> 1596; IV, 1369; 
VII, 218; XI, 1277. 

293— RB., II, 1368-9: 

where perchance 
Some muffled Caponsacchi might repair, 

The utterly unsubstantiated charge that Capon- 
sacchi had clandestinely visited the Comparini 
home after the decree of banishment against him 
is first made in the rhetorical question of Arcan- 
geli (B., 19) : "And I wish I could say that her 
love affairs with the banished one were not con- 
tinued." Cf. also B., 55, 122, 181; and RB., Ill, 
1607-14; V, 1338-41; IX, 1246-60. 

294— RB., IV, 1509-17: 

There wa9 a sentence passed at the same lime 

By Arczzo and cjntirmed by the Granduke, 

******* 

— Condemns the wife to the opprobrious doom 
Of all whom law just lets escape from death. 
****** « 

The Sllnche. House of Punishment, for life, — 
The fact of this condemnation of Pompilia in 
the Tuscan Courts is given in the written tran- 
script of the report of the trial at Arezzo (B., 
v-yiii). AtB., 8: " The second Accused (Pom- 
pilia) is condemned to the penalty of Stinche for 
life." Cf. RB., V, 1903-13; VI, 2056-8; XI, 
1663-9; XII, 719-23. But the Pope's words re- 
garding it are perhaps very near to the feeling of 
the Poet in the matter (RB., X, 834-40) : 

that strange shameful judgmenr, that 
Satire upon a sentence. 

295— RB., VI, 2037-8 : 

With Guillichini; he's condemned of course 
To the galleys, 

Guillichini, who was made a party to the 
above Tuscan criminal trial, was likewise con- 
demned (B., 8) "to the galleys * * * for five 
years." Cf. Note 146 and RB., XI, 1666-7. 

296— RB., XI, 1665: 

One week before 1 acted on its hint. — 

RB., VI, 2040: 

A fortnight since 

B., 9, gives the date of this sentence as De- 
cember 24, 1697. Guido is supposed to have 
started for Rome immediately thereafter. 



297— RB., II, 1282-5: 



And institute procedure in the courts 



There is no evidence that Guido actually 
brought a divorce suit, although he evidently 
sought counsel on his right to such divorce, as he 
stated in RB., V, 1809-12: 

I wished the thing invalid, went to you 

Only some months since, set you duly forth 

My wrong and prayed your remedy, that a cheat 

Should not have force to cheat my whole life long. 

For at B., 118, we read: "But the Franceschini 
were able to restrain themselves from due resent- 
ment in the hope that if Francesca Pompilia were 
not the daughter of Pietro and Violante, as was 
supposed at the time of the espousal, the marriage 
might be annulled and they might thus purge 
themselves of such a blot on their reputation. 
Witnesses of this feeling are found in the many 
authorities and experts who were requested by 
the Franceschini to give thought to that point 
and express their opinion of it. But as these did 
not agree, the Franceschini were unwilling to 
commit themselves to so doubtful an undertaking," 
etc. Cf. B., i2o; and RB., Ill, 1480; V, 1247-51, 
1295-1301. 

298— RB., V, 1308-18: 

you err 
r the person and the quality — nowise 
In the individual,— that's the case in point! 
Such is the very point made (B., 98) : "As long 
as he had any hope that he might have the mar- 
riage annulled because of the mistake concerning 
the person married. For he was ignorant of the 
point of Canon Law that error as to the nature of 
the person contracted does not render a marriage 
null, but only an error as to the individual." 

299— RB., II, 1383: 

Gave birth. Sir, to a child, his son and heir, 
B., 122: "During the month of December, 
Pompilia gave birth to a boy in the home of the 
Comparini." B., 151, gives December 18 as the 
date. Cf. also P., 211; and RB., IV, 1352; V, 
1436-68; IX, 1309-10. 

300— RB., V, 1469: 

Lawful, — 't is only eight months since your wife 
Left you, — 

That is, from April 28 to December 18. Cf. 
RB., I, 792; VI, 35. 



301— RB., V, 1470-1: 

your babe was born 
Last Wednesday in the villa, — 

P., 211, says: "Which was Thursday," re- 
ferring to January 2d, the date of the murder; 
but this was just two weeks later. Cf. Note 303. 

302— RB., II, 1384: 

" Caponsacchi's son." Arcangeli makes an im- 
plication of such a charge (B., 10) : " Would that 
he had not been conceived in adultery! " Cf. RB., 
V, 1498, 1530-1; VIII, 370; IX, 1370. 

It is well to note in this connection that both 
Pompilia and Bottini suggest immaculate concep- 
tion, Pompilia at RB., VII, 1762-4, with devout 



3^9 



reverence for the story of the Mother of Christ, 
and the Fisc, RB., IX, 1341-66, suggests it with 
cynical irony. Cf. Note 22. 

303— RB., r, 405: 

The wife's two-weeks' babe, 
This oft-repeated age of the child is correct to 
the day, December 18 to January 2. Cf. RB., I, 
799; III, 31, 1605; VII, 14, 94, 133, 1681, 1686, 
1755- 
304— RB., Ill, 1540-1: 

"I shall have quitted Rome ere yoa arrive 
To take the one step left," — wrote Paolo. 

Abate Paolo's departure from Rome is spoken of 
(B., 26, 122; and P., 211) ; but (B., 177) we have 
the definite accusation: "He left Rome to take 
part in the planning of that notorious murder." 
Cf. RB., IV, 1356-7; X, 893-4. 

30S— RB., V, 1366-73: 

Paul, finally, in such a state of things. 
After a brief temptation to go jump 
And join the fishes in the Tiber, drowns 
Sorrow another and a wise way: 
***** ^. « 

Leaves Rome. 

Notice that this passage is a free, ironic para- 
phrase of (B., 122) : " Until he felt very much 
inclined to throw himself into the river, as he 
indeed declared to all his friends. And to free 
himself from such imminent danger he decided to 
abandon Rome, the Court, his hopes and posses- 
sions, his affectionate and powerful patrons," etc. 
Cf. B., 182, and the fuller account C, 221, which 
tells that Abate Paolo lost his post as Secretary 
of the Knights of Malta in consequence of this 
disgrace. 

306— RB., II, 1389-90: 

Why, the overburdened mind 
Broke down, what was brain became a blaze. 

This account of the effect which the news of 
the birth of the child had upon Guido was evi- 
dently suggested by the magniloquent account of 
the Anonymous Author (B., 122) and repeated 
ironically by Browning, VIII, 6oi-ii. Cf. B., 11 : 
" Anger so impelled the luckless man to fury, and 
his indignation so drove him to desperation." 
Cf. also RB., IV, 1521-4; V, 1483, 1661-4. 

307— RB., Ill, 1546-69: 

By an heir's birth he was assured at once 
O' the main prize, all the money in dispute: 

This more sinister view of the effect of the 
news of the birth of the child upon the father is 
definitely asserted by Bottini (B., cl.Kxxiv or 151) 
§ Dilalio pariter. Cf. RB., IV, 1104-6 ; X, 752-74. 

308— RB., IV, 1354: 

First comes this thunderclap of a surprise: 

Possibly suggested by " Attonito allora it 
Franceschini" (P., 211). 

309— RB., V, 1478: 

And he's already hidden away and safe 
B., 129, speaks of the child having been hidden 
away with a nurse. Cf. also B., 19, 201, 203 ; C, 
222; and RB., VII, 42, 48-9, 205-7. 



310— RB., II, 1391-3: 

(that first news 
Fell on the Count among his vines, it seems. 
Doing his farm work,) — why, he summoned steward. 

Possibly suggested by (B., 107): "While we 
were staying at the said vineyard," or (B., 108) : 
"In presence of the keeper of the vineyard" 
(•vignarolo), 

311— RB., XI, 1888-9: 

Look at those four young precious olive-plants 
Reared at Vittiano, — 

B., 107: "The Santi above named was a 
laborer of mine at my Villa of Vittiano." This 
is the only point at which the name of the villa 
is given, though there is mention of the villa in 
the forged love-letters. Browning uses the name 
repeatedly (RB., Ill, 311, 1575; IV, 1360; V, 
364, 1550-1; VI, 519, 591). That the negotia- 
tions between Guido and his hirelings took place 
at this villa is indicated by their sworn testi- 
mony (B., 107). The supposed reply of these 
laborers given by the Poet (RB., V, 1556-60) was 
evidently suggested by the words at B., 107. A 
fuller account of the hiring of these assassins is 
given in the Casanatense pamphlet (C, 222). 

312— RB., II, 1394: 

" Four hard hands." The names and homes 
of these four assassins are given at B., xxv, and 
again at B., Ixii. Cf. RB., X, 777-8. 

313— RB., V, 1566: 

Took whatsoever weapon came to hand. 
Probably meant as Guide's justification for the 
fact that he was bearing illegitimate arms. Cf. 
Note 413. 

314— RB., V, 1567-8: 

And out we flung and on we ran or reeled 
Romeward. I have no memory of our way. 

Possibly suggested by (B., x or 11): " obcm- 
cata mente iter arripuit." 

31 S— 

Biagio Agostinelli, who had no hand in the 
killing, but only stood guard at the outer door 
(B., 187, and P., 212), was exempted from the 
re-examination under the torture of the vigil (B., 
105, 114). A fragment of his testimony is given 
(B., 108). 

316— RB., IV, 1361: 

Comes to terms with four peasants young and bold. 
Some discussion is given in the Book to the 
question whether Guido had the right to hire 
assassins (B., 15, 26, 33). Browning has the 
Pope lay far more stress on this phase of the 
matter in his strong condemnatory words (RB., 
X, 931-63). Something of these negotiations are 
given bv Guido and his associates in their testi- 
mony (B., 107-8). Cf. C, 222; also RB., IV, 
'557! VIII, 1500-8. 

317— RB., Ill, 1582-3: 

And so arrived all five of them, at Rome 
On Christmas-Eve, 

P., 2u: "On Christmas-eve reached Rome." 
The Poet repeats this fact with various interpreta- 



320 



tions at RB., IV, 1363; V, 1581-1610; VIII, 365- 
381, 1071; and closes with the Pope's protests 
against the desecration of the sacred season (RB., 
X, 788-90). 

318— RB., Ill, 1584-5: 

Installed i' the vacancy and solitude 
Left them by Paolo, 

P., 211: "He stopped at Ponte Milvio, where 
there was a villa of his brother, and there he 
remained in hiding with his followers until a 
time opportune for the execution of his designs 
should come." Browning refers to this delay of 
nine days at RB., IV, 1364-6; V, 1588-1610; 
VIII, 1073-90. The last is the sophistical inter- 
pretation of Arcangeli; but the second, which 
presents the cunning self-justification of Guido, is 
even more interesting. 

319— RB., Ill, 1592-3: 

" But, two, proceeded the same bell." The fact 
that the murder was committed on January 2d, 
is mentioned (B., 11, 50, 151; and P., 211). Cf. 
RB., I, 606, 795. 

320— RB., IV, 1371: 

" Tis one i' the evening." Browning here takes 
not merely the fact but the form of expression, an 
Italianism, from the Book (B., Ixii), " hora prima 
noctis," and P., 211 : " an' hora circa di notte." 

321— RB., V, 1628-33: 

I knocked, pronounced 
The name, » * * Caponsacchi 

This fact that Guido used the name of Capon- 
sacchi and pretended he brought a letter from 
the Canon is often repeated and interpreted in 
the Book (B., 11, 19, 51, 99, 122, 153, 165, and 
P., 212). C, 222, gives a fuller account of this 
incident. Browning repeats the fact many times 
in the Poem, with various interesting comments 
by the speakers (RB., I, 395-S, 619-24; II, 1406- 
31; III, 1597-9; IV, 1371-2; VII, 59-60, 219). 
But most interesting of all is Pompilia's word, 
VII, 1808-14: 

It was the name ol him I sprang to meet 

When came the knock, the summons and the end. 

Browning spurns all apology for what might 
seem compromising; in fact he is too proudly 
confident of the purity of Pompilia, we might 
say defiantly confident. 

322— RB., II, 1435: 

And wiped its filthy tour walls free at last 
Possibly suggested by the rhetorical flourish of 
the Anonymous Writer (B., 123). To this there 
is a contemptuous retort (B., 181). 

323— RB., Ill, 1620-1: 

"Come in," bade poor Violante, * * * 
* * * that death was the fifst, 

P., 212: "He leaped upon Violante Com- 
parini, who had opened it, and struck her dead 
to the ground." Cf. B., 10, 51, 99, 153; C, 222; 
and RB., IV, 1373-4, 1576; V, 1649-60. 

324— RB., Ill, 1622-3: 

Pietro • • * 
Set up a cry — "Let me confess myself!" 



P., 212: " Comparini * * * who • * * cried 
'confession.'" Cf. RB., IV, 1377-9; XI, 471-4; 
and C, 222. 

325— RB., IV, 1382: 

Pompilia Tushes hete and there 
P., 212 : " Pompilia * * * extinguished the light, 
hoping thus to escape the assassins, and ran to the 
neighboring door of a locksmith, crying out for 
help. But when she saw that Franceschini was 
provided with a lantern, she went to hide under 
the bed," etc. Cf. also B., 51. 

326— RB., VII, 38: 

" Twenty-two dagger-wounds." P., 212: "She 
was barbarously slain with twenty-two wounds." 
C, 222, gives further details of the murder. 

327— RB., IV, 1385: 

He lifts her by the long dishevelled hair, 
B., 182: "Taken her by the tresses and lift- 
ing her from the ground." Cf. C, 222. 

328— RB., IV, 1390: 

"On dead Pietro's knees," B., lix: "testa su 
le gamhe," and P., 212: "trasse ai piedi di Com- 
parini." Cf. line 1437. 

329— RB., IV, 1435-6: 

She bore the stabbing * * * 
Without a useless cry, 

RB., IX, 1421: 

She, while he stabbed her, simulated death. 

These are based on (B., 182): "Poor wife 
knew by natural instinct how to feign it by her 
relaxation." Cf. C, 222. 

330— RB., IV, 1391: 

"Let us away, my boys!" P., 212: "Let us 
lose no time, but return to the vineyard." 

331— RB., Ill, 1627: 

The noise o' the slaughter roused the neighbourhood. 
P., 212: "When the uproar of this horrible 
slaughter was heard abroad people ran thither." 
Cf. RB., IV, 1393-4; aid C., 222. 

332— RB., II, 27: 

But she took all her stabbings in the face, 

P., 213, says this of Pompilia, not of Violante: 

" were so disfigured, and especially the wife of 

Franceschini by wounds in the face, that they 

were no longer recognizable." Cf. RB., II, 615-6. 

333— RB., IV, 1395-6: 

Soon followed the Public Force, pursuit began 
Though Guido had the start and chose the road: 

P., 212: "When the posse (Forza) arrived at 
the vineyard he found that they were no longer 
there, but about an hour ago they had left in the 
direction of the highway." Cf. B., 51. 

334— RB., XI, 1623-4: 

" But, drunk, redundantly triumphant." Pos- 
sibly suggested by (B., 11) : " His dull and un- 
foreseeing mind suggested no way to find a place 
of safety." Cf. also B., 123; and RB., V, 1715-9. 

335— RB., XI, 1633: 

" Therefore, want horses in a hurry." Possibly 
suggested by (P., 212): "Franceschini had de- 
manded horses with threat of violence." 



321 



336— RB., XI, 1641: 

" I want hat on head." P., 212: " In his haste 
Franceschini * * * left his cap." 

337— RB., Ill, 1628-30: 

They had forgotten just the one thing more 

* * * the ticket, to-wit 

Which puts post-horses at a traveller's use: 

P., 212: "Which (horses) were denied him, 
because he lacked the necessary order." Cf. B., 
123; and RB., V, 1723-5; XI, 1645; and espe- 
cially the interesting interpretation by the Pope 
(RB., X, 821-9), who sees in it the hand of God 
checking Guido in full career of sin. 

338— RB., X, 861-3: 

Thy comrades each and all were of one mind. 
Thy murder done, to straightway murder thee 
In turn, because of promised pay withheld. 

P., 213: "They also revealed that they had 
planned to kill Franceschini himself afterwards, 
* * * because he had not kept his word to pay 
them as soon as they left Rome." The Poet sees 
here, with the eyes of the good old Pope (RB., 

X, 855-68), that it was God's outstretched hand 
that had saved Guido from a swift and unre- 
penting death. Compare with this the sophistical 
excuse for the fact (RB., VIII, 1589-1601) and 
Guide's vengeful hatred as aroused by this (RB., 

XI, 1739-53)- 

339— RB., Ill, 1631-4: 

So. all on foot * * • 

* * * gained Baccano very near, 

P., 212: "Hence he had traveled afoot with 
his companions toward Baccano." C, 222, fur- 
ther states that Guido had desired to part from 
his fellows, but they would not permit him to do 
so. Cf. RB., X, 846-7. 

340— RB., IV, 1397-8: 

So, that same night wa6 he, with the other four. 
Overtaken near Baccano, 

B., 51: "That same night, they were discov- 
ered in the tavern at Merluccia." Cf. P., 212; C, 
223 ; and RB., V, 1670. 

341— RB., V, 1674: 

On a cloak i' the straw which promised shelter firit, 
B., 11: "Resting on a pallet (stragulo)." Cf. 
RB., Ill, 1635-6; IV, 1399-1403; X, 849; and C, 
223. 

342— RB., V, 1675: 

" With the bloody arms beside me." B., 51 : 
"With fire-arms and swords still bloody," and 
P., 212: " On them were found, still stained with 
blood, those daggers with which they had done the 
murder." Cf. RB., II, 1438; III, 1638; IV, 1402. 

343— RB., V, 1874: 

" Found them in flagrant fault." The expres- 
sion " in flagranti " or " in flagranti delicto " is 
used several times in the Book (B., xii, etc). Cf. 
RB., II, 385. 

344— RB., IV, 1416-24: 

Says Guido, " By your leave, 1 fain would ask 
How you found out 'twas 1 who did the deed?" 

"Why. naturally your wife!" Down Guido drops 
0' the horse he rode, — they have to steady and stay, 
At either side the brute that bore him. 



Evidently suggested by (P., 212) : " It is told 
that Franceschini, while making the journey, 
asked * * * how in the world the crime had been 
discovered; and when he was answered that his 
wife, whom they had found still living, had re- 
vealed it, he was so astounded by it that he was, 
as it were, deprived of his senses." 

345— RB., II, 1464-5: 

Laid by the heels i' the New Prison, 1 hear. 
To bide their trial. 

Browning refers to the New Prison as the place 
of Guido's incarceration (RB., I, 1284; V, 325, 
332 ; XII, 139), though he has no definite authority 
for this in his source-material. He is confirmed, 
however, by C, 223. But the Book does speak of 
the fact that Pompilia and Caponsacchi had been 
imprisoned there. (Cf. Note 255.) 

346— RB., IV, 1405-10: 

The only one * * "^ that suBered aught 

* IT « « * « « 

Was * • * Pairizj, 

This characteristic sneer of Tertlum Quid is 
based on (P., 212): "This arrest indeed cost 
the life of Patrizi, because having been over- 
heated, and wounded with a slight scratch, he 
died in a few days." 

347— RB., II, 1439: 

Haled hither and imprisoned yesternight 

Guido and his accomplices were brought back 
to Rome the evening of January 3, reaching the 
Prison at 5 p. m. (P., 212). 

348— RB., Ill, 1641: 

The wife lives yet by miracle. 
Probably suggested by the words of the second 
Anonymous Writer (B., 182) : "A special favor 
from the hand of the very Omnipotent, who 
caused the wife to survive for a few days," etc. 
Cf. B., 51; and RB., I, 1079; III, 7; IV, 1439. 

349— RB., Ill, 9-10: 

She prayed Madonna just that she might live 
So long as to confess and be absolved; 

Founded on (P., 212): "The unfortunate 
Francesca Pompilia, under the burden of such 
wounds as those with which she had been cut 
to pieces, implored the Holy Virgin for the favor 
of confession and obtained her prayer." Cf. RB., 
IV, 1425-32. 

350— RB., I, 1078-9: 

"* '* * four-days'-dying: for she lived 
Thus long," 

Pompilia died on January 6, 1698. This is the 
supposed date of her monologue, which is spoken 
during her dying hours. Cf. B., 47; and P., 213. 

351— RB., I, 1085: 

In the good house that helps the poor to die,— 

Browning mistakenly assumes that Pompilia 
was taken to the Convent of Santa Maria Mag- 
dalena of the Convertites in the Corso after the 
assassination, and there died. 

This is probably due to his supposition that a 
woman of evil life must be under their authority 
at the time of her death for them to enter such 



322 



claim. Such was not the case. (Cf. Note 364.) 
In RB., Ill, 37, Other Half Rome gives St. Anna's 
as the place of her death, possibly suggested by 
the fact that Fra Celestino is spoken of (B., 47) 
in that way. The entry of her death in the 
parish register of San Lorenzo in Lucina (Note 
24) proves that she died in her own home. 
Hence the hospital bed and hospital cell of Book 
III are a violation of historic fact, undoubtedly 
for considerable artistic gain. The death record 
(p. 280) runs as follows: 

" La Signora Francesca Pompilia Comparini 
Romana in eta di anni dicisette e mezzo figlia 
dell quondam Signor Pietro Comparini Romano 
Moglie dell Signor Guido Franceschini di Arezzo 
di Toscana mori nella Comunione della Santa 
Madre Chiesa nella Casa dove abitava alia 
strada paolina riceve tutti li Santissimi Sacra- 
menti e fu seppellita in questa nostra Chiesa." 

352— RB., I, 1087-90: 

For friend and lover. — leech and man of law 
Do service; busy helpful minlstrants 
As varied in their calling as their mind, 
Temper and age: 

Referring to the several persons, priests, apoth- 
ecary, etc., who testify as to her dying hours (B., 
45-8). Cf. B., 136, 182. 

353— RB., Ill, 45-7: 

a soul 
To shrive; 'twas Brother Celestine*s own right. 
The same who noises thus her gifts abroad. 

This refers to the important affidavit of Fra 
Celestino "the Augustinian Brother" (RB., Ill, 
18-9), which is given (B., 45-6, 47). It was 
made January 10, 1698, evidently at the request 
of Pompilia's executor, Tighetti (B., 109, 136). 
The old Priest speaks with evident emotion and 
conviction and there can be no doubt of the fact 
that he was profoundly impressed by the saintli- 
ness of the dying girl. The affidavit is the sub- 
ject of repeated dispute between the lawyers (B., 
45, 64, 109, 200). Cf. RB., Ill, 799-803 ; VI, 2060. 

354— RB., VI, 2061-3: 

he confessed, he says, 
Many a dying person, never one 
So sweet and true and pure and beautiful. 

Suggested by the word of Abate Liberate Bar- 
berito (B., 48): "I can attest that during the 
experience I have had, having been four years 
vicar in the Cure of Monsignor, the Bishop of 
Monopoli of blessed memory, I have never ob- 
served the dying with like sentiments." 

355— RB., IV, 1446-9: 

So, when they add that her confession runs 
She was of wifehood one white innocence 
In thought, word, act, from first of her short life 
To last of it; 

RB., IX, 1437-8: 

Admitted not one peccadillo here. 
Pretended to perfection, 

B., 47 : " She always responded that she had 
never committed any offense against her husband, 
but had always lived with all chastity and 
modesty." Cf. B., 63, 136, 182. 



356— RB., IV, 1449-50-52: 

praying, i' the face of death. 
That God forgive her other sins— not this, 

Evidently suggested by (B., 47) : " She said 
that God should not pardon her for that sin, be- 
cause she had never committed it." Cf. B., 64, 136. 

357— RB., IV, 1453-4: 

So much good, 
Patience beneath enormity of ill. 

Suggested by (B., 45, 46) : " But what is more 
to be wondered at is that, although she suffered 
great pain, I never heard her speak an offensive 
or impatient word nor show the slightest outward 
vexation," etc. 

358— RB., IV, 1455: 

" I hear to my confusion." B., 45 : " To my 
own confusion I have discovered and marveled 
at an innocent and saintly conscience." 

359— RB., XI, 1729: 

Forgiving me (her monks begin to weep) 

B., 45 : " May Jesus pardon him, as I have 
already done with all my heart." And B., 47: 
" May God pardon him in heaven as I pardon 
him on earth." Cf, RB., Ill, 33, 811; VII, 1707- 
9; B., 65 ; and C, 223. 

360— RB., IX, 1466-73: 

'Twas charily, in her so circumstanced, 
To spend the last breath in one effort more 
For universal good of friend and foe: 

Re-Integrate — not solely her own fame, 
But do the like kind office for the priest 
Whom telling the crude truth about might vex, 

RB,, IV, 1465: 

First sets her lover free, 

Arcangeli (B,, 95) puts this very interpreta- 
tion on the dying words of Pompilia: " For this 
kind of exculpation, which is all too much a 
matter of pretense, might help her companion, 
just as heretofore she had brought blame upon 
him." 

361— RB., IV, 1470-1: 

thus she dies revenged to the uttermost 
On Guido, 

This very charge is made by Arcangeli (B., 
95): "And what is more horrible, that, from 
the said exculpation, her murderer might be the 
more severely punished." To this Bottini replies 
(B,, 138) : " Nor does the assertion of Pompilia 
when dying tend principally toward vengeance." 
Cf. RB., IX, 1476-91. 

362— RB., IV, 1478: 

Confession of the moribund is true! 

Such is the claim of the lawyers for the Fisc 
(B., 55, 64, 136, 182), and this is refuted by 
Guido's defenders (B., 95, 109). 

363— RB., IX, 1462-4: 

Nam in articulo mortis^ * • * 

******* 
Nemo preiumitur reus esse * * 

This exact quotation is not found in the Book, 
and it was possibly drawn from some other old 



323 



authority to which the Poet had made reference 
in the case. B., Ixxvi or 63-4, is perhaps 
nearest to it: " assertio in articulo mortis emissa 
omnem fidem meretur, cum nemo tunc mentiri 
praesumitur." 

364— 

Within a month after the death of Pompilia 
the Monastery of the Convertites laid claim to 
her whole property. The Monastery of Sta. 
Maria Maddalena delle Convertite al Corso was 
founded by Leo X in 1520 pro mulierihus ab in- 
honesta vita ad honestam se convertentibtis (Bull, 
May 19, 1520) with the privilege of receiving 
the property left by bad women who died in 
Rome, except when these women had legitimate 
children or had left one-fifth of their property 
by will to the said Monastery. It ceased to 
exist as such about the end of the iSth century. 
(Moroni, Dizionario di erudizione, Vol. I, p. 
136.) There is therefore no reason for assuming, 
as Browning does, that these nuns had ministered 
to Pompilia during her dying hours, and had 
then turned against her for the sake of securing 
her property. (Cf. Notes 276, 351.) Lamparelli's 
argument, pamphlet 17, and the final decree, pam- 
phlet i8, are from this trial. Browning makes 
both the Pope and Bottini give versions of this 
(RB., X, 1499-1524; and XII, 672-701). This 
trial is mentioned (B., 109, 122, 137). 

365— RB., IV, 12-4: 

Now for the trial * * * to test 

The truth, weigh husband ai]d weigh wife alike 

r the scales of law. 

That is the trial of Guido and his companions 
on charge of murder (Note 8). This trial evi- 
dently began soon after the murder, as the open- 
ing speeches on both sides refer to the " current 
month of January" (B., 11, 50). Cf. RB., VIII, 
22. The last Summary, pamphlet 11, includes an 
affidavit (B., 127) dated February 9. The clos- 
ing argument of Bottini, pamphlet 13, makes ref- 
erence to this Summary. This argument and the 
closing argument for the defense, pamphlet 16, 
therefore fall between February q and the final 
date of decision, February 18. This gives foun- 
dation for Browning's saying the length of the 
trial was a month. Cf. RB., I, 241, 819; IX, 132; 
XII, 425. 

366— RB., I, 1 20: 

" Romano Homicidiorum." These words are 
found on the back of the Book, on the title-page, 
in the separate file label on the back cover of 
each of the pamphlets, and as titles for the argu- 
ments. The ellipsis is " causa," though in the 
pamphlet-titles it may be " inforraatio," the name 
used in the arguments in referring to former 
arguments. The Poet (RB., I, I2i) translates it 
as " Roman murder-case." 

367— RB., I, 165: 

Twas the so-styled Fisc began. 

Possibly Browning was led astray here by the 

English practice, the Common Law. In this case, 

which as a matter of course follows the Civil Law, 

the Roman practice is followed, and Arcangeli 



opens the case with the first pamphlet of the Book 
for the Defense. 

368— RB., I, 165: 

" The Fisc, the Public Prosecutor." The cases 
against criminals in the Papal courts of criminal 
procedure were conducted by the advocates and 
procurators of the Fiscus, or Treasury (the State 
in English Law). The Poet continually names 
Bottini by this clipped form of his title, Ad-vocatus 
Fisci. The full title is given in the heading to 
Book IX, Fisci et Reverends Camera A postoli- 
cce Ad'vocalus, and as such, with due abbrevia- 
tions, he signs his argument! (B., 67, 158, 166). 

369— RB., VIII, 246: 

Having the luck o' the last word, the reply ! 
The last word in fact seems to have been given 
by Spreti in pamphlet i6. 

370— RB., VIII, 275: 

There's my subordinate, young Spreti, 

Spreti as Advocatus was really the official 
equal of Arcangeli, who was Procurator. The 
following passage makes plain their respective 
functions: "There is a difference between the 
advocate and the procurator. The advocate is a 
man skilled in civil and canon law, who defends 
causes in writing or by word of mouth, on the 
point of law, setting before the judges that which 
is true in law, or best founded in law, or the 
principles of law which ought to be applied in a 
particular case. His is the scientific part of the 
cause, and he speaks only to the point of law. 
* * * Matters of fact are to be established by 
the procurators, and it is upon these established 
facts that the advocate develops his judicial con- 
clusions. Hence it is that the office of advocate 
in the Roman courts is sometimes exercised by 
ecclesiastics in laic orders." Humphrey, " Urbs et 
Orbis," p. 428. 

371— RB., VIII, 276: 

" He'll pant away at proof." Evidently sug- 
gested by Spreti's second and most important ar- 
gument, pamphlet 9, which present: an exhaustive 
discussion of the proof or fact in the case. 

372— RB., yill, 128: 

" Pro Guidone et Sociis." A phrase found in 
the various file-titles of the arguments for the 
Defense (B., xxiv; xl; cxxiv; cxl). 

373— RB., I, 1053: 

" Who, eight months earlier." That is dur- 
ing the Processus fugie, which had been begun 
the preceding May. 

374— RB., I, 177: 

the so-styled Patron of the Poor, 

RB., vni, 1528-9: 

Pauperum Procurator is my style: 

1 stand forth as the poor man's advocate: 

Browning's translation of the official title of 
Arcangeli, Procurator Pauperum, with which he 
always accompanies his signature. Cf. his full 
name and title at the beginning of Book VIII 
and his name VIII, 114, with his signatures to 
the arguments (B., xxii; xlvii ; cxxiii). 



324 



375— RB., I, II28: 

" Don Giacinto of the Arcangeli." This is the 
Italian form of Arcangeli's name, and as such 
he signs himself in the letter (B., 190). The 
Poet invents the eight-year-old " curly-pate " and 
names him for the father, who plays with almost 
exhaustless variation on the child's name — Cino, 
Cintino, Cinerello, while the Latin form of the 
name Hyacinthus is used (RB., VIII, i8oi). 

376— RB., I, 179: 

" Too poor to fee a better." Here again the 
Poet is thinicing of the procedure of English 
courts, where the judge appoints counsel for the 
Accused when the latter is " too poor to fee a 
better." But in trial by Civil Law procedure is 
somewhat different. The State (B., 114), by its 
officers, conducts not merely the Prosecution, but 
the Defense as well — it being the theory that it is 
as much the State's obligation to defend as to 
accuse those before its bar. Nevertheless Pelle- 
grini speaks of this matter as follows: "This 
privilege of defense demands that a defender be 
assigned to the accused, even against his will and 
when he claims to be quite capable of his own 
defense. For to a poor defendant an advocate 
should be deputed at the expense of the court ; and 
to a rich one, or a skilled one in the law, an advo- 
cate should be appointed, but at his own expense." 
{De Judicits Ecdesiastids, Lib. II, Vol. 4, p. 320). 

377— RB., I, 199: 

Thus did the two join issue — nay, the four, 
There was an advocate and procurator on each 
side of the case. The Defense in this case is 
almost equally shared by the two officers, but the 
Prosecution is largely in the hands of Bottini. 
Cf. RB., IV, 44-7. 

378— RB., I, 213: 

Beside, the precedents, the authorities! 
Very naturally in these arguments, the citation 
of law and precedent is very extensive, and this 
excites the Poet's ironic comment. 

379— RB., I, 222: 

Solon and his Athenians ? 

RB., VIII, 570-1 : 

The Athenian Code, Solon's, 

One of the earliest citations in the Book is (B., 
x) Icgibus Atheniensium, et Solonis. 

380— RB,, I, 226-8: 

Cornelia de Sicariit hurried to help 
Pompeia de Parritidiis; Julia de 
Somethingor-other jostled Lex this-and-that ; 

The lex Cornelia de Slcariis, the lex Pompeia 
de Parricidiis, and the lex Julia de Adulteriis are 
repeatedly cited in the Book. Cf. RB., VIII, 574. 

381— RB., VIII, 572-3: 

The Laws of the Twelve Tables, that fifteenth,— 
"Romulus" 

RB,, I, 222-3: 

Quote the code 
Of Romulus and Rome I 

These citations immediately follow the above 
(B., x) : " in illo rudi saeculo Romuli leg. I$." 
and " in legibus 12 Tabul." There seems to be a 
mispunctuation at the end of RB., VIII, 572. 



Both are cited frequently in 



382— RB., I, 224: 

" Baldo, Bartolo." 
the Book. 

383— RB., I, 229: 

"Apostle Paul." Paul is cited (B., 15 and 
113). The latter citation is quoted in full. (RB., 
VIII, 673-9). Cf. Note 483. 

384— RB., I, 231: 

That pregnant instance of Theodoric, 

Given at B., 23, 113. Cf. RB., VIII, 482-7. 

385— RB., I, 232-6: 

" That choice example ^lian gives." Given 
at B., 120. Cf. RB., VIII, 512-21. 

386— RB., VIII, 328: 

Our Farinacci, my Gamaliel erst, 

This famous Italian Jurist is repeatedly cited 
in the Book. It is evident that one of these 
citations (B., 28) was followed up by the Poet, 
as he quotes from Farinacci at this point in his 
description of the torture of the vigil. Cf. notes 
following and Note 526. 

387— RB., VIII, 333-4: 

Lasting, as it may do, from some seven hours 
To ten; 

Farinacci says: " delinetur per guinque aut per 
decern horas guandoque etiam paulo plus." 

388— RB., VIII, 338-43: 

"Out of each hundred cases, by Farinacci 

Ne"er""knew of patients beyond "'"•«"- hominihu. „ul 
(„„, hoc torrjientum pant 

sunt, non tredo quatuor 
aut quinque fuerint 
ma rtyres, reliqui vero 
(onfetsorei. 



four 
Withstand its taste, or less than 

ninety-six 
End by succumbing: only martyrs 

four, 



Ninety-six full confessors." 

389— RB., VIII, 346: 

Death on the spot is no rare consequence: 
Farinacci, " et plures ob id mortui fuerunt in 
ipso tormento." 

390-RB., VIII, 349-353: 

The accomplice called Ealdeschi: they were rough, 
Dosed him with torture as you drench a horse. 
******* 

So, two successive days he fainted dead. 
And only on the third essay, gave up, 

P., 213 : " Baldeschi made denial, even though 
the ' cord ' was administered to him twice, under 
which he swooned. Finally he confessed." 

391_RB., vm, 498-9: 

Scaliger, 
(The young sage,— see his book of Table-talk) 

The Poet did not find this in the Book, but in 
the explanation of the expression, castie apes in 
the Scaligerana of Joseph Just Scaliger : " Les 
abeilles sentent si un homme a couche avec sa 
femme, indubitablement le lendemain s'il ap- 
proche il est picque." 

392— RB., VIII, 502-3: 

I mind a passage much confirmative 
r the Idyllist 

There is no such quotation in the Book, nor is 
there any such passage in the Idyllists. The 



325 



Poet in his humorous presentation of Arcangeli 
makes him confuse his reference. 

393— RB., VIII, 666: 

" Honorem meum nemini dabo." This pseudo- 
saying of Christ is found (B., cli or 124). 
Browning evidently did not know of any source 
beyond the Book, as he makes the Pope question 
its authenticity (RB., X, 1986-7). Cf. also RB., 
V, 1704-5. 

394— RB., VIII, 680: 

Saint Ambrose makes a comment with much fruit, 
This citation, which the Poet in his waggish 
humor causes Arcangeli to forget, is given (B., 
113) : "For who does not consider an injury to 
the body or the loss of patrimony less than in- 
jury to the spirit or loss of reputation? " 

395— RB., VIII, 8x1-21 : 

" Sicily's Decisions sixty-first." This citation 
is given (B., xxviii or 24) : " Muta dec. Sicilia 
61 " — " the husband was condemned to the galleys 
for seven years. For he had his wife summoned 
outside the city walls by his son and there had 
killed her; and afterward her body was found to 
have been devoured by dogs." Cf. B., iii, for 
the name Leonardus. 

39G— RB., VIII, 824-30: 

The " fructuous sample " of the Dutch Jurist 
Matthaeus is given by Spreti as follows (B., m) : 
" It was decided that the husband had proceeded 
too treacherously in pretending absence, in taking 
his brother with him, and in killing with pro- 
hibited arms." 
397— RB., VIII, 1228-47: 

The case from Caesar PanimoUe, not Panicol- 
lus as Browning has it, is found (B., 24) : " Cer- 
tain noble young men who had killed their wives, 
after an interval because of strong suspicion of 
adultery, were absolved by the Royal Council of 
Naples in view of the quality of the persons con- 
cerned * * * although some * * * were con- 
demned to the oars because of certain mutilations 

* * * because those who do such things are con- 
sidered enemies of nature." 

398— RB., VIII, 1541-57: 

This citation is found (B., 29): "And Cas- 
trensis holds * * * that when one is permitted 
under the statute to take vengeance upon a per- 
son who has given him offense, he is also per- 
mitted to assemble his friends to afford him aid ; 

• • * a husband who had assembled men to beat 
one who had wished to shame the modesty of his 
wife • * * ordered his wife to pretend to give 
ear, and when the intriguer had come, murder 
was committed." 

399— RB., VIII, 425: 

" Honoris causa." This claim is made con- 
tinually in the Book and is practically the sole 
defense of Guido. Cf. RB., II, 29; VIII, 1477; 
and C, 223. 
400— RB., VIII, 699-722: 

This ironic line of argument from Arcangeli's 
lips is doubtless suggested by what the real 
Arcangeli has said without any such irony (B., 



13) : "In ancient times, while the lex Julia was 
in force, wives who polluted their marriage bed 
underwent the death penalty. » * * Likewise 
it was so ordained in the Holy Scriptures, for 
adulterous wives were stoned to death. * * * 
The solace drawn from public vengeance quieted 
the anger and destroyed the infamy. But now, 
in our days, there is a deplorable frequency of 
crime everywhere, as the rigor of the Sacred Law 
has become obsolete. * * * The husband's condi- 
tion would indeed be most unfortunate if either 
he must live perpetually in infamy or must expiate 
her destruction * * » by the death penalty." 

401— RB., VIII, 859: 

But why the innocent old couple slay, 

Just this turn is given to the argument from 
time to time (B., 17, 55, 98, 152, 181). 

402— RB., V, 2003: 

Absolve, then, me, law's mere executanti 
Possibly suggested by (B., 23): "Since for a 
husband to use the sword for the love of his 
honor is not to overthrow the laws, but to estab- 
lish them." 

403— RB., VIII, 983-95: 

We grant you should have killed youf wife. 
But killed 0' the moment, 

Bottini (B., 160) says: "I acknowledge that 
the Accused should be considered worthy of some 
excuse if he had slain his wife in the act of 
taking her in flight with the pretended lover. 
* * * The suspicion of a just grievance * * * 
excuses the husband * * * whenever he takes 
vengeance immediately." Cf. B., 119; RB., II, 
1488-1503; V, 1068-70, 1878. 

404— RB., VIII, 999-1003: 

For, wound * * * 
My body, and the smart soon mends and ends: 
While, wound my soul where honour sits and rules, 
Longer the sufferance, stronger grows the pain 
Being ex intontinenti, fresh as first. 

Exactly this point is made by Arcangeli (B., 
XV, § Ultra quod). Cf. RB., IV, 1528-42. 

405— RB., VIII, 1003: 

" Ex inconlinenti." Should be " incontinenti " 
as contrasted with the phrase ex intervallo. 
Both phrases are used continually in the Book. 

406— RB., VIII, 1043-53 : 

This very point of law is made by Arcangeli 
(B., XV, § Prater ea). 

407— RB., VIII, 1056-70: 

This point of law is taken with some inter- 
mingling of irony from B., 16. 

408— RB., I, 169: 

with five . . . what we call qualities of bad. 
These aggravating circumstances of the murder 
are much discussed by the lawyers, and the Poet 
has made them a feature of Arcangeli's mono- 
logue (RB., VIII, 1108-1381), where he follows 
the order and discussion of Gambi (B., 53-55). 
The word " quality " is a mere anglicizing of the 
frequently repeated " qualitas " of the Book. 



326 



409— RB., VIII, 1119-25: 

first aggravation * * * 
******* 
A regular assemblage of armed men, 
Coadunatio armalorum, * * * 
Unluckily it was the very judge 

B., 53 : " The first of these is the assembling 
of armed men; for according to decrees the 
Governor of this city," etc. Cf. B., 15, 26, 35, 
100, III, 155, 162. 

410— RB., VIII, 1126: 

" Four men armed." Cf. B., 53, " even if those 
assembled are but four." Cf. B., 162. 

411— RB., VIII, 1 130-8: 

This shrewd subterfuge is employed by the real 
Arcangeli (B., loi ) and is refuted by Bottini in 
turn (B., 155). 

412— RB., VIII, 1146-52: 

Suppose a man 
Having in view commission of a tfieft. 
Climbs the town-wall: 'tis for the theft he hangs, 

******* 
Law remits whipping, due to who clomb wall 

This is only a humorous adaptation of the point 
made by the real Arcangeli (B., loi) : "Thus if 
one wishing to commit theft climb over the walls 
of the city — even though he could commit that 
deed without the crime of crossing the wall — even 
then only a single penalty, namely that for theft, 
is inflicted as the one chiefly in mind." 

413— RB., VIII, 1157-64: 

Next aggravation, — that the arms themselves 
Were specially of such forbidden sort 
******* 
Dtlalio armorum, * * * 
Contra formam constitutionis , of 
Pope Alexander's blessed memory. 

B., 53 : " The second quality and circumstance 
is the carrying of arms contrary to the specifi- 
cation of the Constitution of Alexander VIII." 
This aggravating circumstance — the use of wan- 
tonly cruel arms — is also discussed (B., 31, 36, 
67, loi, 124, 156, 163). 

414— RB., VIII, H70: 

Such being the Genoese blade with hooked edge 

RB., II, 147-8: 

Triangular i' the blade, a Genoese, 

Armed with those little hook-teeth on the edge 

Evidently based on (P., 212) : " Franceschini's 
dagger was of a Genoese pattern, triangular, and 
with certain hooks made in such a way that, in 
wounding, they could not be drawn from the 
wound without such laceration as to render the 
wound incurable," Cf. B., 102, and the Pope's 
indignant denunciation of it, RB,, X, 743. 

415— RB,, VIII, 1176-7: 

Then, if killed, what matter how ? 
By stick or stone, by sword or dagger, 

Arcangeli says (B,, 102) : " It would have 
been the very same if they had been slain with 
the longest of swords, or with sticks, or with 
stones." 



416— RB,, VIII, 1190-2: 

Through lack of arms to fight the foe: 
We had no arms * * * 
An unimportant sword and blunderbuss. 
This point is made by Arcangeli (B,, 96), but 
there the blunderbuss {archibusiata) , according 
to Guido's statement, was in the hands of Capon- 
sacchi. Cf. B., 53. 

417— RB., VIII, 1250-6: 

Third aggravation *■ * * 
******* 
* ^ * murdered in their dwelling-place, 
In domo ac habitatione propria, 

This third aggravation, breaking in upon the 
sacred precincts of a home with murderous intent, 
is much discussed. Cf. B., 54, 66, 165. 

418— RB,, VIII, 1315, 1318, 1320: 

Fourth aggravation * * * 

******* 

Mutalione veitium * * * homitidium ex intidiii 

This aggravating circumstance is urged only 
at B., Ixvi or 54: "cum mutatione leslimen- 
torum, quo casu homicidium dicitur commissum 
ex insidiis." 

419— RB,, VIII, 1339-40: 

Fifth aggravation, * * * 
Sub poitsiate judicii, * * * 

The lawyers evidently considered this circum- 
stance as of great importance. Pompilia was 
still a prisoner, and therefore in the custody of 
the State, which was violated by the murder 
(B., 54, 98, III, "2, 157. 165). 
420— RB,, VIII, 1373-6: 

Cannot we lump this with the sixth and last 
Of the aggravations — that the Majesty 
O' the Sovereign bad received a wound? to-wit, 
Laeia Majestai, 

This is not treated by the lawyers as a sepa- 
rate aggravation but three of these attendant 
crimes — namely, the assembling of armed men, 
the murder of a prisoner, and murder in anger 
over a lawsuit, are all of them spoken of as 
Lasa Majestas, or criminal insult to the majesty 
of the law, or of the authority of the Prince. See 
especially B,, 164. Cf. also B., 54, 66, 135, 154, 165. 

421— RB., VIII, 1378: 

"In odium litis." To use violence because of 
anger over a lawsuit was in itself a capital crime, 
and Guido is charged with this motive in the death 
of Pietro, Cf. B., 27, 66, 100, 113, 133, 153, 164. 
422— RB., VIII, 1521-2: 

Reminds me I must put in a special word 
For the poor humble following. 

The plea for the fellow criminals is added to 
several of the arguments, and the third pamphlet 
is entirely devoted to their case. 

423— RB,, VIII, 1578-83: 

Of the other points that favour, leave some few 
For Spreti ; such as the delinquents* youth. 

* « 4: * * « « 
Two may plead exemption * * * 
Being foreigners, 

These points of law, though slightly touched 
upon by Arcangeli (B., 103), are fully discussed 
by Spreti in each of his three arguments (B., 31, 
U4, 187). 



327 



424— RB., VIII, 1580-1: 

One of Ihem falls short, by some months, of age 
Fit to be managed by the gallows; 

RB., X, 964: 

And none of thera exceeds the twentieth year. 

Minority is claimed for Domenico and Fran- 
cesco (B., 187), but this evidently means less 
than 25. Francesco's age is given (B., 187) as 
24. According to P., 213, the others were 22. 
Cf. RB., X, 2080-1. 

425— RB., IX, 1406: 

I leave my proper function of attack! 
Bottini answers somewhat tartly (at B., 135) 
this very complaint on the part of Spreti. 

426— RB., IX, 569: 

So would he bring a slur on Judith's self. 

Just such reference to Judith is made by Bot- 
tini (B., 6i) to which Arcangeli retorts (B., 91). 
Her example is again cited (B., 179). 

427— RB., I, 245-6: 

Till the court out all short with "Judged, your cause. 
Receive our sentence!" 

The formal sentence against Guido and his 
companions is given in the Book only at B., 193, 
but the letters (B., 190-1) speak of it. Cf. RB., 
I, 257: "I learn this from epistles," etc. C, 
223, gives an account of the way Guido received 
this sentence, quite out of keeping with the Poet's 
conception of the character. 

428— RB., I, 274: 

Procedure stopped and freer breath was drawn 
Evidently suggested by the words of the third 
letter (B., 191): "At this favorable decision, 
the defense took heart and Guido's good friends 
began to breathe again." 

429— RB., I, 285: 

Even the Emperor's Envoy had his say 

Evidently suggested by the second letter (B., 
191): "The Ambassador of the Emperor spoke 
of that point on Tuesday, as he himself told me 
day before yesterday." Cf. RB., XI, 2279. 

430— RB., I, 346: 

1 find, with his particular chirograph, 
Browning merely anglicizes the words of the 
first letter (B., ccxxxv) : " chirografo particolare." 
This of course is utterly unintelligible as English 
idiom. The words seem to refer to the special 
writ of condemnation, the order for the execution. 
Spelled cheirograph at RB., XII, 258. 

431— RB., X, 212: 

1 have worn through this sombre wintry day, 

RB., I, 1236: 

Droop of a sombre February day 
Referring to Friday, February 21, the eve of 
the execution of Guido. Cf. RB., X, 283-5. 

432— RB., I, 347-8: 

Friday night; 
And next day, February Twenty-Two, 

This was indeed Friday night, as can be gath- 
ered from the second letter (B., 191), where the 
date of sentence, February 18, is spoken of as 



being on Tuesday. (Cf. RB., XII, 245.) Arc- 
angeli's letter (B., 190), written the day of the 
execution, is dated February 22. 

433— RB., XII, 118-23: 

no sooner the decree 
Gone forth, * * * 
Than Acciaiuoli and Panciatich), 

♦ * * intimate the sentence 
P., 213: "They were assisted by Abate Pan- 
ciatichi and Cardinal Acciajoli." Nicolas Accia- 
joli was born at Florence on July 10, 1630, became 
cardinal November 29, 1669, and died February 
23, 1719. Bandino Panciatichi, also a Florentine, 
born June 10, 1629, became cardinal February 13, 
1690. For a time he was patriarch of Jerusa- 
lem, and at this time was prefect of the congre- 
gation of the counsel. They were aged and 
distinguished ecclesiasts, probably chosen in def- 
erence to Guido's rank. They certainly were not 
the type of men to " crouch * * * two awe-struck 
figures" (RB., I, 1290-2). C, 224, is likewise at 
odds with the passion imagined by Browning for 
his Guido at the hour of death. The Poet's ver- 
sion is in accord with the increase of the terrible 
in the villainy of Guido. Cf. RB., XI, 1-2. 

434— RB., XII, 124: 

Were closeted ere cock-crow with the Count. 
P., 213: "At the eighth hour (2 a. m.), 
Franceschini and his companions were informed 
of their death." Cf. RB., XI, 24. 

435— RB., XII, 129-30: 

And when the Company of Death arrived 

At twenty hours,— the way they reckon here, — 

P., 213: "At the twentieth hour (2 p. m.), 
the Company of Death and of Pity arrived at the 
Prisons." Cf. RB., I, 1309-19; XI, 24I4-5- 

436— RB., XI, 32: 

And why, then, should I die twelve hours hence ? 

The " twelve hours " was evidently drawn 
from the comparison of the times given in the 
two preceding notes. Cf. line 123. 

437— RB., XII, 128: 

Were crowned at last with a complete success. 

P., 213: "Nor did they delay in preparing 
themselves to die well." C., 224, gives a much 
fuller account of this. Cf. RB., XI, 433; XII, 
417. 

438— RB., XII, 132-4: 

The Count was led down, hoisted up on car. 
Last of the five, as heinousest, you know: 
Yet they allowed one whole car to each man. 

Cf. p., 213: "The condemned were made to 
go down stairs ?nd were placed upon separate 
carts to be drawn to the place of execution." 

439— RB., XII, 135-7: 

His intrepidity, nay, nonchalance. 

As up he stood and down he sat himself. 

Struck admiration into those who saw. 

p., 213 : " Franceschini, who showed more in- 
trepidity (uttrepidezza) and composure (sangue 
freddo) than the others, to the wonder of all." 
Cf. C, 224, where Guido's attitude is described 
quite differently. 



328 



440— RB., XII, 139-44: 

From the New Prisons by the Pilgrim's Street. 
The Street of the Governo, Pasquin's Street. 
******* 

The Place Navona. the Pantheon'l Place, 
Place of the Column, last the Corso's length. 

The Poet merely adopts the statement of the 
line of march as given (P., 213): " Partirono 
dalle Career! tenendo la Strada del Pellegrino, 
del Governo, di Pasquino, Piazza Navona, la 
Rotonda, Piazza Colonna, ed il Corso." Cf. RB., 
I, 1325. C, 224, gives an interesting amplifica- 
tion of this journey to the scaffold, quite different 
from that at RB., XII, 150-63. 
441— RB., I, 1328: 

Two gallows and Mannaia crowning all. 

P., 213: "A great platform with mannaia, 
and tvpo great gallows, which had been built for 
the execution of the criminals." A fuller account 
is given C, 224. Mannaia is also mentioned 
B., 124. Browning treats this subject with most 
graphic and passionate power in the words of 
Guido (RB., XI, 186-258). 

442— RB., I, 350: 

Not at the proper head-and-banging-place 

RB., XII, 106: 

Ttie substituting, too. the People's Square 
P., 213: "On February 22, was seen in the 
Piazza del Popolo." Cf. RB., X, 2108-11; XII, 
146, 3 1 1-2; and C, 224. 

443— RB., XII, 113-s: 

Patcbttti were erected in the Place 

And houses, at the edge of the Three Streets. 

Let their front windows at six dollars each: 

Cf. P., 213: "Many stands (palchetti) were 
constructed for the accommodation of those 
curious to see such a terrible execution, and so 
great was the concourse of people that some win- 
dows brought as much as six dollars." Cf. C, 224. 

444— RB., XII, 167: 

To mount the scaffold-steps, Guido was last 
P., 213: "The first who was executed * * • 
and the last, Franceschini." 

445_RB., XII, 173-91: P.. 213: 



As he harangued the multitude 

beneath. 
He begged forgiveness on the 

part of God, 
And fair construction of his 

act from men. 
Whose suffrage he entreated 

for his soul, 
Suggesting that we should 

forthwilh repeat 
A Pater and an Ave^ with the 

hymn 
Satve Regina C(bU, for his sake. 
Which said, he turned to the 

confessor, crossed 
And reconciled himself, with 

decency, 

* « * * « ll: * 

* * * then rose up. as brisk 
Knelt down again, bent head, 

adapted neck. 
And, with the name cf Jesus 

on his lips. 
Received the fatal blow. 

The headsman showed 
The head to the populace. 



Cf. C, 224. 



When the last -named had 

mounted the platform, 
he asked pardon for his sins, 



and begged them to pray for 

his soul, 
adding that they should say 

a Pater, an Ave, and 

Salve Retina for him. 
When he had made the con- 
fessor announce 
that he was reconciled. 



he adjusted his necfe upon 
mannaia 

and with the name of Jesus 
on his lips, 

he was beheaded. 

The head was then shown lo 
the people by the execu- 
tioner. 



446— RB., XII, 198-202: 

"He wore the dress he did the 
murder in, 

That is, ^ just-a-corps o\ rus- 
set serge. 

Black camisole, coarse cloak 

Of baracan 
4: * * « « * 

White hat, and cotton cap" 



B., 213: 

He wore the same garb as 

when he had committed the 

crime; 
that is, a giuttacore of brown 

serge, 
black tamicivola, coarse cloak 

of baracano, 

white hat and tap di cotone 



Cf. V, 1565; VI, 2001; VIII, 1315-7. 

447— RB., I, 361: 

" All Rome for witness." The second letter 
says (B., 190): "All Rome was there, as you 
may believe." P., 213, also speaks of the "great 
concourse of people." C, 225, says: "Rome 
has never seen an execution with a greater con- 
course of people." 

448— RB., I, 362-3: 

Remonstrant in its universal grief. 
Since Guido had the suffrage of all Rome. 

The second letter (B., 190) says: "He has 
been pitied by all gallant men." Cf. RB., XII, 
275-6. 

449— RB., XII, 272: 

Nor shall the shield of his great House lose shine 
B., 190: "And his House has lost nothing in 
the matter of reputation." 

450— 

The letter of Arcangeli given (RB., XII, 239- 
88) is merely a close, but humorous paraphrase of 
the letter of Arcangeli (B., ccxxxv). The original 
is placed side by side with Browning's version 

below. 



The real letter {B.» 
ccxxxv) : 

Tardi giuniero 

te giuttificationi inviatemi da 

V. S. lUma 
h pro delta b. m. (henedetta 

memoria) 
del $ig, Guido Franceschini, 

poiehe havendo determinato 

La Congregaxione di Mom, 
Governaiore 

(he detto Sig. Guido 

fosse Reo di morte 

non ostanii U Ragtoni deditte 

a luofavore 

a gran fatiga daila medeme 

ottenni guaJche dilatione per 

giuitificare 
il sua clericato da me allegata 



al quale effetto fit spedita staf- 

fetta 
in Areccxo ; 

ma giudicando eipediente 
La Santita di Nostro Signore 
il non differire 



The 
Poem: 



letter of the 



late, 



Late they arrived, too 

egregious Sir, 
Those same justificative points 

you urge 
Might benefit His Blessed 

Memory 
Count Guido Franceschini now 

with God: 
Since the Court, — to state 

things succinctly, — styled 
The Congregation of the Gov- 
ernor, 
Having resolved on Tuesday 

last our cause 
I' the guilty sense, with death 

for punishment, 
Spite of all pleas by me de- 

ducible 
In favour of said Blessed 

Memory. — 
I, with expenditure of pains 

enough. 
Obtained a respite, leave to 

claim and prove 
Exemption from the law's 

award, — alleged 
The power and privilegeo' the 

Clericate; 
To which effect a courier was 

despatched, 
But ere an answer from Arezzo 

came. 
The Holiness of our Lord the 

Pope (prepare!) 
Judging it inexpedient lo post- 
pone 



329 



Vetietutione dtUa sentenxa gia 

dittinata 
htbbe per bene con Chirografo 

particolare 
derogare ad ognt PrivUtgio 

Cltritale, (he gli fosse potuto 
tompelert, 



et alia minority rispetto d 

Franc, di Pastjuino 
uno de complici ; 

si che hoggi i stata eiseguUa 

la tentenxa contra tutii 

tinque, 
tolla sola distintione nel genere 

della morie, havtndo il Sig. 

Guido 
ttrminata la sua vita colla de- 

coUatione; 



Strviv^ iJ consolationt a suoi 

Parenti, et Amid 
Vesser ttato commiserato 



di tutti grhuomini d*honore, t 

da i buoni, 
ancorche, confestando la mia 

debolevxa non posso negare di 

tentirne un infinito Rammarito, 

attrihuendo si tutto at non 

haver* 
io taputo rappreientare U sue 

solide Ragioni. 



Compensi H Sig. Iddio questo 

funesto atcidente 
alia dt lui Caia, et al tutti i 

tuoi Amici 
ton copioio felicitd, 
€ desideroso dtlla continua- 

xiane di 
suoi comandi, mi raffermo per 

sempre 



The execution of such sentence 

passed. 
Saw fit, by his particular 

cheirograph, 
To derogate, dispense with 

privilege, 
And wink at any hurt accru- 
ing thence 
To Mother Church through 

damige of her son: 
Also, to overpass and set aside 
That other plea on score of 

tender age. 
Put forth by me to do Pasquini 

good, 
One of the four in trouble with 

our friend. 
So that all five, to-day, have 

suffered death 

With no distinction save in 
dying. — he. 

Decollate by mere due of privi- 
lege. 
The rest hanged decently and 

in order. Thus 
Came the Count to his end of 

gallant man. 
Defunct in faith and exem- 

plarity: 
Nor shall the shield of his 

great House lose shine 
Thereby, nor its blue banner 

blush to red. 
This, too, should yield sustain- 

ment to our hearts — 
He had commiseration and re- 
spect 
In his decease from universal 

Rome. 
Quantum est homtnum venusti- 

orum. 
The nice and cultivated 

everywhere: 
Though, in respect of me his 

advocate. 
Needs must I groan o'er my 

debility, 
Attribute the untoward ereni 

o' the strife 
To nothing but my own crass 

ignorance 
Which failed to set the valid 

reasons forth. 
Find fit excuse: such is the 

fate of war ! 
May God compensate us the 

direful blow 
By future blessings on his 

family. 

Whereof I lowly beg the next 

commands; 
Whereto, as humbly, I confirm 

myself ..." 



451— RB., XII, 363 : 

And want both Gomez and the marriage-case. 
Evident!)' suggested by the words in the third 
letter (B., 191): "I may serve your Excellency 
in the matrimonial case and in the other of 
Gomez." Cf. RB., XII, 657. 

452— RB., XII, 367-8: 

" Adverii supplico humillter quod." Taken 
from B., xii. 

453— RB., XII, 446-9: 

That barefoot Augustinian * * * 
* * * preached to purpose yesterday 

This sermon is purely fictitious so far as the 
Franceschini case is concerned, but the Poet may 



have used to some extent passages from medieval 
sermon literature which he had read. 

454— RB., XII, 715-6: 

I've a second chance 
Before the self-same court o' the Governor 

This final suit as to Pompilia's restoration to 
good name by decree of court was indeed before 
the same court of the Governor as the runaway 
and murder cases. Cf. B., 202, and Note 364. 

455— RB., XII, 708: 

Who but I institute procedure next 
Not Bottini, but Gambi instituted procedure 
against the good fame of the dead Pompilia (B., 
202). Cf. RB., I, 1 174. 

456— RB., XII, 752-67: 

The Instrument 
Is plain before me, print that ends my Book 
With the definitive verdict of the Court, 

This is the last pamphlet of the Book, entitled 
Instrumentum Sententiee Definitive (B., cclix), 
in which the court, presided over by Marcus 
Antonius Venturinus, locum tenens (B., 203) ab- 
solutely clears the reputation of Pompilia by a 
formal pronouncement of court. B., 204: " Proof 
is not established as regards the pretended 
adultery, and therefore the memory of the same 
Francesca should be and is entirely restored to 
her pristine reputation. 

457- RB., XII, 757-67: 

"tn restitution of the perfect 

fame 
Of dead Pompilia, quondam 

Guido's wife. 



And warrant to her represen- 
tative 

Domenico Tighetti, barred 
hereby. 

While doing duty in his guard- 
ianship. 

From all molesting, all dis- 
quietude. 

Each perturbation and vexa- 
tion brought 

Or threatened to be brought 
against the heir 

By the Most Venerable Con- 
vent called 

Saint Mary Magdalen of the 
Convertites 

r the Corso. 



B., ccllx or 202: 

Latae pro reinttgralione famae, 

existimaiionis quondam Fran- 
cisae PompiliiX, olim Vxoris 
quondam Guidonit Frances- 
chini de Aretio; 

necnon absolutoria ad favorem 

D. Dominici Tighetti uti htere- 

dis 
beneficiati eiusdem Francisco 

Pompilia 
ab omnibus inquietationibus, 

and molestationibus, 
vexationibus, & perturbation- 

ibut illatis, 
6f inferrl comminatis 

a Venerabili Monasterio 

S. Maria Magdalentz Conver- 

titarum 
ad Curtum 



458— RB., VIII, 130-5: 

This deliberation over phrases for expressing 
the idea has a minuter irony when studied in the 
light of the Book. His sneer at the first phrase 
as commonplace has additional point when we 
see it was the word of Gambi, one of Arcangeli's 
opponents (B., Ixi). The expression " taedas 
jugales celebrare" is found in Catullus, 64, 302. 
Connubio slabili sibi jttnxit is indeed " free from 
modern taint," as it is adapted from J£.r\e\d I, 
73. The nupserat sinistris avibus in which he 
finally rests is the opening phrase of the first 
argument of the real Arcangeli (B., ix). 

459— RB., VIII, 165-6: 

Ha, my Bottini, * * * 

How will he turn this and break TuUy's pate ? 

That is, what wretched Latin he will write. 
This sneer has the more point when we know 



330 



that the sentence sneered at is taken from one of 
Bottini's arguments (B., 142) ; hence his con- 
tempt in " Stupidly put." And the next Latin 
quotation gives his own words from his third 
argument (B., 87). 

460— 

The following notes illustrate in detail the 
Poet's use of the Latin of the Book in the mono- 
logue of Arcangeli. That Browning's modifica- 
tions may be seen at a glance, the two versions 
are placed in parallel columns; the Book in the 
left-hand column, The Ring and the Book (Book 
VIII) in the right-hand column. To facilitate 
the comparison, italics in the Latin of the Book 
will indicate words the Poet has omitted in his 
version, and italics in the Latin of the Poem will 
indicate words which are somewhat changed 
from the Book. 

461— 

B., Ixi, or 50: l!ne 

in uxorem duzit 130 duxit in uxorem 

462— B., Ixi or 50: 

fact! ideo series its 3e habet 140 ita se habet ideo series 

facti 

463— 

These are the actual opening words of Arc- 
angeli's first argument (B., ix or 10) : 

nupseral sinistris avibus 14Z nopserat, heu sinistris 

avibus 
Dominus Guido Franclichini, 144 Dominus Guido, nobili 

nobili genere ortus genereortus, 

Francitta Pompilis I4J Pompiliffi. 

464— 

These words of Bottini, at which Arcangeli 
sneers, are found (B., clxxii, 142) : 

existimanda tit guatitas torf 167 existimandum 

feltioni odjeeta, 
quod maritus designaverit ele- 168 quod Guido designaverit 

menta elemenla 

d. epistolae, qux 169 dictx epistoix, quae fuer- 

inr 
super inducto ab ea calamo, 170 superinducto ab ca ca- 

lamo 
fuerint atramento notata, 171 notata atramento 

quia ipsa scribere nesciebat. 172 quia ipsa scribere Des- 

ciebat 

465— 

The following is the reply of Arcangeli (B., 
civ or 87) to the above point made by Bottini: 

inanis est responsio, 175 inanis est rcsponsio 

quod singula clementa dittce 177 quod singula elementa 

printiZ cpisiol^ epistols 

fuerant prius designate per D. 179 fuerant per turn prius 

Guidonem. designata 

ct deinde superinducto per 181 et deinde superinducto 

earn calamo calamo 

cfTorroaia, ut ipsa asserit 18; per earn, efforroata, ut 

ipsa asserit 

466— 

This is found in one of the marginal annota- 
tions to Pompilia's cross-examination (B., Ixxxvi 
or 72) : 
eius vir lineabat epistolas 186 vir ejus lineabat epistolam 

467— B., Ixxi or 59: 

fatctur earn conscripsisse 
ut inquisito obtemperaret 



46S — B., ccxlviii or 195: 



Ita panter optime 
ostendit epistolam 



18S fatetur cam icripsitte 
190 ut viro obtemperaret, 
apices 
eo designante apices, ipsaque I9£ eo designante, ipsaque 

calamum calamum 

super inducente 193 super inducente 



194 Ita panter 
196 epistolam ostendit, me* 
diui fidiut 

non voluntarie, sed coacte 198 non voluntarie sed coacte 
scrlptam scriptam. 

469— 

The expression ignea arma for firearms is very 
common in the Book. The passage which seems 
closest to this fragment is found (B., Ixiv or 53) : 

Franciscbinus in lequendo 205 Guido Pompiliam 

uxorem 
armis igneis munitus 3^07 armi? munitus igneis per- 

sequent 

470— 

The following alternative term for firearms is 
used by Bottini (B., clxxxiii or 150) : 

arma suiphurea gestante 208 arma siitphurea f^iianf 

471— 

The expression for pistol at which Arcangeli 
sneers is used by Lamparellus (B., ccxlvi or 194) : 

igneo breviori sclopulo cam 2io armatus breviori sdopulo 
persequentis 

472 — B., cxiv or 96: 

ense viatorio solummodo 
instructus 

473— 

This point of law and 
Arcangeli (B., xi or 11) : 

ultra quod hie non agitur 

de probaiione Adulterii 

ad irrogandam poenam, 

sed ad etiectum 

excusandi 

Occisorem, 

et ad illius defensionem 

quo casu leviores probattoncs 

exhubcraient 



214 ense solummodo viatorio 

215 instructus 



quotation are made by 



442 ultra quod hie non agitur 

444 de probatione adulterii 

446 ad irrogandam pcenam 

448 sed ad et?ectum 

449 excusandi 

450 occisorem 

451 et ad illius def^nsionero 
4n QUO casu levior probatio 
454 exuheraret 



474 — B., cxxxvii or 113 : 

adeo ut qui honorem suum 522 adeo ut qui honorem 

spernit, spcrnit 

et nrn curat recuperare 524 et non recuperare curat 

se ulciscindo 526 se ulciscendo 

nil diffi-Tat a belluis * * * 527 nil differat a belluis 

Quinimo irratJonabilior 528 quinimo irrationabilior 

ipsiemet belluis 529 ipsismet belluis 

reputetur 551 reputetur. 

475— RB,. VIII, 587-681: 

Drawn almost entirely from the actual lan- 
guage of various parts of the Book. Even the 
English passages are usually close paraphrases 
of the Italian original behind them. The Poet 
frequently follows his text so closely as to use 
etymological equivalents wherever possible. 

476— 

The following quotation from St. Jerome, 
which the Poet j^ives partly in Latin and partly 
in English, is found (B., cl or 123) : 

ubi honor non est 587 ubi honor non est 

ibi contemptus est: ubi con- 588 ibi contemptus est; and 

temptuB, where contempt, 

ibi frequens iniuriEE: ubi ini- 589 ibi injuria frequens; and 

utia, where that. 



ibi et indignatio: 

ubi indignatio, ibi quies 



590 



* * * 



ibi et indignatio; 



nulla: ubi quies non est. 



591 And where the indigna- 
tion, ibi quies 

592 Nulla: and where there 
is no quietude 

ibi 591 ibi 

mens a proposilo s«Epe deiicitur 595 mens a proposito saepe 

dejicitur 



331 



477— 

The following quotation and citation 
Gregory is drawn from B., cxxxvii or 113: 



from 



quum ditScilius sit 
iiam cohibere 
quam miracula facere 
So Gregory smiles in his 
First Dialogue. 



cum difficilius sit S97 

iram cohibere, 5Q8 

quam miracula facere; S99 

ut inquit D. Gregor. dial. I. 600 

478— 

The following magniloquent passage from the 
first Anonymous Writer is ridiculed by his oppo- 
nent later on. Browning merely translates it and 
fits it to blank verse (B., cli or 124) : 

* the ingenuous 
the man 



e in vero un'animo ingenuo, e 601 

Che 
fa stima del suo honore, e dclla 602 

sua ripulazione, 
ogni qual volta resta offeso 6oj 

fllrocamente in parte cotanto 

sensibile, e cotanto delicata, 

ogni qual volia 
giungc al lermine de furore, e 604 

della disperazione, 
perduto ogni lume di ragione. 60$ 

come delirante, c freneiico, 606 

non puole appagarsi, 607 

ne meno se giugnesse a acon- 

volgcre, 
quando li fosse possibile, 608 

i Cardini del! 'Universo 609 

per annichilare 610 

non solamente gli Autori, 611 

m» ancora il luogo, e la 612 

memoria 
de suoi scorni, e de suoi 611 

vituperi, quia 

* 

zelus, et furor viri 617 

non parcet 618 

in die vindicta:, 619 

nee acquiesce! 620 
cuiusquam precibus, nec sus- 621 

cipiet 

pro redemptione 622 

dona pluriuro. 6ii 



soul, 
Who makes esteem of 

honour and repute. 
Whenever honour and 

repute are touched, 



Arrives at terra of fury 

and despair. 
Loses all guidance from 

the reason-check: 
As in delirium or a 

frenzy-fit. 
Nor fury nor despair he 

satiates, — no, 

Not even if he attain the 
impossible. 

O'erturn the hinges of 
the universe 

To annihilate — not whoso 
caused the smart 

Solely, the author simply 
of his pain, 

But the place, the mem- 
ory, vituperiit 

O' the shame and scorn: 
quia. * * * 

zelua et furor viri 

non parcet 

in die vindiclcE 

nec acquiescet 

tujuidam prccibua,— nec 

suscipiet. 
pro redemptione 
dona plurium. 



479— 

Notice the literality of the production of the 
citation of Solomon included in the midst of the 
preceding passage (B., cli or 124) : 
come parla in questo proposito 613 says Solomon, 



(The Holy Spirit speak- 
ing by his mouth 

In Proverbs, the sixth 
chapter near the end)'* 



Spirito santo per bocca di Salo- 614 

mone 
nci Proverb! at 6. in fine 615 

Cf. RB., I, 229. 

480— 

The quotation from the letters of St. Bernard 
follows the above in the text of the Anonymous 
Pamphlet (B., cli or 124) : 



al chc molte bene conferisce 

quello, che dottamente 
Bcrive San Bernardo in Epistol. 

ad Robert. Nepot. suum in 

princip. 
Dolor quippe nimius non de- 

liberat, 
non verecundatur, 
non consulit ralionem, 
non mctuit dignitatis 
damnum, Ugi non obtemperat, 

iuditionon aeguiestit, modutn 

ignoiat, et ordinem 



626 
627 



629 

632 
6n 

6u 
6l5 
6}6 



Whereto, as strangely 

consentaneous here. 
Adduce Saint Bernard in 

Epistle writ 
To Robertulus, his 

nephew: * * • 
Dolor quippe nimius non 

deliberat, 
non verecundatur, 
non consulit rationem, 
Don dignitatis metuit 
damnum 

modum et ordinem 
ignorat 



481— 

The account of Samson follows the above pas- 
sages immediately (B., cli or 124) in the Anony- 
mous Pamphlet. The second Italian Pamphleteer 
sneers at this passage near the close of his own 
Pamphlet (p. 183). 



Sansonc * * * 640 

soffri con animo intreptdo la 644 

privazione 
degli occhi, e altre dolenti 64s 

sciagure, 

646 

mi quando si vidde destinato 647 

h servire 
di trastullo ne i luoghi publici, 
c che in quelli udiva le de- 648 

risioni,e le belle del Popolo, 
s'accese lo sdegno ncl suo 64Q 

petto, con impeto tale, 
che tuito smanie, tutto furie 650 

moriatur. disse, 651 

anima mea cum Philistiin, 652 

e data una scoffa alle Colonne, 653 
che sosienevano il Palazzo, 
lo ridusse in ruina, 

muliosque plures interfccit 654 

moriens, 655 

quam viveos 6$6 

occiderai. 657 



Samson * * * 
Blinded he was, * * * 

Intrepidly he took im- 
prisonment. 

Gyves, stripes and daily 
labour at the mill: 

But when he found him- 
self, i' the public place. 

Destined to make the 

common people sport. 
Disdain burned up with 

such an impetus 
I' the breast of him that, 

all the man one lire, 
Moriatur, roared he * * * 
Anima mea, with the 

Philistines! 
So, pulled down pillar. 

roof, and death and all, 

Multosque plures inter- 
fecit, ay 
moriens 
quam vivus 
occiderai. 



482— RB., VIII, 660-73 : 

This pseudo-saying of Christ (cf. Note 393) 
and the inclosing text and comment are taken 
directly from the second Anonymous Pamphlet 
(B., cli or 124). 



c Christo medesimo, ancorche 


660 


Our Lord Himself, made 


fosse mansuelissimo, 




alt of mansuetude, 


e havesse somma sofferenza 


661 


Sealing the sum of suffer- 


nel ricevere 




ance up, received 


gli obbrobrii, e gli strapazzi 


662 


Opprobrium, coniumely 
and buffeting 


senzamailamentarsi, nientedi- 


66j 


Without complaint: but 


meno quando si senti 




when He found Himself 


loccato neir hoaore, rispose 


664 


Touched in His honour 
never so little for once. 




* 


***** 


Honoretn meum nemini dabo; 


666 


Honorem meum nemini 
dabo! 




* 


***** 


e e certo, 


668 


And certainly the ex- 
ample so hath wrought. 


chc chiunque 


669 


That whosoever, at the 
proper worth. 


apprezza la reputazione, e 


670 


Apprises worldly honour 


r honore. 




and repute. 


stima molto meno il morire 


671 


Esteems it nobler to die 


huomo honorato 




honored man 


sotto una mannaia. che vivere 


672 


Beneath Mannaia, than 


per molti secoti 




live centuries 


in faccia al mondo con ver- 


67J 


Disgraced in the eye o' 


gogna, c dishonore 




the world. 



483— 

The following quotation from the Epistle to the 
Corinthians and the citation from St. Ambrose are 
given in Spreti's argument {B., cxxxvii or 113) : 



expedit mihi magis mori 
quam ut gloriam meam quis 

evacuet 
Apostol. epist. !. ad Corinth. 

cap. 9- 
Et D. Ambros. lib. 3. etc. 



676 
678 



679 



Expedit mihi magis mori 
quam ut gloriam meam 

quis evacuet 
See, ad Corinthienses: 

whereupon 
Saint Ambrose makes a 

comment, etc. 



Browning waggishly makes Arcangeli forget 
this citation (lines 681-3). 



332 



484 — B., xxxi or 26: 

quod si maritus dc adulteiio 

uxorts non conqueratuf 
prxsumitur Leno, 

485 — B., xxxii or 26: 

cum ludicialiter 

proscqueretur 

illiut Causam 

ipsi accidit, 

quod moverit risum, et cachin- 

nos 
fere in omnibu9 
etiam sensatis, ct cordatis 

viris; 
non tamen dicam 
In ipsismet ludicibus. 

486 — B., cxxxiii or no: 

Asserunt enim unanimitcr 

fraditti DD.. 

quod mariti 

reputantur viles, el cornuti 

si propTiis manibus 

non sumunt 

vindictam, sed 

expectant illam fieri 

per ludices, qui summopere 

ridcnt, 
CI cachinantur 

487 — B., cxxxiii or no: 

deliquit eniro, 

ut vulgi, et Doctorum Ccn- 

suiam 
eviiaret, 
ct sic ne ammisso honori istam 

quoque 
Ignominiam superaddetet 

488 — B., cxxxiv or in : 

malus modus earn Decidendi 

489 — B., cxxxiv or in: 

nimis dolose 
opcratum fuisse 

490 — B., xix or 18: 

qui, ut traudarent 

legitime vocatos 

ad Fideicommissum 

partum vilitiimum supposuer- 

unt 
inunemorea Rcos factos esse 

ultimi supplicii 



756 


quod si maritus de adul- 




terio non 


757 


conquereretuT 


7$8 


presumitur leno 


764 


quum judicialitcr 


765 


proscqueretur 


766 


Guidonis causam 


767 


accidit ipsi 


768 


quod risum moverit et 




cachinnos 


770 


fere in omnibus 


771 


etiam sensatis et corda- 



tis, men 
77J ipsismet in judicibus 
774 non tamen dicam 



783 Asserunt eniraunanimiter 

784 doctores 
78$ quod mariti 

786 viles, cornuti reputantur 

788 si propriis manibus 

789 non sumunt 

790 vindictam, but * * * 

791 expectant illam fieri 

792 per judiccs, qui summo- 

pere rident 

794 et cachinnantur. 



79$ deliquit enim 
797 ut vulgi et doctorum 
evitaret 
censuram 
et sic ne istam quoque 

ignominiam 
amisso honori superad- 
deret 



798 
800 



801 



822 malus modus Decidendi 



831 nimis dolose 
83Z fuisse operatum 



87$ qui ut fraudarent 

876 legitime vocatos 

877 ad fidei commissum 

878 partum supposuerunt 

879 immemores reos factos 

esse 

881 ultimi supplicii 



491— 

The following point as to the excuse of honoris 
causa is given by Arcangeli (B., xxii or 19) and 
illustrated by the " nice decision of Dolabella " 
(Cf. RB., I, 230): 



non semel 

in contingeniia facti 

evaserunt Impunes 

qui 

iusto dolore moti 

apposuerunt manus etiam 

in innocentes; 

Mulier enim quaedam Smirnca 

Virum, et FiUum ex eo con- 

ceptum 
intcrfeccrat, ex quo 
Vir pcrdiderat filium auum 

prirai matrimonii, 

accusata deinde 

apud Dolabcllam ProcontuUm, 

neque duabus cxdibus 

conlaminatam liberate. 

neque iusto dolore impulsam 

condemnare voluit, 



906 non semel 

907 in contingeniia facii 

908 impunes evaserunt 

909 qui 

910 justo dolore moti 

91 1 apposuerunt manus 

912 in innocentes. 

914 Mulier Smirnea quidam 

gi6 virum et filium ex eo 
conceptum 

918 interfecerat, ex quo 

919 vir filium suum pcrdi- 

derat 

921 matrimonii primi 

922 deinde accusata 
92{ apud Dolabellam 

924 ntc duabus cxdibus 

925 conlaminatam libcrare 
927 voluit. 

9Z8 net condemnare 

929 justo dolore impulsam 



sed remisit 


9JO 


sed remisit 


3d Arcopagum 


9JI 


ad Arcopagum 


Sapientissimorum ludicutn 


9J2 


sapientissimorum judi< 
cum 


CjEtum. 


9^? 


coEtum 


ubi, cognito de Causa* 


955 


ubi, cognito dc causa 


responsum fuit. 


936 


responsum tst 


ut ipsa, et Accusator 


937 


ut ipsa et accusator 


post centum Annos 


9j8 


redirent 


redirent, 


939 


post centum annos 


et sic 


940 


et sic 


duplici Farricido Rea, 


941 


duplici parricido rea 


quamvis etiam Innocentem 


943 


quamvis etiam innocen- 
tem 


occidisset. 


945 


occidisset 


undequaque 


946 


undequaque 


cvasit Impunig, ut rcfert 


947 


evasit impunis. Sec the 
case at length 


Valer. Max. Dictor. factor. 


948 


in Valerius, fittingly 
styled Maximus. 



492— 

The next citation from Cyriacus is made by 
Arcangeli at the close of his first argument (B., 
xxii or 20) : 

Similiter uxor que man- 
daverat 
homicidium vir! 

ex denegatione debit! 

matrimonialis 

fuit pccuniaria mulcta 

punita, et ad poenam 

temporalem 

in monasterio. 

493— 

The following distinction as to the right of 
father and husband to kill a shameless daughter 
or wife is made by Bottini (B., cxcvii or i6o) : 



Similiter Uxor, quae mandaverat 


951 


Homicidium Viri ob iustum 


951 


dolor em 




ex denegatione debiti 


954 


matrimonialis 


956 


fuit paecuniaria mulcta 


9S7 


punita, et ad temporalem 


959 


permanentiam 


960 


in Monasterio 


961 



quia semper 
pra^sumitur, 
quod capiat 
bonum consilium pro filio 

ex instinctu 
Paterni amoris, 
quam confidentiam 
non habet 
de Viro 



1017 quia semper 

1018 presumitur 

1019 quod capiat t^^'f 

1020 bonum consilium 

filio 

1022 ex instinctu 

1023 amoris paterni 

1024 quam confidentiam 
102; non habet 

1026 de viro 



494— 

The following sneer of Arcangeli at his oppo- 
nent is based on the same phrase with other 
verbal forms found at B., cxxxvi or 113, and 
ccxxix or 186: 

sit in plenitudine intellectus 



495 — B., xxxii or 26: 

quod contigisse in prxsenti 

casu 
manibus palpatum est 



1040 in plenitudine intellec- 
tus cs ? 



1141 quod contigisse in prx- 

senti casu 

1142 manibus palpatum est 



496— 

The following passage is found in variant 
forms in several passages (Note 413), but the 
present quotation is reproduced exactly from B., 
Ixv or 53 : 

delatio armorum I162 delatio armorum 

contra formam Constitutionia 1163 contra formam consiitu- 

tionis, of 
Alexandri VIII. I164 Pope Alexander's bless- 

ed memory. 

497— 

This rather pompous apology is made twice (B., 

xliii or 3+; cii or 85). 

sed parcat mihi tarn eximius I17i 9<d parcat mihi lam 
Doctor eximius vir 



333 



498— 

This claim of Guido that he did not order the 
assassins to kill the Comparini, but merely to mu- 
tilate them {cf. Note 526), was made on his first 
examination, but seems to have been abandoned 
by him when he was subjected to the torture of 
the vigil. The words ut Doctorum utar 'verbis 
are transferred from their place in the midst of 
the following passage to line 1576 of this mono- 
logue (B., XXXV or 28. Cf. B., 20) : 



izzi solummodo faasus est 
I2ZZ dedisse mandatum 



IZZ] ad sfrisiandum. dicam, 
12ZS uxorern tantum 



solummodo fassua fuii 
dedisse mandatum. ut Doc- 
torum utar 
verbis, ad sfrisiandum dictam 
luam Uxorern tantum 

499 — B., xxix or 24.: 

ex causa abscissionis genital- 1240 ex causa abscissionis 

ium de facto tecutct partium; 

quia nempe id facientcs repu- 1241 qui nempe id facienlea 

tantur reputantur 

inimici naturE 1242 naturs inimic) 

The change of quia to qui Is probably an acci- 
dental error rather than a conscious modification. 

500 — B., xviii or 17: 

obiectum funditus corruit 



1248 objecium funditus cor- 
ruit 



501 — B., Ixvi or 54: 

in dome, ac babiiatione pro- i2$6 in dome ac habitatione 
pria propria 

Cf. Note 417. 

502— 

The following claim as to Guide's right to 
secure his wife's departure from the monastery 
for the purpose of killing her is made by the real 
Arcangeli (B., xviii or 16. Cf. Note 291) : 

128] nam quicquid sit 

1284 an de consensu nottro 

1285 a monasterio 
izS6 educta esset 

1287 Potuimus id dissimulare 

iz8q ut aditum habere 

I291 potuiitemut 

IZ92 ad earn occidendam 



nam quicquid sit 

an de consensu ipsius Domini 

Guidonis 
educta esset 
a Monasterio, dt quo nullum 

verbum hahemut in Protessu. 
potuit id dissimulare, 
ut aditum habere 
potuliset 
ad earn occidendam 

503 — The following passage contains the only 
unmistakable error of Browning in the transfer 
of the book-Latin to his Poem. " via " for *' ira '* 
is doubtless a mistake in reading his own writ- 
ten notes (B., xxxiv or 28) : 

in quibus Rex Regum, et dom- 1296 in quibus assistit Regum 

inus Rex 

dominaniium assistit per es- 1297 per essentiam 

sentiam, 

et nihilominus delinquens in 1298 et nihitominus in ets 

eis 

ex iusta Ira, et dolore 1299 ex justa via delinquens 

excusatur 1301 ezcusatur 

504 — B., Ixvi or 54: 

mutatione vcslimentorum, 
quo casu Homicidium dicitur 
commiitum ex Insidiis. 

505 — B., xxxii or 26: 

ut commodius, et tutiu9 de ilia 1325 de ilia ut vindictam 

sumeret 

vindictam sumeret 1327 commodius * * * et 

tutius 



I]l8 mutatione vestium 
1320 homicidium ex insidiis 



506— B., Ixvi or 54: 

Francisca erat 

sub potentate ludicis 



I3J9 our wife reposed 
1340 sub potestate judicis 



507— B., Ixxviii or 66: 

accedit ad i{8o accedit ad 

exasperandam pcenam Ij8l exasperationem criminit 

508 — B., cxxxix or 114: 

et cum agatur de pauperibus, isji et cum agatur de pau- 

peribus 

carccratis, 1552 carceratis 

in eorum causis I5JJ in eorum causis 

pietas 1$I4 pietas 

iriumphare debet, quia ipsi 15^5 triumphare debet, quia 

sunt ipsi sunt 

thesaurus Christi 1517 thesaurus Chrisli 

509 — B., xxxvii or 29 : 

ista sua opinio est 
multum Cordi tenenda 

510— B., xli or 33: 

non dicuntur 
Mandatarii, 
sed Auxiliatores 

511 — B., xliv or 34: 

adeo honoris causa est efiicax, 

ut 
non solum 
sc difTundat 

in Mandalarios simplices, 
sed etiam in Mandataries 

qualificatos 
Assassinii qualitate 



1S$8 opinio 

1559 multum tenenda cordi 



1562 non dicuntur 
j$6{ mandatorii 
1564 sed auxiliatores 



1566 adeo honoris causa est 

etHcax 

1567 non solum 

1568 sc ditTundat 

1570 in mandatories simplices 
1572 sed eiiam assassinii 

qualitate 
I57J qualificatos 



512 — B., clxxxii or 150: 

quo nihil absurdius i6n Quo nihil absurdius 

excogitari potest i6{4 excogitari potest 

513— 

The long peroration, over which the Arcangeli 
of the Poem is laboring (RB., VIII, 1637-1736), 
is taken bodily from B., cxxii or 103, where it is 
the peroration of the last and most important of 
the arguments of the real Arcangeli. 



Caeterum 

enixe supplico, 

ut illustrissimo Domino meo 

benigna fronte. 

at screnis oculis 

perpendere placeat, 

quod Dominus Guido 

occidit, 

ut eius Honor tumulatus 

in infamia 

resurgerct. 

Occidit Uxorern, 

quia illi fuit 

opprobrio, 

et iVius Genitores 



1635 caeterum 

l6}7 enixe supplico 

l6j9 ut daminis meis 

1640 benigna fronte 

1641 et oculis serenis 

1642 perpendere placeat 
164J quod dominus Guido 

1644 occidit 

1645 ut ejus honor tumulatus 

1647 in infamia 

1648 resurgcret 

1649 Occidit uxorern 
i6;o quia illi fuit 

1651 opprobrio 

1652 et genitores 



qui postpositaomnl Tcrecundia 1653 qui postposita rerecun- 

dia 

filiam repudiarunt, i6;$ tiliam repudiarunt 

et dcclarare non i6$6 atque deciarare non 

erubuerunt 1657 erubuerunt 

esse Meretricis 1658 meretricis genitam 

genitara, 1659 esse 

ut ipse dehonestaretur 1660 ut ipse dehonestareiur 

cuius mentem l66z cujus mentem 

perverterunl. 1665 perverterunt 

et ad illicitos Amores non 1664 et ad illicitos amores 

non 

pellexerunt dumtaxat 166$ dumtaxat pcllexerunt 

sed vi obedientise 1667 sed vi obedientis 

filialis 1668 filialis 

cogerunt 1669 toegerunt 

Occidit. 1670 Occidit 

ne scilicet amplius in dedecore 1671 ne scilicet amplius in 

dedecore 

viverct 167? viveret 

Consanguineis invisus, 1674 invisus consanguineis 

a Nobilibus 167$ a nobilibus 

notatus, 1676 Dotalus 

relicius ab Amicis, 1677 relictus ab amicia 

ab omnibus derisus. 1678 ab omnibus derisus 

Occidit 1680 occidit 



334 



in urbc 

nempe, qux alias fuit spcctata 

Nobilem Matronam 
abluere maculas Pudicitix 



i68i in Urbe 

i68z nempe qua; alias spec- 

tata est 
16S4 malronam nobilem 
1685 abluere pudicitis macu- 
las 
proprio saneuine, 1687 sanguine proprio 

guai ipsa invito, et reluttante filiut Regis impegit, mortt propria 
alleriut eiilpam. et violentiam expiando V^aler. Maxim., }ih> 6, 
tap. I, num. I. Tit. Liv., lib. i, Histor. 

Et quae vidll 1688 qu£ vidit 

Patrem undequaque t68Q patrem undequaque 

impunem, i6qo impunem 

et non illaudatum 1691 et non illaudatum 

8e poUuentem Parricidio 169Z sed polluentem parri- 

cidio 

filix, 1693 61i£ 

nc raperetur ad stupra 1695 ne raperetur ad stupra 
Valer. Maxim., ubi supra, 
num. 2. Tit. Liv. lib. 3. 
Histor. 

tanti illi cordi fuit i6q6 tanti illi cordi fuit 

amittcndi Honoris 1697 suspicio 

suspicio, 1698 honoris amittcndi 

ut potius voluerit orbari 1699 ut potius voiuerit filia 

6Iia, 1700 orbari 

quam ilia inccdcret 1701 quam ilia incederet 

inhonesta, 1702 inhoneela 

licet non sponte. I70j licet non sponle 

Occidit 1704 Occidit 

in propria Domo, 1705 In propria domo 

ut Adultera, eiusque Parentes 1706 ut adultera et parcntes 

conscii agnoscercnt 1707 conscij agnoscercnl 

nullum locum, nullumquc 1708 nullum locum, nullum- 

que esse 

asylum 1709 asylum 

esse rufitm, et impenetrabilem 1710 impenetrabilem 

Honori ItESO, 1711 honori laeso 

neve ibi 1712, neve ibi opprobria 

coniinuarentur opprobria, 1711 continuarentur 

et Domus quz lurpium Testis 1716 et domus quae testis 

fuit. fuit turpium 

esset et poenx. 1719 esset et poens 

Occidit, 1719 Occidit 

quia alio modo 1720 quia alio mode 

non potcrat eius aexistimatio 1721 non poierat ejus ex- 

istimatio 

Iisa tarn cnormitcr I72J Iisa tam enormiter 

ducere cicatrices. 17^4 ducere cicatrices 

Occidit ut cxemplum prxbcret 1725 Occidit ut excmplum 

pr^berct 

Uxoribus 172$ uxoribus 

Sacra lura Coniugii religiose 172$ jura conjugii 

esse servanda. 1728 esse servanda 

Occidit denique, 1729 Occidi deniquc 

ut pro posse honestus viverct, i7{o ut pro posse honestus 

vivcrct 

sin minus I7)2 sin minus 

proprii Honoris I7n proprii honoris 

oflensi I7H oficnsi 

commiseranda victima cadcrct. 1735 commiseranda victima 

caderet 

514— 

The remaining Latin of Book VIII is adapted 
with free modification as follows: 

in txdas iugalcs tni'it, subiit, from Catullus 64. 302: txdas 

jugalcs cclebrare 
IH connubio stabili sibi junxit. Vcr., A. I, 7J. 
8y8-9oo Crudum Priamum, Priamique pisinnos. 

Found as a scholium to Persius I, 4. The scho- 
lium reads as follows: Labeo transtulit Itiadem 
I'crbum ex 'verbo ridicule satis. Eiusque est ille 
versus: crudnm manduces Priamum, Priamique 
pisinnos. (Iliad IV, 3.) That is: "Labeo trans- 
lated the Iliad and Odyssey literally, but ridicu- 
lously enough. This verse is his, ' you may chew 
up Priam and his kids too.' " Possibly this scho- 
lium fell under the Poet's attention when he 
turned to his Persius to verify the quotation from 
Persius, Fourth Satire, lines 50-1, which are 
found at B., 170. 



Ii8i Furor ministrat arma. Ver., A. I, 150, quoted also B., 124. 
ll8i-4 Unde mi lapidem, unde sagittas. Hor. Sat. 11, VII, 116. 
I200 plus non viliat. A medieval philosophic term 
1248 objectum tunditus corruit. A medieval term in logic 
1519 baud passibus aequis. Probably suggested by Ver.,A.I, 

724, non passibus zquis 
1805-7 ne sit marita quae rotundioribus onusta mammis — baccis 
ambulet. Hor. Epodes 8, 111. 

515— 

The book-Latin of Bottini's monologue is far 
more scant than that of the preceding one, but 
classical quotations are very common. As this 
latter feature is of rare occurrence in Browning's 
works, it must have been employed with dramatic 
significance here, to bring out the Fisc's pride in 
his Latinity. 

B., ix or 10: RB., IX: 

cohiblta fuit 
liberiorem vitam ducere 

516 — B., clxxvii or 146: 

quod dato Ucito fine 
damnanda non sunt media 



249 cohibita fuit 

250 vitam liberiorem ducere 



52; quia dato licito fine 
524 ad ilium asscquendum 
ordinata 

ad ilium assequendum otdinata 525 non sunt damnanda me- 
dia 

Cf. RB., VIII, 1180, 1322, 1482. 
517 — B., cii or 85: 

nimis incongrue 



518 — B., clxxxii or 150: 

ego teneo contrariam senten- 
tiam 

519— B., clxvii or 138: 



982 nimis incongrue 



981 senientiam ego lenco con- 
trariam 



subsistit 


mi 


subsistit 


responsio tradita 


ISU 


responsio tradita 


quod non sit attendendus Titu- 


ISU 


quod non sit attcnden- 


Iu9 




dus Titulus 


sed probatio 


ISJ5 


sed probatio 


ex Proccssu lesultans 


I5?6 


rcsultans ex proccssu 


el poena per sententiam im- 


I5J8 


el pcena per sententiam 


posiia 




imposita 



520— 

The following passages are quoted or adapted 
by the Fisc from classic sources: 

145-7 'cne tormentum ingenio admoves, picrumque duro. Hor., 

Odes, III, 21, I]. 
240-1 Discedunt nunc amores, maneat amor. Unidentified. 
284-6 novorum nascitur ordo. Ver., Eel. IV, 5. 
J40 constans in levitate. Ovid, Trist. V, 8, i8. 
347-8 Crcdc non ilium tibi de sceiesta plcbe delecium. Hor., 

Ode 11,4. 17. 
?68 heu prisca fides. Ver., A. VI, 878. 
405 inianit homo (aut versus facii). Hor., Sat. II. 7, 117. 
465 negatas artifex sequi voces. Persius, Prol. ll. 

681 sororia saltern oscula. Ovid, Met. 4. 334; 9, 537- 

747-8 ut vidii, ut peril. Vcr., Eel. VIII, 41. 
1000 qui baud cunctando rem restituit. Ennius, quoted by 

Cicero, de Senec. IV, io. "baud" is inserted by the 

Poet. 
1018 Quid vetat. Hor., S. I, 10, $6. 
1227 rcdeunt Saturnia regna. Ver., Eel. IV. 6. 
1242 infclix lolium, carduus horridus. Vcr., Eel. V, 37-9. 
1299 forsan et h?ec olim. Ver., A. I. 2oj. 
I }2; Alius est quern nuptix demonsirant. Unidentified. 
Hll~S Cujum pecus? An MclibcEi ? Non sed vEgonis! Vcr., 

Eel. m, 1-2. 
1562-6 Cur ego despcrem fieri sine conjuge mater, et parcre 

intacto dummodo casta viro? Ovid, Fasti V, 241-2. 

1376-7, 80-1 Incipe. parve puer, risu cognoscerc patrem. 

Ncc anceps hxrc, pater, puero cognosccndo, 

Ver.. Eel. IV, 60. 

i;o6 solvuntur tabulx (solventur). Hor., Sat. II. i, 86. 

1564 tenax proposito. Hor., Ode III, 3, i. 

521— RB., IX, 214-5: 

Sermocinando ne declamem ultra clcpsydram. Medieval clerical 
saying. 



335 



522— 

646 suis cxpensis nemo militat. 

782-3 non idem semper dicere, sed spectare debcmus. 

(Proverbial sayings.) 

523 — B., ccxlviii or 196: 

Incidit in Scillam cupiens evitare Charybdim, 
An adaptation of line 301, of Book V, of the 
Alexandreis of Philippe Gaultier, a French Latin 
poet, 151 3. The verse is founded on a Greek 
proverb derived from the Odyssey. 

524— 

There were evidently two stages of the trial of 
Guido and his fellow-assassins, as B., 192, speaks 
of " both presentations of the case," and B., 195, 
speaks of " the second setting forth of the case." 
The second stage of the trial was more learnedly 
and more skilfully fought, and the arguments are 
longer and more acute. They are based in part 
on the additional evidence secured by means of 
the torture of the vigil, and the Advocate of the 
Poor begins this part of the case with a sharp 
attack on the legality of the torture which had 
been decreed. Pamphlets 1-7 and 14 belong to 
the first stage of the trial. This is clearly proved, 
even in the case of pamphlet 14 {which was put 
in wrong order) by the references in the later 
pamphlets to paragraphs, or points of law, in- 
cluded in the earlier ones. Thus pamphlet 8 
includes reference to pamphlet 14. Pamphlet 9 
refers to pamphlet 8, while pamphlet 13 refers 
to pamphlet 9. In this way the order of the 
pamphlets in the trial is established as follows: 

First stage: i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 14. 

Second stage: 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 16. 
Pamphlet 10, the first anonymous Italian narra- 
tive, is referred to by No. 13, and probably had 
just preceded it. All of these arguments must 
have been rapidly prepared, as they extend over 
only a month of time. In several places the 
lawyers speak of being pressed by the scantiness 
of time, and Gambi, in No. 12, speaks of having 
had but three hours to prepare. 

525— RB., V, 12-3: 

Noblemen were exempt, the vulgar thought, 
From racking; 

This point was made by Spreti and denied by 
Bottini (B., 166). Cf. RB., IV, 1625-8; VIII, 
316-23. 

526— RB., I, 979-80: 

His limbs' late taste ofwhat was called the Cord, 
Or Vigil-torture more facetiously. 

The torture of the vigil, which is used with 
such striking effect by the Poet in giving setting to 
the monologue of Guido Franceschini, was evi- 
dently not inflicted at the very beginning of the 
case, as the Poet imagines, but between the two 
stages of the legal argument (Note 524). For in 
the first stage there is continual argument concern- 
ing this torture as not yet having been inflicted, 
while in the second stage it is evident that the 
torture has been inflicted, and confession has fol- 
lowed, and the lawyers are merely accusing and 
defending the action of the court in permitting 
such painful torture. 



It seems that the prosecution, being dissatis- 
fied with the first confession under milder torture, 
in which Guido claimed he had given orders, not 
for death, but merely for mutilation (B., 20), 
had demanded the torture of the vigil to gain the 
whole truth. Spreti and Arcangeli (B., 28, 35) 
oppose this, ami are refuted in turn by Gambi 
and Bottini (B., 52, 166). Evidently the court 
decreed the torture, and secured far more of a 
confession, and part of this is probably what is 
given in pamphlet 9, though the confessions as a 
whole have been lost. The further fact that the 
assassins were still further planning to murder 
Guido in turn (Note 338) was probably revealed 
in this way. Spreti at the beginning of his next 
argument. No. 9, sharply attacks the legality of 
the decree of torture (B., 105) and tries to have 
the evidence thus secured thrown out of the case. 
Bottini in turn (B., 135 et seq.) refutes him at 
length, and on the confession demands the inflic- 
tion of the death penalty without further delay 
(B., 157). 

The nature of this torment and its specific 
effect on Guido is not described in the Book, 
though the Pamphlet speaks of Baldeschi faint- 
ing under the cord (Note 390). It is merely re- 
ferred to in such general terms as " the rigorous 
torment of the vigil." The Casanatense pam- 
phlet (p. 223) gives a fuller and better account of 
the examination under threat of torture. To 
gain more definite knowledge on this point, 
Browning evidently traced the reference given 
at B., 28, to Farinacci, qu. 38, nu. 71, and had 
there found the full Information he wanted. We 
have undoubted proof that he made such refer- 
ence, for in lines 428-43 of Book VIII of the 
Poem he paraphrases Farlnaccl's text closely, as 
may be seen In Notes 386-9. Agostinelll seems 
to have been excepted from this torture (B., 114), 
71071 fuerit denuo constitutus (Note 315). 

I quote the full text of Farinacci: (Prosper! 
Farinacii iurlsconsulti romani, Praxis et Theo- 
rlca criminalis Lugduni Horatius Garden, 1606, 
Pt. I, Tome II, p. 201.) 

The fifth and last among us Is the lorm^nfum i-igi/io*. At the 
time of Marsiliua, who claims to be the inventor of this torment, 
the accused was placed upon a bench and made to sit there, and 
two men were present to watch test he should fall asleep, and if 
he wished to sleep they aroused him and for forty hours would 
not permit him either to sleep or to rest. Finally, when he was 
promised rest within such a time, he was compelled to confess. 
Marsiliua says of this torment that although it may seem ridic- 
ulous, no one is found so strong of spirit as to resist it, and this is 
elsewhere testified as being true. But in this evil day of ours, 
by some fate unknown to me, whether because of the severity of 
judges or the obstinacy o( criminals, this torment has taken on 3 
harsher and more cruel manner. For such a bench, which some 
call the Goat and others the Horse, ia raised from the earth as 
high as a man's stature, and its top is not level, but is a little 
higher in the middle. * * * On the top of this benchthe 
accused is placed, naked and bound to prevent him from falling, 
and with his hands bound behind his back and fastened by a 
rope that is on top of the bench . not otherwise than if he were to 
be tortured. And what is worse, his arms are held extended by 
the same rope, either entirely or in part, as the judge sees best. 
There the luckless accused * * * is detained for five or ten 
hours, and sometimes even longer at the Juage's discretion. And 
this is at the same time the torture both ot the "cord" (funis) 
and of the vigil. What is more pitiaoie, out of a hundred men 
who have suffered this torment, I believe that not more than four 
or five have been martyrs, the rest indeed were confessors 
(martyres, confestores) for the torment is insupportable both by 
reason of the time and of the fearful pain and sufTering. It is 



336 



quite true that I have seen it used only in tiie case of very atro- 
cious crimes, such as the crime of lasa majestas, murder in the 
open streets, highway robbery, infamous nudity, and such crimes 
under bann. Therefore, in inflicting such torment, judges 
should see that it be much tempered, and above all they should 
see that the arms of the accused be not much extended. For such 
extension for a long time is in itself perilous, and many have died 
in this very torment on account of it. and very many more have 
fainted. 

527— RB., X. 3 and 6: 

and read a History. 
******* 

Of all my predecessors. Popes in Rome: 

Browning's method of creative art as seen in 
his use of the " old yellow book " leads me to a 
feeling that lines 32-150 of Book X are a free 
paraphrase of some actual history of the Papacy, 
which had fallen into the hands of the Poet. 
But I have not been able to find any such original 
for the passage as a whole. The facts given in 
these lines are such as are found in one or an- 
other of the historians, and in some cases even the 
form of expression is similar. Some extracts are 
given below with the line references to the cor- 
responding lines of The Ring and the Book. 

Luitprand, Bistoria Gestorum Regum et Imperatorum tivt 

Antofadosii 
No. 30. Concerning Pope Sergius who ordered them to 

drag Formosus from his tomb, and to depose him after 

he was dead. 
When he {Sergius. a mistake for Stephen] had been established 
Pope, as one impious and ignorant of divine teaching, he com- 
manded that Formosus be dragged from his tomb, and that he 
be placed in the Papal throne, clothed in his priestly robes 
(42-41). And to him he said: "Why when thou wert Bishop of 
Porto (46), moved by a spirit of ambition, usurpdsl thou the uni- 
versal throne of Rome?" (47). When these matters had been 
carried through, he commanded that the body be stripped of its 
sacred robes (81), that three fingers be cut off (84-5). and that it 
be cast into the Tiber {87-88). And all whom Formosus or- 
dained, he reduced to their own rank (74-5), and reordained 
them. 

No. 31. Concerning the body of Formosus. which was cast 

into the river by Sergius, and then found by fishermen, 

and saluted by the images of the saints. 
But of what authority and of what religious life Formosus had 
been, we can gather from this: for when he was afterwards found 
by fishermen (iii) and carried back to the church of St. Peter, 
the chief of the Apostles (120-1). certain images of the saints 
reverently saluted him when set in his place (124-6}. For 1 have 
very often heard this from the most religioui men in the city of 
Rome (i22-j). 

Fleury in his Hittoire Ecchiioftique, Book 54. p. 579, gives 

the following account: 
Pope Stephen the Sixth [sicj held then a council (n) in which 
he condemned Formosus, his predecessor. He had his body dis- 
interred. Then they brought it into the midst of the assembly 
(j8) and placed it on the papal throne (44^ reinvested with his 
robes of office (41), and gave him an advocate to respond in his 
name (50-2). Then Stephen, speaking to the body as if it were 
still alive: "Oh, Bishop of Porto (46), tell me why thou hast 
carried thine ambition even to usurping the seat of Rome? " (47). 
Having condemned him (67-9), they despoiled him of his sacred 
robes (81), cut off his three fingers (84-5). and finally his head 
(86), and then cast him into the Tiber (88). Pope Stephen de- 
posed all those whom Formosus had ordained (74-5). and ordained 
them anew. 

p. 609. Theodore, who died only twenty days after his 
ordination (108). in that time led no stone unturned to achieve as 
far as possible the reunification of the Church. He called back 
the Bishops who had been driven from their sees, and reestab- 
lished the clerics ordained by Formosus and deposed by Stephen, 
and restored them to their sacred honors and the exercise of their 
functions. He caused them to carry back with aue solemnity the 
body of Formosus into the burial place of the Popes (i 19-21); for 
it had been found by fishermen (112). And as they were bearing 
it in, many persons then present (122-1) assure us that the images 
ol the saints saluted him in passing (125-6). 

Sergius declared against Formosus and approved the procedure 
of Stephen VI (142-1); whose body [note it is Stephen's body] he 
had transferred ten years after his death and placed over him an 
honorable epitaph. 



Flodoardus tells the matter as follows: 
Then Stephen, the sixth [sic] on the sacred throne, who im- 
presses us as harsh, but impressed his own contemporaries more 
harshly, who did cruel things to the living, but acted even more 
brutally toward the dead, and who attacked Falco with threats 
and Formosus with very deeds, assembled an unfortunate council, 
over which he presided harshly (34). 

Platina's Lives of the Popet, Translated by Benham. 
Stephen the VII [sic] * * * persecuted the memory of Formo- 
sus with such spite, that he abrogated his decrees, and rescinded 
all he had done. * * * Martin the historian says he hated 
him to that degree, that in a council which he held (n). he 
ordered the body of Formosus to be dragged out of the grave, 
to be stripped of his pontifical habit (81) and put into that of a 
layman, and then to be buried among secular persons, having 
first cut off those two fingers of his right hand, which are 
principally used by priests in consecration (85), and threw them 
into the Tiber. * * * Theodorus restored the decrees of 
Formosus and preferred his friends. * * * Theodorus in the 
twentieth (io8) day of his Papacy died. * * * John removed 
to Ravenna (132), where, calling a synod of seventy-four bishops 
(ijj), he condemned all that Stephen had done (ijs) and re- 
stored the decrees of Formosus, declaring it irregularly done of 
Stephen to reordain those on whom Formosus had conferred holy 
orders. 

Biographie univeriiUe, XIII, 13$. 
Stepheh VI had had for his predecessor Formosus, whose memory 
he wished to dishonor with such an excess of zeal as to betray 
both ignorance and ferocity (34). Formosus had been Bishop of 
Porto, and was called as Bishop of Rome: this translation from 
one see to another might still seem a criminal innoTation. 
• * * Stephen called a council to have Formosus con- 
demned. He had his body disinterred and brought into the 
assembly (58-9) They placed him upon the pontifical chair 
(44), reclothcd in his robes of office (43) and gave him an ad- 
vocate to respond in his name (52) Then Stephen, speaking to 
the dead body as if it were alive: "Why, oh Bishop of Porto, 
(46) hast thou carried thine ambition to the point of usurping the 
throne of Rome ? " After he had been condemned, they despoiled 
him of his sacred robes (81) cut off three fingers, and then his 
head (85-6), and then cast it into the Tiber (88). This is the 
account of Luitprand (122) adopted by Fleury. Platina assures us 
that he cut off the two fingers which serve in consecration (85), 
which seems more probable. 

528— RB., Ill, 96-7: 

That doctrine of the Philosophic Sin: 
Molinos' sect 

B., 120, speaks of the " Doctrine of Molinos 
and the philosophic sin, which has been checked 
by the authority of the Holy Office." The his- 
torical and philosophical meaning of this refer- 
ence may be found elsewhere. Browning has 
stated its significance in the world he is picturing 
(RB., I, 307-14) : 

* * * the sect for a quarter of an hour 

r the teeth of the world which, clown-like, loves to chew 

Aught it may sport with, spoil, and then spit forth 

Cf. RB., II, 126, 175-7; III, 34, 109, 989; V, 
203, 223, 870, 1043, 1238, 1838; VI, 152, 473; 
VII, 769; VIII, 697, 1074, 1337; IX, 33, 566, 
727, 1048, 1499; X, 1869, 2067; XI, 643, 2041; 
XII, 654. 

529— RB., VII, 28-3: 

the marble lion * * * 
With half his body rushing from the wall. 

This strange old sculpture, the " best'ta," is 
familiar to the visitors at San Lorenzo in Lucina. 

530— RB., VI, 462: 

Those lancet-windows' jewelled miracle, — 

Murray's Northern Italy: "The tall lancet 
windows of the Tribune (in the Duomo) have 
been compared and even preferred to the Five 
Sisters of York Minster." 



337 



531— RB., VII, 1215-8: 

And Michael's pair of wings will * * * 
* * * bear him from our picture where he fights 
Satan, 
Crowe & Cavalcaselle's History of Painting in 
Italy, Vol. I, p. 256: "In the bell room (of San 
Francesco of Arezzo), Spinello depicted scenes 
from the legend of the archangel Michael. * * * 
The archangel, poised on the dragon, is seen in 
the act of striking him, whilst on each side angels 
and demons struggle for mastery." 

532— 

Several matters of evidence, which are not in- 
cluded in the Summaries, are cited by folio in 
the arguments of the lawyers. This includes the 
testimony of the defendants themselves (B., 97, 
107-8) of Maria Margherita {B., 88, 93) and 
several letters (B., 57-8, 90). Cf. also 94. 

533— 

" Luogo di monte": The name given to cer- 
tain investments of Pietro Franceschini ; it is thus 
defined in the I'ocabolario Universale Italiano: 

Credito di lomma dtterminata in tin monte. 
Monte, luogo fubblito dove si ptghano, o ti pongono danari a 
interetse 

534— 

" Praejudiiium tertii" (B., 55, 109, 137), the 
injury of the third party (some person outside 
the suit). That is, no judgment can be given 
condemnatory of, or injurious to, a person who is 
no party to the suit at bar. 

Pregiudixio, e nocitmento {he procede da gludixio antlci- 

Palo, e non amico, etc. 
lignificate ognl aliro danno * * * dannegiato dalle 

fahe opinioni degli huomini. 

Tommaseo, Dixionario dei Sinonimi, 

535— 

B., xi: risus et alloquium, taclus, post oscula, 
factum. This seems to be an old proverbial say- 
ing. It is used by Porphyrion in a scholium to 
Horace, Carmina I, 13, 16: 

cleganter, quia in quinque partes amoris fructus esse parti- 
tur dicitur; visu, alloquio, tactu, osculo, concubito. 

536— 

In pursuance of the inquiry followed up in 
Note 527, I wrote to Mr. Robert Barrett Brown- 
ing, and he sent me the following reply, which I 
quote with his consent because of certain matters 
of interest: 

La Torre all' Amelia, Florence, January 6, 1904. 
My dear Sir: 

I wish I were able to give you the information you 
ask me for, but luy father's books are in Venice and I have not 
any here touching on the matter to refer to. 

If Pope Stephen was. as you say, the Sixth and not the Seventh, 
of course the mistake is obvious and perhaps attributable to an 
unconscious slip of the memory, which with my father was not at 
its best in dates and figures. It is not likely that such an error 
should have appeared in any old work, such as he would have 
consulted ; and certainly it was not caused by carelessness, for he 
was painstaking to a degree and had a proper horror of blunder- 
ing, which is the word he would have used. I can only account 
for such a mistake as this— which he would have been the first to 
pronounce unpardonable — by his absent-mindedness, his atten- 
tion being at the moment absorbed by something else. Absent- 
mindedness was one of his characteristics* over instances of 
which he used to laugh most heartily. My father's intention, I 
know, was to be scrupulously accurate about the facts in this 
poem. I may tell you as an instance that, wishing to be sure 
that there was moonlight on a particular nig'ht, for descriptive 
purposes, he got a distinguished mathematician to make the nec- 

22 



essary calculation. [Note 185.] The description of the finding 
of the Book is without doubt true in every detail. Indeed, to this 
day, the market at S. Lorenzo is very much what it was then and 
as I can remember it. Not long ago, I myself bought an old volume 
there off a barrow. 

The "yellow book" was probably picked up in June of i860, 
before going to Rome for the winter — the last my father passed in 
Italy. As it had always been understood that the Book should be 
presented to Balliol, I went soon after my father's death to stay a 
few days with Jowelt, and gave it to him. 

In the portrait which hangs in Balliol hall I painted my father 
as he sat to me with the Book in his hands. 

Nothing would have gratified him more than what you tell me 
about the interest with which his works are studied in America, 
and I need not say how much pleasure this gives me. 

Believe me with many thanks for your kind letter. 
Yours very sincerely, 

R. Barrett Browning. 

To Mr. Charles W. HodelL 

537— RB., VIII, 404-12: 

I wonder, all the same. 
Not so much at those peasants' lack of heart; 
But— Guido Francischini, nobleman. 
Bear pain no better! 

No such word concerning Guide's quailing at 
torture was found in Browning's sources, but that 
his imagination divined truly is proved by the 
Casanatense pamphlet (p, 223): "Far less tor- 
ment than would seem to be necessary had to be 
applied to get the confession of the murderers 
and of Guido, who more than the rest had stood 
by his denial. But at the sight of torment he had 
not the heart to resist longer, and confessed fully." 

538— 

The motto from Pindar, Olymp. I, 112, which 
is found on the flyleaf of the Book just below the 
Poet's signature, was evidently chosen by the 
Poet when the subject had taken fast hold of 
him, and he began to see his great masterpiece. 
He evidently recognizes this as the opportunity of 
his life as an artist. 

The passage occurs near the close of the song 
in honor of Hieron as victor in the chariot race 
in Syracuse, B. C. 472. The passage, as trans- 
lated by Myer, runs as follows: 

My part is to crown Hieron with an equestrian strain in Aeolian 
mood. * * * A God hath guard over thy hopes, O Hieron. 
and taketh care for them with a peculiar care, and if he fail thee 
not, I trust that I shall again proclaim in song a sweeter glory 
yet, and find thereto in words a ready way, when to the fair- 
shining hill of Kronos I am come. Her strongert-winged dart my 
Mute bath yet in store 

Mr. Barrett Browning, in reply to this inter- 
pretation of the motto, has said: "I know he 
thought The Ring and the Book was going to be 
his greatest work, long before he had finished it; 
and he may have seen here — as you say — the 
great opportunity of his poetic career. This was 
probably when he began the poem, which he 
often told me while writing would be the longest 
in the English language. He was more and more 
interested in the work as it advanced." 

539— RB., I, 1-31: 

Do you see this Ring ? 

'Tis Rome-work, made to match 
(By Castellani's imitative craft) 
Etrurian circlets * * • 

* * * 'Tis a figure, a symbol, say. 
Mr. R. Barrett Browning has written as fol- 
lows: "The ring was a ring of Etruscan shape 
made by Castellani, which my mother wore. On 



338 



it are the letters A E I. Ever after her death my 
father wore it on his watch chain." A friend of 
the poet has also stated that during his last illness 
the poet kissed the ring with all affection before 
composing himself for his night's rest. As he 
thinks of his Lyric Love he compares this ring with 

Thy rare gold ring of verse (ihe poet praised) 

Linking our England to his Italy ! 

RB.. XII. 873-4. 

Such is the figure employed by the Italian poet 
Tommasei in the inscription for the tablet which 
the municipality of Florence placed on Casa Guidi 
in honor of the poetess they had come to revere. 

540— 

It has seemed well to give a transcript of the 
second and third letters [pp. ccxxxvii-xl] as the 
handwriting is difficult to read. 

Molt' Ille e Mto Onle Sigr mio Pr. Oss. 

(In full = Molto Illustre e Molto Onorevole 

Signor mio Padrone Osservantissimo.) 

Lc giuslificazioni mandate non sono giuntc in tempo pcrch& 
hoggi finalml^ doppo lanti contrasli e sfata escguita la giustizia 
del pouero Sf Guido con farli la testa, c i quatiro sicari sono 
stati impiccati. La causa fu risoluta Martedl, ma pcrche s'era 
dedotto il chiericato, e per questo si prctendeua chc quanto a lut 
non ui cntrassi la uita doppo the s'era spedJta starJelta in Arczzo 
per hauerne le giustiBcazioni il Papa passo ieri il chirografo, e 
ha uolulo che oggi onninam^.^ si eseguisca. Giik che ^ stata 
TOlont^ di Dio, che cgli paghi simil pena almeno con le scrittuie 
fatte se n' e ricnvato che mor'i da galant' huomo, perch^ oltrc V 
essere morto con coraggio e esemplariti e stato compassionate da 
ogni galant' huomo, e non hh perduto niente la casa sua in 
materia della repuiazione. Vl e concorsa tutta Roma come 
pool credere, c non ui e stato riparo con tuito che si sia scrilto 
forte, e non li sieno mancaie raccomandazioni di gran conse- 
gucnza, perchc il SigT^ Ambasciatore dell' Jmperalore ne parlo 
di proposiio Martedi, conforme cgli mi disse ierl* altro, c poi le 
cose sono precipitate in un subito. 



Ho tcrminata la sua scrittura per la Cong?^ del ConciHo, e 
ogni volta che Monsigf^ Segretario uogli portaria penso chc 
siamo all' ordine. lo la prego a fauorirmi di quelle copie del 
processo piu presto che sia possibiie. e quando il Can. Filippo 
non ne lasci l' adito fauorisca auuisarmelo perche io possa pen- 
sare h altri passi uolcndo una uolta uscire di questo imbroglio se 
possibiie sari c per fine resto con riuerirla. 
D. v. S. Molt' III? e Molt' Onle 

Roma zz Febb9 1698. 
Div°e obios?*^ 

Gaspare del Torto, 
[The letter is addressed : ] 

Al Molto 111!;^ c M9 EccO Sigf^^ Mio Pron? CoITi" 
il Sig^*^ Francisco Cencini 

Firenze 

541— Letter 111: 

Molto Hire et Eccmo Sigre Sigre rnio pr. Colmo 

Martedi si propose la disgraliatiss^ ca'a e la Cong? del Gouerno 
risolue — Dilala et ad menle'"— La mente era che si aspeltassero le 
giuslificazioni del Chicricato consaputo. Su quesia fauoreuole 
rcsoluz^ pigliarono fiato li Dcfensori e cominciarono h rcspirare i 
buoni Amici, quando mio SigT^ I'altra sera alle due di Nottc 
motu proprio sotloscrisse il chirografo dcrogatis al Chicricato 
qiiat? si adduccsse e alia minorita di vno dclli Correi. Sotto- 
scritto il Chirografo, si propalo per la Citt^ tal nuoua, e cnn essa 
la ceriezza della Giustitia che e scguita hoggi doppo il pranzo 
dci cinque, cioc del pouero Sig. Guido con il taglio delta Testa, 
c degl' altri quattro Correi con la forca. Non significo h V. S. 
EccT"^ il mio dolorc, poiche di q; ne potriesscrr lei med. veridico 
testimoiiio. 

Lc giustificazioni sarebbcro state di rileuanza grandiss^ ma 
non ncl caso p. perchc mio S'C ha voluto cosi. 

Accludo la posiz*^ del Fisco, mancandogli solo una risposta che 
inviaro subito che mi sara capitata accio V. S. Ecc?^ habbia 
I'inticra positione. 

Hora che il Sig. Auuoc? del Torto e sbrigato dagl' inicressi 
p. potrebbe seruire V. S. Ecc'P^ si nella Ca? Mattimoniale si 
neir altra del Gomez onde mi rinieito a tuito qll? chc V. S. 
EccT^ li scriuara. prcgandola scmpre piu d' incessanti comandi 
accio pcrpetuamf possa essere 

Roma li 22. fob? 1698. 

Ser. Oss. e Ule 
Di v. S. Ecc?^* Carlo Ant? Vgolinucci 



ADDITIONAL NOTES. 



Sir Frederick Treves, in*' The Country of The 
Ring and the Book," has followed the story of 
this tragedy with extensive topographical and 
geographical detail and illustration. He has 
gone to far more pains than did the poet in fa- 
miliarizing himself with the scenes of the drama 
— Arezzo, Castelnuovo, Rome. I wish to amend 
my work, by his suggestion, in the following par- 
ticulars: 

Note 85. The real date of Pompilia's marriage 
to Count Guido was Sept. 6 (see marriage record 
given in full oa p. 299 of Treves's work). Then, 
as the banns were regularly announced three 



times, there could have been no secrecy about the 
marriage. 

Notes 69 and 292. Treves is right in stating 
(p. 97) that Via Vittoria and Strada Paolina are 
one and the same street. 

Note 189. The topographical difficulties ai 
the Torrione as explained by Treves (pp. 168-9) 
make the story of the escape clearer. 

Note 64. The exact ages of Pietro and Vio- 
lante are fixed by the death records (p. 300) as 
69 and 66 respectively. 

Page 178 records each posting house and the 
intervening mileage on the 138 miles of the flight 
from Arezzo to Castelnuovo. 



LINE-INDEX TO ANNOTATIONS. 



Book 


I: 


Book 


I: 


Book 


II: 


Book II 




Book 


III: 


line 


note 


line 


note 


line 


note 


line 


note 


line 


note 


1-31 


539 


795 


319 


475 


66 


981 


215 


33 


359 


33 


I 


798 


64 


476 


292 


999-1000 


217 


34 


52g 


8S 


10 


799 


303 


486-91 


49 


lOOg 


221 


37 


351 


HO-l 


J3 


819 


365 


487 


48 


1010 


220 


45-7 


353 


119 


II 


846 


58 


491 


51 


1021 


222 


51 


53 


120 


366 


873-4 


57 


497 


96 


1022 


225 


63 


16 


122-31 


2 


903 


61 


498-501 


52 


1022 


226 


67 


17 


136-9 


3 


904 


60 


504 


98 


1031 


227 


74 


66 


140 


I 


979-80 


526 


507-10 


97 


1040 


228 


96-7 


52g 


145-6 


4 


1038-9 


271 


519-25 


100 


1044 


229 


109 


528 


146-7 


5 


1052 


7 


534-7 


lOI 


1060 


255 


115-26 


63 


148-9 


6 


1053 


373 


537-8 


I02 


1068-9 


230 


132-3 


74 


150-3 


7 


1078-9 


350 


549-51 


103 


1071-4 


231 


133-4 


65 


165 


367 


1085 


351 


549-83 


105 


1083 


255 


159 


68 


165 


368 


1087-9 


352 


558 


I05 


1116 


215 


170-1 


74 


169 


408 


1174 


455 


580 


107 


1131 


244 


179-229 


107 


177 


374 


1236 


431 


597 


log 


1133-8 


235 


i8o 


lOI 


179 


376 


1284 


345 


600 


260 


1135 


253 


180 


102 


199 


377 


1290-2 


433 


615-6 


332 


1140 


246 


192-3 


64 


213 


378 


1309-19 


435 


625-6 


257 


"45-7 


233 


194-6 


107 


222 


379 


1325 


440 


656-67 


109 


1148-9 


245 


208 


105 


222-3 


381 


1328 


441 


671-6 


109 


1159-60 


246 


251-3 


50 


224 


382 






684-6 


112 


1 162-4 


243 


256-7 


39 


226-8 


380 


Book 


II: 


689-718 


113 


1177-87 


271 


260 


79 


229 


479 


17-101 


57 


721 


113 


1197-9 


276 


270-5 


80 


229 


383 


27 


332 


726-32 


260 


1198 


277 


311 


311 


230 


491 


29 


399 


742-4 


263 


1231 


278 


364 


66 


231 


384 


55 


H 


753 


264 


1239-59 


257 


396-401 


83 


232-6 


385 


59-70 


85 


755 


255 


1282-5 


297 


403-17 


90 


241 


365 


60 


15 


780-811 


151 


1287 


266 


412-4 


50 


245-6 


427 


74-8 


88 


801 


131 


1292 


52 


428-9 


84 


255 


42 


126 


528 


805-7 


128 


1297-1300 


256 


448-60 


85 


257-9 


9 


147-8 


414 


805 


152 


1323 


285 


457-8 


15 


274 


428 


154-6 


39 


806 


32 


1325-38 


283 


469-83 


87 


285 


429 


156 


88 


809-10 


124 


1342 


286 


470-6 


88 


307-14 


528 


175-7 


528 


833-4 


127 


1350-4 


289 


496-7 


91 


346 


430 


193-4 


63 


835 


128 


1361-6 


292 


509-11 


92 


350 


442 


195 


64 


861 


125 


1368-9 


293 


512-16 


93 


361 


447 


200-1 


67 


874 


135 


1383 


299 


521-39 


95 


362-3 


448 


203-4 


66 


875 


139 


1384 


302 


522 


98 


395-8 


321 


206-7 


292 


876 


140 


1389-90 


306 


529-36 


100 


405 


20 


211 


68 


879 


141 


1391-3 


310 


549-668 


105 


405 


303 


265 


72 


889 


184 


1394 


312 


555-65 


102 


553 


50, 5' 


268 


74 


893 


196 


1406-31 


321 


566-82 


103 


565-8 


94 


275-6 


17 


894-5 


198 


1435 


322 


583-98 


104 


569-77 


100 


288-9 


39 


895-6 


200 


1438 


342 


646-51 


260 


571 


49 


292 


50 


905 


196 


1439 


347 


655 


261 


604-5 


292 


304 


43 


933-6 


146 


1464-5 


345 


670-80 


263 


606 


319 


332-4 


49 


938-41 


35 


1488-1503 


403 


681 


264 


619-24 


321 


344 


77 


945 


192 


1506-24 


222 


688 


265 


677 


I 


359-78 


85 


954 


202 


1537-9 


56 


702-10 


46 


689-90 


g 


380 


87 


956 


193 






712-37 


112 


691-4 


9 


385 


343 


959 


195 


Book III 


: 


721-37 


121 


694-5 


12 


404-5 


90 


966-7 


2lO 


7 


348 


738-71 


112 


783-4 


45 


413-S 


77 


972 


211 


9-ro 


349 


751-3 


114 


784 


44 


429 


94 


975-6 


219 


18-9 


353 


776-87 


121 


792 


300 


462-525 


95 


979 


216 


31 


303 


799-803 


303 



339 



340 



Book III: 


Book III: 


Book IV 




Book 


IV: 


Book V 




line 


note 


line 


note 


line 


note 


line 


note 


line 


note 


8ii 


359 


1500-6 


283 


499-504 


87 


1354 


308 


764-5 


100 


828 


«94 


1500-14 


284 


550-572 


95 


1356-7 


304 


765-7 


109 


899-901 


156 


1507 


292 


568 


98 


1360 


3" 


768-74 


105 


908-11 


235 


1 509-11 


287 


569-70 


99 


1361 


316 


777-8 


262 


912-3 


178 


1514 


286 


575-80 


105 


1363 


317 


834-43 


112 


916-8 


179 


1519 


288 


575 


101 


1364-6 


3'8 


842-3 


114 


927-30 


245 


1520 


290 


576 


103 


1369 


292 


870 


528 


949-53 


233 


1527-38 


21 


611-2 


105 


1371 


320 


896-902 


123 


957 


251 


1 540-1 


304 


640-5 


109 


1371-2 


321 


938-46 


128 


960 


246 


1546-69 


307 


663-98 


121 


1373-4 


323 


948-9 


133 


967-9 


135 


1575 


3" 


718-9 


45 


1377-9 


324 


949-50 


134 


970-89 


139 


1582-3 


317 


719 


44 


1382 


325 


989-91 


196 


989 


528 


1584-S 


318 


749-51 


121 


1385 


327 


992 


200 


997-8 


137 


1592 


319 


769-86 


112 


1390 


328 


993 


198 


1003 


140 


1596 


292 


770-2 


"4 


1391 


330 


1003-S 


170 


ion 


142 


1597-9 


321 


778-84 


"3 


1393-4 


331 


1012 


187 


1015-7 


144 


1605 


303 


782-4 


122 


1395 


225 


1013 


188 


1040-2 


149 


1607-14 


293 


799 


135 


1395-6 


333 


1016 


146 


1065 


184 


1620-21 


323 


801-6 


139 


1397 


340 


1020-3 


189 


1073-4 


199 


1622-3 


324 


801 


140 


1399-1403 


341 


1022 


190 


1087 


192 


1627 


331 


807-41 


144 


1402 


342 


1025 


191 


1095 


170 


1628-30 


337 


944 


131 


1405-10 


346 


1026 


192 


1097-1 104 


171 


1631-4 


339 


960 


214 


1416-24 


344 


1028-9 


193 


1121-4 


21 


1635-6 


341 


960 


217 


1425-32 


349 


1038 


196 


1128-30 


194 


1638 


342 


963-4 


148 


1435-6 


329 


1039 


202 


1140 


212 


1641 


348 


967-77 


156 


1437 


328 


1043 


528 


1142-9 


213 


1670 


259 


996-7 


180 


1439 


348 


1044-5 


•94 


1161-7 


227 


1 671 


280 


1025-6 


154 


1446-9 


355 


1050-1 


217 


1175-6 


180 






1028-31 


170 


1449-52 


356 


1052-62 


219 


1187-8 


218 


Book 


IV: 


1033-42 


231 


'453-4 


357 


1068-1117 


222 


1188-98 


212 


lO-ll 


61 


1047-59 


233 


1455 


358 


1068-70 


403 


1197-1201 


219 


12-14 


365 


1050-2 


245 


1465 


360 


1119 


220 


1204-8 


196 


24-28 


265 


1053 


246 


1470-1 


361 


1120 


228 


1209 


202 


44-7 


378 


1069-70 


133 


1478 


362 


1123-4 


227 


1231-2 


218 


55 


40 


H04-6 


307 


•493 


257 


1132-7 


231 


1259-60 


217 


70-94 


63 


1118 


202 


1509-17 


294 


1133 


230 


1260 


221 


75 


64 


1120-1212 


222 


1518-9 


284 


1140 


253 


1262-5 


220 


76-7 


70 


1121 


255 


1521-4 


306 


1141-9 


236 


1268-9 


222 


96 


71 


1126-9 


223 


1528-42 


404 


1142 


237 


1290 


227 


97 


72 


1156 


217 


•557 


316 


1146-9 


238 


1295-9 


228 


109-10 


73 


1156 


221 


1576 


323 


1147 


239 


1308-11 


231 


130-45 


74 


1159 


220 


1610-11 


88 


1148 


240 


1312-3 


244 


131-210 


107 


1176-7 


196 


1625-8 


52s 


1148-9 


241 


1313 


233 


135 


69 


1178 


198 






1151 


233 


1315-6 


114 


149-91 


105 


1192-3 


220 


Book 


V: 


1165 


270 


1325 


255 


213-4 


14 


1213-4 


269 


12-3 


525 


1175-6 


255 


1329-33 


256 


218-9 


107 


1241-3 


276 


56 


173 


1189-90 


516 


1331-2 


280 


360 


118 


1242 


277 


70-4 


"7 


1203-6 


233 


1334 


270 


391-3 


50 


1245-9 


271 


88-9 


105 


1218-22 


271 


1345-8 


149 


392 


43 


1303-4 


256 


90 


106 


1223-5 


276 


1356-9 


121 


396-9 


51 


1305-27 


258 


144-5 


38 


1238 


528 


1360-1 


233 


400-15 


39 


1305 


259 


188 


49 


1242-77 


257 


1405-6 


276 


409 


44 


1308-10 


260 


203 


528 


1247 


266 


1409-10 


272 


417 


41 


1311-4 


262 


223 


528 


1247-51 


297 


1409-13 


271 


440-2 


78 


1313 


263 


269-70 


42 


1295-1301 


297 


1427-38 


266 


447-5° 


78 


1317-8 


266 


292 


43 


1308-18 


298 


1436 


267 


455 


66 


1320 


267 


325 


345 


1319-21 


266 


1445-62 


257 


461-74 


79 


1322 


268 


332 


345 


1327 


283 


1469-74 


280 


476 


66 


1323-5 


269 


336-9 


39 


1328 


284 


1480 


297 


477-88 


80 


1326-7 


270 


364 


3" 


1329-30 


289 


1490 


285 


489 


81 


1331-7 


280 


494-5 


82 


1333 


66 


1491 


276 


490-3 


83 


1332 


259 


607-47 


95 


1335-7 


292 


1492-4 


279 


495 


84 


1350-1 


284 


617 


98 


1338-41 


293 


I49S 


282 


495-8 


85 


1352 


299 


640-41 


52 


J343 


259 



341 



Book V 


: 


Book V] 


: 


Book VI 


: 


Book VII: 


Book VIII: 


line 


note 


line 


note 


line 


note 


line 


note 


line 


note 


1347-51 


280 


485 


155 


1650-4 


232 


443 


45 


128 


372 


1360-1 


108 


506-7 


154 


1650-73 


242 


472-3 


89 


130-5 


458 


1361-3 


120 


510-19 


157 


1655-9 


243 


489-571 


87 


130 


461 


1365 


253 


516-17 


158 


1661-5 


244 


523-7 


88 


131 


514 


1366-73 


205 


519 


159 


1662 


253 


545-50 


88 


'33 


514 


1388 


119 


519 


311 


1665 


233 


559-64 


94 


140 


462 


1428 


44 


521-2 


54 


1668-9 


231 


677-80 


123 


142-5 


463 


1436-68 


299 


528-9 


160 


1674-5 


170 


684-5 


126 


158-72 


112 


1442 


259 


559 


162 


1691-2 


172 


693-4 


129 


161-4 


114 


1469 


300 


564 


164 


1694 


205 


695-9 


121 


165-6 


459 


1470-1 


301 


574 


165 


1696 


206 


736 


89 


167-72 


464 


1470-5 


283 


587 


166 


1698 


207 


746 


"5 


175-83 


465 


1473-6 


284 


591 


3" 


1702-3 


208 


748-859 


139 


i86 


466 


1478 


309 


591 


159 


1746 


271 


769 


528 


188-93 


467 


1483 


306 


618 


167 


1771-7 


28 


808-14 


52 


194-8 


468 


1498 


302 


642 


168 


1795-1800 


121 


863 


106 


201-15 


221 


1530-1 


302 


653 


130 


1801-2 


233 


864-94 


105 


205-7 


469 


1 5 50-1 


311 


701-894 


179 


1838-9 


203 


911 


30 


208 


470 


1555-60 


3" 


702-4 


177 


1997-8 


16 


915-6 


213 


210 


471 


1565 


446 


702-4 


178 


2001 


446 


94' 


26 


212-3 


204 


1566 


313 


762-8 


21 


2013 


273 


950-90 


131 


214-5 


472 


1567-8 


314 


792 


94 


2016 


279 


1029 


132 


2.9 


7 


1581-1610 


317 


794 


100 


2017-22 


274 


1036-43 


151 


246 


369 


1588-1610 


318 


812 


153 


2026-7 


145 


1105-25 


154 


262-5 


7 


1628-33 


321 


822-30 


135 


2028 


146 


1121-5 


160 


275 


370 


1649-60 


323 


822-30 


139 


2032 


36 


1125 


l6i 


276 


371 


1 66 1 -4 


306 


831-56 


144 


2037-8 


295 


1152 


253 


316-23 


525 


1670 


340 


844-6 


52 


2040 


296 


"53 


162 


328 


386 


1674 


34' 


890 


183 


2043-9 


201 


1207 


175 


333-4 


387 


1675 


342 


928-31 


169 


2051 


136 


1208 


176 


338-43 


388 


1704-5 


393 


937-1062 


181 


2056-8 


294 


1 209-1 1 


153 


346 


389 


1715-9 


334 


975 


27 


2060 


353 


1215-8 


531 


349-53 


390 


1723-5 


337 


1065-6 


181 


2061-3 


354 


1223-59 


21 


365-81 


317 


•737 


133 


1078 


185 






1250 


133 


370 


302 


1752-5 


280 


1080 


189 


Book VII: 


1250 


134 


404-12 


537 


1760 


281 


1082-4 


191 


1-2 


15 


1264 


139 


425 


399 


1795-6 


39 


1089 


189 


6-7 


14 


1265 


»35 


442-54 


473 


1797-1801 


88 


IIlO-l 


184 


10 


24 


1267-71 


147 


482-7 


384 


1809-12 


297 


1120 


217 


14 


303 


1282-1302 


14+ 


498-9 


391 


1823 


140 


1122 


221 


22-3 


529 


1304-8 


146 


502-3 


392 


1823-31 


139 


1146-7 


193 


29-30 


20 


1309-16 


145 


512-21 


385 


1825 


135 


1153 


194 


32 


25 


1323 


28 


522-31 


474 


1838 


528 


1211-2 


194 


38 


326 


1377 


165 


570-1 


379 


1874 


343 


1254-65 


39 


42-3 


309 


1404-47 


179 


572-3 


381 


1874-7 


231 


1275 


'95 


48-9 


309 


1439-40 


21 


574 


380 


1878 


403 


1374-6 


21 


58 


23 


'459 


181 


587-95 


476 


1899 


272 


1389 


20 


59-60 


321 


1462 


182 


597-600 


477 


1903-13 


294 


1397-1401 


210 


91-2 


22 


1479-81 


186 


601-11 


306 


1906-8 


20 1 


1408 


218 


94 


303 


1489-90 


235 


601-23 


478 


1917-8 


276 


1410-2 


213 


101 


20 


1574 


214 


613-15 


479 


2003 


402 


1418 


214 


131-2 


105 


1580-84 


212 


626-36 


480 






1427-9 


219 


133 


303 


1591-2 


228 


640-57 


481 


Book VI 


: 


1455-6 


195 


139-45 


105 


1594-1641 


227 


660-73 


482 


34 


7 


1461-71 


222 


175-9 


232 


1649-53 


276 


666 


393 


35 


300 


1462 


226 


205-7 


309 


1681 


303 


673-9 


383 


133 


7 


1463 


225 


218 


292 


1686 


303 


676-81 


483 


152 


528 


1465 


217 


219 


321 


1707-9 


359 


680 


394 


290 


26 


1466 


221 


269-343 


65 


1755 


303 


697 


528 


346-8 


27 


1511-2 


224 


270-300 


107 


1762-3 


22 


699-722 


400 


394-433 


131 


1528-32 


228 


276 


20 


1762-4 


302 


756-8 


484 


429 


33 


1544-6 


227 


318 


284 


1808-14 


321 


764-74 


485 


462 


530 


1555-9 


230 


373 


15 






783-94 


486 


473 


528 


1585-7 


254 


376-473 


85 


Book VIII: 


795-801 


487 


482 


153 


1587-91 


255 


396 


45 


22 


365 


811-21 


395 



342 



Book VIII: 


Book VIII: 


Book IX: 


Book X 




Book 


XI: 


line 


note 


line 


note 


line 


note 


line 


note 


line 


note 


822 


488 


1380-1 


507 


686 


205 


445-8 


42 


1332 


139 


824-30 


396 


1398-1408 


280 


6S9 


207 


452 


51 


1349 


'7 


831-2 


489 


1425-6 


281 


698-701 


209 


532-43 


76 


1421 


329 


859 


401 


1477 


399 


720 


194 


543-5 


46 


1623-4 


334 


875-8 


107 


1482 


516 


727 


528 


603-13 


121 


1633 


335 


875-81 


490 


1500-8 


316 


735 


218 


650 


233 


1641 


336 


898-900 


514 


1519 


514 


741 


213 


659-64 


215 


1645 


337 


906-49 


491 


1521-2 


422 


747-8 


520 


696 


220 


1663-9 


294 


950-61 


492 


1528-9 


374 


782-3 


522 


697-8 


222 


1665 


296 


983-95 


403 


'531-7 


508 


809-21 


112 


699-700 


227 


1666-7 


295 


983-95 


222 


1541-57 


398 


816-21 


114 


706-7 


276 


1729 


359 


999-1003 


404 


1558-9 


509 


837 


235 


710-4 


257 


1739-53 


339 


1003 


405 


1562-4 


510 


889-925 


227 


743 


414 


1844 


44 


1017-26 


493 


1566-73 


5" 


982 


5>7 


752-74 


307 


1888-9 


311 


1040 


494 


1576 


5!2 


983 


518 


777-8 


312 


1932-4 


47 


1043-53 


406 


1578-83 


423 


993 


135 


788-90 


317 


2041 


528 


1056-70 


407 


1580-1 


424 


994 


139 


821-9 


337 


2161-6 


47 


1064 


276 


1589-1601 


338 


1000 


520 


825 


43 


2279 


429 


1071 


317 


1633-4 


512 


1018 


520 


834-40 


294 


2414-5 


435 


1073-90 


3'8 


1637-1736 


513 


1048 


528 


846-7 


339 






1074 


528 


1801 


375 


1133 


222 


849 


341 


Book 


XII: 


1108-1381 


408 


1805-7 


514 


1149 


134 


855-68 


338 


106 


442 


1119-25 


409 






1150 


233 


861-3 


338 


113-5 


443 


1126 


410 


Book IX: 


1195-1202 


276 


880-1 


50 


118-23 


433 


1 1 30-8 


411 


33 


528 


1213-26 


284 


893-4 


304 


124 


434 


1141-2 


495 


132 


365 


1225 


286 


897-900 


51 


128 


437 


1146-52 


412 


145-7 


520 


1227 


285 


907 


52 


129-30 


435 


1157-64 


413 


214-5 


521 


1227 


520 


910-25 


49 


132-4 


438 


1162-4 


496 


240-41 


520 


1242 


520 


931-63 


316 


'35-7 


439 


1170 


414 


249-50 


515 


1246-60 


293 


964 


424 


'39-44 


440 


1172 


497 


262-3 


135 


1281 


194 


971-81 


135 


139 


345 


1176-7 


415 


262-3 


139 


1299 


520 


977-8 


137 


146 


442 


1180 


516 


276-8 


98 


1309-10 


299 


986-93 


139 


150-63 


440 


1182 


514 


284-6 


520 


1325 


520 


1073-81 


21 


167 


444 


1183-4 


514 


298-301 


123 


1333-5 


520 


1081-3 


227 


173-91 


445 


1185-7 


222 


335-75 


128 


1338-41 


116 


1454-70 


139 


192-6 


45 


1190-2 


416 


340 


520 


1341-66 


302 


1471-85 


144 


198-202 


446 


1193 


29 


347-8 


520 


1352-66 


22 


1499-1524 


364 


225 


12 


1194 


31 


368 


520 


1362-6 


520 


1869 


528 


229 


2 


1200 


514 


380 


134 


1366-81 


520 


1986-7 


393 


230 


5 


1221-5 


498 


381 


133 


1370 


302 


2067 


528 


231 


12 


1228-47 


397 


405 


520 


1371 


20 


2080-1 


424 


239-88 


450 


1240-2 


499 


445-8 


247 


1406 


425 


2108-11 


442 


245 


432 


1248 


500 


448-60 


248 


1421 


329 






258 


430 


1248 


5'4 


461-3 


249 


1437-8 


355 


Book XI 


: 


272 


449 


1250-6 


417 


465 


520 


1462-4 


363 


1-2 


433 


275-6 


448 


1256 


501 


468 


233 


1466-73 


360 


24 


434 


311-2 


442 


1264 


286 


473-4 


247 


1476-91 


361 


32 


436 


363 


451 


1266-7 


288 


476-7 


250 


1499 


528 


45-6 


42 


367-8 


452 


1267-8 


291 


501 


156 


1506 


520 


52 


42 


417 


437 


1283-92 


502 


523-5 


516 


1518-21 


272 


123 


436 


425 


365 


1296-1301 


503 


538-45 


252 


1527-38 


274 


186-258 


441 


446-9 


453 


1315-7 


446 


541 


162 


1532-8 


5«9 


433 


437 


654 


528 


1315-20 


418 


541 


163 


1545-55 


275 


471-4 


324 


672-701 


364 


1318-20 


504 


559-61 


170 


1564 


520 


643 


528 


688 


20 


1322 


516 


566 


528 






969 


66 


708 


455 


1325-7 


505 


566-8 


174 


Book X 




1154 


66 


715-6 


454 


•337 


528 


569 


426 


3-6 


527 


1195 


98 


719-23 


294 


1339-40 41 


9,506 


602 


28 


32-150 


527 


1198-1201 


100 


752-67 


456 


1352 


57 


625-35 


129 


212 


431 


1217 


105 


757-67 


457 


1373-6 


420 


646 


522 


216 


4 


1225 


109 


781 


20 


1378 


421 


653-8 


200 


217 


5 


1277 


292 


822-4 


47 


1379 


259 


681 


520 


283-5 


431 


1331 


135 


873-4 


S39 



SUBJECT-INDEX. 



Reference-numbers are to be interpreted as follows: In plain Arabic the reference is to note- 
numbers; in Roman, to pages of the Old Yellow Book; in Arabic preceded by p., to pages of 
the Essay. 



Acciaiuoli, Cardinal, 433 

A dvocalus Pauperum, 370 

Aelian, 385 

Arcangeli, Giacinto, 375, p. 271 

his peroration, 513 

letter of, 9, 450, ccxxxv, and p. 241 
Art form of The Ring and the Book, p. 249 
Baldeschi, Alessandro, 390 

fragment of deposition, cxxx 
Agostinelli, Biagio, 315 

fragment of deposition, cxxix 
Ambrose, St., 394, 483 
Angelica, affidavit of, no, xlix 
Baldi, Monna, 53 
Baldo, 382 
Bartolo, 382 
Bernard, St., 480 
Bishop of Arezzo: 

Pompilia appeals to, 139 

his departure for Rome, 176 

letter of, 143, xci-ii 
Borsi, called V'enerino, 205 

imprisoned for helping flight, 207 

tried in Arezzo, v 

deposes to kissing in coach, 206 

is dismissed, 208, viii 
Bottini, Giovanni Battista, of the Fisc, 368, p. 
272 

sophistry concerning love-letters, 247 

kisses in coach, 209 

clandestine visits, 170, 174 

sleeping potion, 197; theft, 200 
Browning, Mrs., in Pompilia, p. 281 
Browning, R. B., 536, 185, p. 230 
Caponsacchi, Giuseppe Maria, 26-34, and pp. 
286-9 

Guido's first jealousy of, 128 

Pompilia appeals to, 149, 150 

Guido's further jealousy, 151, 152 

plans going to Rome, 153 

receives letter by Maria Content!, 154 

responds, 160 

further letters, 167 

charged with clandestine visits to Fran- 
ceschini home, 170 

speaks with Pompilia at the window, 

. '77-9 
shrinks from the undertaking, 182 
hesitates two days, 181 
his reasons for accompanying Pompilia, 

179 
arrival at Castelnuovo, 211 
laic garb, 217 
Guido faces him, 219 
his defiance, 220 
denies love-letters, 242-4 



Caponsacchi, Giuseppe Maria — continued 

tried for flight and adultery, 269 

makes deposition, 34, Ixxxviii 

condemned to three years at Civita, 271, 
xcix 

accused of visiting Comparini home, 293 

his name used by Guido to gain admit- 
tance to Comparini home, 321 
Carriage awaits fugitives, 192 
Castelnuovo : 

fugitives reach, 184, 210-ia 

spend the night there, 215 

overtaken by Guido, 219 

arrested by the authorities of, 222, 226, 
229 

imprisoned at, 254 

Pompilia's letter to her father from this 
prison, civ 
Castrensis, 398 
Celestino, Fra: 

ministers to dying Pompilia, Ivii 

deposition as to her innocence, 353-5, Ivii 
Cenci, Beatrice, ci, p. 248 
Cencini, Francesco, 9, I2, p. 238 

letters addressed to, ccxxxv-ix 
Christ, pseudo-saying of, 393, 482 
Civita Vecchia, Caponsacchi condemned to, 

271, xcix 
Classic quotations used or adapted by poet, 

5H. 520 
Clemente, Porta San, 189 
Comfit-throwing at theatre, 131 
Comparini, the: 

their social and financial condition, 63, 
67, 69, 70 

go to Arezzo, 94 

in Arezzo, 95-9 

threatened by the Governor of, 147 

return to Rome, 100 

dwell on Strada Paolina, 292 

corpses exposed to view, 57 
Comparini, Pietro, p. 285 

financial troubles, 71, 72, 73 

refuses Guido's proposal for his daughter, 
84 

indignation at the marriage, 87 

in Arezzo, 97 

sues for recovery of dowry, 260 

appeals suit, 264 

his will, clvi 

assumes cost of Pompilia's maintenance, 
287 

death of, 324 
Comparini, Violante, 65, p. 285 

plans marriage for Pompilia, 74 

approached by Abate Paolo, 79 



343 



344 



Comparini, Violante — continued 

cajoles Pietro, 8i 

carries through the secret marriage, 87 

quiets Pietro's indignation, 88 
in Arezzo, 96 

reveals that Pompilia was not her daugh- 
ter, 103 

her motive in the pretense, 107 

death of, 323 
Contenti, Maria Margherita, 54, 171 

brings letter to Caponsacchi, 154 
Conti, Canon Giovanni Battista, 35 

his death, 36 

Pompilia seeks his assistance, 145 
Convertites, Santa Maria Magdalena Conver- 

titarum, 276, 277, 351, 364 
Cyriacus, 492 
Dagger of Guido, 414 
Decrees of court: 

banishing Caponsacchi, 271, xcix 

conveying Pompilia to the home of the 
Comparini, 284, civ 

establishing her innocence, 456, 457, cclix 
Divorce suit brought by Pompilia, 266 
Divorce suit considered by Guido, 297 
Dolabella, 491 
Domus pro carcere, 286, civ 
Dowry : 

Pietro sues to recover, 260, p. 243 

confirmed to Pompilia, 263 

suit appealed, 264 
Dowry of Pompilia, 91 
Farinacci, 386, 526 
Fellow-assassins : 

their names, 312 

hired by Guido, 311 

plot to slay Guido, 338 
Fidei commissum, 69 
Fisc [Fiscus Reierendae Camerae A postol- 

icae), 368 
Flight from Arezzo, 184 

manner of, 187-195 
Franceschini coat of arms, 47 
Franceschini, Donna Beatrice, 44, 49, 117 
Franceschini, Canon Girolamo, 51, 52 
Franceschini, Guido, p. 275-9 

portrait of, p. 243 

his birth, 44 

rank, 38 

greed, 46 

personal appearance, 45 

clerical orders, 42 

service of cardinal, 39 

forges false statement of properties, 82 

the clandestine wedding, 85 

jealousy against Caponsacchi, 151, 152 

threat because of comfit-throwing, 132 

pursues fugitives, 202 

faces Caponsacchi at Castelnuovo, 219 

attacked by Pompilia, 227 

forges love-letters, 233 

charges Pompilia with theft, 201 
with giving opiate, 196 

returns to Arezzo, 256 

seeks divorce from Pompilia, 297 

sneers suffered by, 257 

angered by child's birth, 306 



Franceschini, Guido — continued 

hires assassins, 311, 312 

reaches Rome, 317 

lies in wait, 318 

his dagger, 414 

uses Caponsacchi's name at Coraparini's 
door, 321 

escapes after murder, 333-42 

fails to get passport, 337 

fellow-assassins plot to slay, 338 

imprisoned, 345, 347 

tried for murder, 365, p. 244 

fragment of his deposition, cxxvii 

sentenced to death, 427, p. 246 

final ministrations to, 433-7 

carried to execution, 438-40 

execution, 444-5 
Franceschini, Abate Paolo, 50 

forwards the marriage, 80 

letter from Pompilia, Iv, Ixxxvii 

manages Guido's lawsuits, 256 

certificate of his power of attorney, civii 

appeals to Pope, 280 

receives moneys, 200 

authorizes Pompilia's return to Compa- 
rini home, 288 

his disgrace, 305 

leaves Rome, 304 

part in planning the murder, 305 
Franceschini, Count Tommaso, 48 
Gaetano, 20 

born, Dec. 18, 299 

hidden away, 309 
Gambassini, minority of, 424 
George, St., 184 

in Caponsacchi, 28, p. 288 
Gomez, case of, 451 
Governor of Arezzo: 

Pompilia appeals to, 135 

threatens the Comparini, 137, 147 

letter to Abate Paolo Francescliini, 138, 
Ixxxi-ii 
Gregory, St., 477 
Guillichini, Signor: 

Pompilia appeals to, 146 

tried and condemned, 295, v, vii, p. 244 
Half Rome, 55, 56, 90; p. 240, 251, 254 
Handkerchief as signal, 183 
Honoris causa, 399 
Horse Inn, 189, 191 
Jerome, St., 476 
Judith, 426 
Lamparelli, 112 
Laesa Majestas, 420 
Lauria, Cardinal Fran(;ois, 50, 85, 88 
Lawyers in T/ie Ring and Book, p. 271 
Lawyer's monologues, p. 252 
Letter from Pompilia to Abate Paolo, 112, 113, 

114, Iv, Ixxxvii 
Letters in the book, 9, ccxxxv-ix 
Lorenzo in Lucina, San, 14, 24, 57, 85, 351, 

529 and p. 256 
Love-letters, 121, 150, 169, xcii-xcix 
found al Castelnuovo, 231 
their contents, 157, 236-41 
a forgery, 233 

Bottini's sophistry concerning, 247 



345 



Luogo d'l monte, 533 

Mannaia, 441 

Maria Magdalena C onvertitarum , 276 

Marriage, the, 76-81 

Marzi-Medici, Vicenzo, Governor of Arezzo, 

136 
Matthaeus, 396 
M»rluccia, 340-341 
Molines, 262 
Molinos, 528 
Motto, from Pindar for the Book, 538, p. i, p. 

230 
Murder qualified by assembling men, 409 

by forbidden arms, 413 

by home-breaking, 417 

by disguise, 418 

by insult to law, 419-20 
Murder trial, 365, pp. 244, 245 
Nerli, Cardinal, 39 
Old Yellow Book: 

its name, i 

title-page, 2 

motto from Pindar, 538, !, p. 230 

its contents, 4, 5, p. 238 

size, 10 

printing b^' Papal Press, 6 

order of pamphlets, 524 

its history, p. 236 

collected by Cencini, 9, 12 

Browning's peculiar interest in it, p. 246 

his fidelity to it, p. 255 
Opiate, 196, 238, 241 

Other Half Rome, 59, 75, 90, p. 240, 251, 254 
Ottoboni, Curate, 25 
Pallavicino, Monsignor, 7 
Panciatichi, Cardinal, 433 
Panimolle, 397 
Pasquini, Minority of, 424 
Patrizi, 346 
Paul, St., 383, 483 
Piazza del Popolo, 442 
Plot of assassins to slay Guido, 338 
Poisoning, Pompilia's fear of, 133 
Pompilia, pp. 280-5 

her name, 14 

baptismal record, 14, civ 

parentage and birth, 103, 105 

witnesses to parentage, 261 

clandestine wedding, 85 

abuse suffered in Arezzo, ii6 

dowry retained, 263 

letter to Abate Paolo, 112-4, Iv, Ixxxvii 

explanation of letter, liv 

Guido accuses her, 123-8, 173 

tells of comfit-throwing, 131 

appeals to Bishop, 139-42 

to Governor, 135-8 

to Confessor Romano, 144 

to Conti, 145 

to Guillichini, 146 

to Caponsacchi, 149, 150 

speaks to Caponsacchi, 177-9 

suffers two days delay, 181 

takes clothes and trinkets, 199-200 

attacks Guido at Castelnuovo, 227, p. 284 

arrested, 222 

imprisoned, 255 



Pompilia — continued 

letter written from prison, 19, civ 

tried for flight and adultery, 269 

accused of theft, 201 

affidavit as to flight, i8, Ivi, Ixxxii 

declaration as to arrival at Castelnuovo, 
212 

unable to write, 235, 248 

removed from Scalette, 283 

returns to Comparini, 284 

bond to keep home as prison, civ 

sues for divorce, 266, p. 244 

tried and condemned in Arezzo, 294, v- 
viii, p. 244 

assassinated, 325-9 

miraculously survives four days, 348, 349 

dying hours, 354-9 

dying moments reported by Fra Celestino, 
Ivii 

death record of, 24, 351, p. 280 

decree of court clearing her reputation, 
456, 457. cclix, p. 245 

Browning's attitude toward, p. 282 

her beauty, 16, p. 281 

love for Caponsacchi, p. 283 

drawn in part from Mrs. Browning, p. 
281 

drawn from the Virgin Mary, 281 
Pope Innocent XII, 62, p. 270 

appealed to by Abate Paolo, 280 

returns appeal, 281 

refuses final appeal for Guide's life, 430 

reading from Papal history, 537 
Post horses refused Guido, 335 
Praejudicium tcrtii, 534 
Prisons, New : 

Caponsacchi and Pompilia imprisoned 
there, 255 

Guido imprisoned, 345 
Processus fuga, 112, 232-234, 269 
Procurator Pauperum, 374 
Pursuit of the assassins, 333-342 
Qualifying circumstances of murder, 408-20 
Quotations adapted from the Book, 461-513 
Referenda Camera Apostolica, 6 
Ring, the, 539 

Romano, Pompilia appeals to, iii, 144 
Rota, Tribunal of the Sacred, 262 
Samson, 481 
Scalette, 276 
Scaliger, 391 

Secondary source, p. 207-13, p. 242 
Sentence against Guido, p. 246 
Signature of Justice, Tribunal of, 262 
Slanderous pamphlets, 109 
Solomon, 479 
Spirito, Porta San, 193 
Spreti, Desiderio, 370 
Stinche, 294 
Theodoric, 384 
Tighetti, 353, p. 245 
Tommati, A. C, 7, 262 
Torrione, 189 

Venturini, Signor, 7, 270, 456 
Vigil, torture, 386-9, 526, p. 254 
Vittiano, 311 
Vittoria, Via, 66 



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